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THE JOURNEY BEYOND THE WAVES
Learnings from CHC's work with Tsunami affected communities
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CHC silver jubilee publication
1984-2009
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COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
A functional unit of
SOCIETY FOR COMMUNITY HEALTH AWARNESS, RESEARCI
AND ACTION (SOCHARA)
No: 359, (Old No: 367), “Srinivasa Nilaya”,
1st Main, 1st Block Koramangala, Bangalore - 560 034
Title
THE JOURNEY BEYOND THE WAVES
Author
Community Health Cell
Contributed
Shalini, Dr. Rakhal & Ameerkhan
Published by
Community Health Cell
Learnings from CHC's work with Tsunami affected communities
(on behalf of Society for Community Health Awareness, Research and
Action)
No: 359, (Old No: 367), “Srinivasa Nilaya”,
1st Main, 1st Block Koramangala, Bangalore - 560 034
1st Edition, December 2008
Layout & Design
Printed by
Suresh-TNSF
M.K. Graphics
Foreword
THE JOURNEY BEYOND THE WAVES
Learnings from CHC's work with Tsunami affected communities
Celebrating CHC’s 25 years’ Journey in the Community Health Movement
1984-2009
with a tribute to the courageous Communities who braved the tsunami waves
From 1984 since its inception, when public health was still a neglected field in India
and Community Health was just an emerging area of intervention, to becoming an
active participant in the People’s Health Movement (PHM), Community Health Cell
has traversed a long path in the last 25 years. During these years it has promoted
community health awareness, supported community health action, undertaken
research, and evolved educational strategies in community health apart from
engaging in dialogue with health policy planners. Though remaining a “small
ce//”CHC has tried to influence communities, voluntary /non governmental
organisations, social movements, and the Government policies by trying to build
networks of solidarity and by being a catalyst of change.
In the last 25 years CHC's contribution to the community health /public health
movement in the country and to the PHM globally has grown in phases. While it
remained a small study-reflection-action team from 1984-89, the evaluation by a
public health oriented committee, endorsed the social paradigm and prompted it to
become the Society for Community Health Awareness Research and Action
(SOCHARA) in 1990. From then on CHC through SOCHARA has represented
collectivity of efforts and has continuously catalysed processes to build a society of
justice and equity by remaining strong support to such movements.
From 1984-2009 CHC has grown in phases with interaction with an intense
interaction with health and non-health groups and networks. The phase between
1994 -1997, marked CHC's deepening of community health trainings at grassroots
level, by reaching out to health and non-health groups through multi-lingual
trainings in the southern states of India (Karnataka, Kerala, Tamilnadu and Andhra
Pradesh) under the leadership of Dr. Shirdi Prasad Tekur, a multi-lingual
community health trainer par-excellence. The learning of CH trainings contributed to
policy advocacy through critical engagement with the State between the years
1998-2008. Though CHC played a international role through the Global PHM, the
roots always remained in the communities. This linking of Communities to the
Policy Advocacy at the national and international level has enriched CHC and this
has been possible due to the role it played as a "catalyst” and “leaven” in mobilising
communities, and strengthening the health movement at all levels - local, national
and global by bringing communities together.
The communities affected by Tsunami, community health workers and the youth in
Pazhaverkadu have added passion and value to the existence, ethos, values,
growin and learning of CHC. The Silver Jubilee year 2008-09 is the apt occasion to
affirm the strength and richness of these communities and cultures, to recognize
their vibrancy and resilience and to learn from them. It's also time for the wake-up
call to reinvigorate ourselves to the daunting tasks to work towards defending the
fundamental right to health of these grass-roots communities.
With humility, we acknowledge the contribution of various grassroots communities
who have helped us do what we did and inspired us to do what we should. Being
rooted in the communities and the praxis of study-learning-reflection-action has
been the threads that linked this journey from a small 'cell' to a large network of
linkages in which, CHC remains an important hub. In the years ahead we shall
continue our efforts towards building healthy communities by promoting people to
people partnerships & solidarity, and building the alternative paradigm of public
health and community health.
This report of CHC's intensive involvement with the Tsunami affected -The
Journey Beyond the Waves : Learnings from CHC's work with Tsunami
affected communities published at the occasion of CHC’s Silver Jubilee, is a
tribute to the resilience and strength of communities, and for the richness that they
have added to CHC’s own journey.
E. Premdas
Coordinator, CHC
Secretary, SOCHARA
Bangalore.
Index
1
Introduction
1
2
About the report
4
3
CHC EXPERIENCE IN DISASTER
4
4
CHC’S DECISION TO CONTINUE
4
5
Team
5
6
Area of work
6
❖ Chennai
6
•
Socio Economic Status
•
•
•
•
Sanitation and Health
Poor basic Amenities
Literacy and education
Diminishing livelihoods
Pazhaverkadu
7
•
History
•
D ynamics of Marine and Lagoon Fisher folks
•
Complexities of the communities
Evolution of the work plan
❖ Chennai
•
•
8
9
•
Pazhaverkadu action network
•
Health Activist Training
youth Leadership
Learning about the community
•
WOMEN STRUGGLERS
•
PAADU AND CASTE
•
•
Need for continua tion of Paadu
Serious implication if Paadu is removed
Learning about NGOs and Networking
•
•
12
12
Chennai NGO Coordination Council
Framework for rebuilding
❖ Pazhaverkadu
o
8
15
20
24
Critical issues
Need for coordination
10 Overall learning from costal disaster community
DEVELOPMENT
11 ANNEXURES
26
28
The deity Picture on the coverpage has been taken from Sathankuppam
village in Pazhaverkadu island. On the eve of Pongal Festival (Harvest
Festival) the villagers make this idol made upof Terracotta and celebrate
\Ne are thankful to
Misereor
for their support towards the interventions in the
Tsunami affected communities, especially in
Pazhaverkadu (Tiruvellor District)
and the publication of this report
INTRODUCTION
On 26th December 2004 the tsunami caused havoc in the coastal areas of most of
the South Asian Countries. India also suffered great loss due to the tsunami. In
particular the state of Tamilnadu was one of the worst hit regions in India. Chennai,
the coastal capital of Tamilnadu suffered loss of life and property that lead to many
unpleasant and far reaching changes in the lives and life styles of the affected
communities (Map 1).
in response to this hitherto unknown (in this part of the world) form of natural
disaster, both the-government and civil society responded immediately. The non
governmental organisations quickly formed coordination centers and with the use of
IT resources helped assign relief materials to those in need The Government, for
its part, took control of the situation much faster than in many of the other tsunami
hit countries and initiated the setting up of relief camps, organised for burial of the
dead, disinfected vast areas, immunised thousands of children and went about
building temporary shelters.
Fishing as a livelihood bore the brunt of the oisaster and livelihoods froze for almost
five months. The boats and nets were replaced quickly but fear of the sea kept the
fisher people away for some time but lacunas in relief measures kept them out of
work for much longer period of time. The women sustained on subsistence
allowances and meager cash wages.
The tsunami killed 7,997 people and 846 reported missing. More than 2,500
children in Tamilnadu alone were killed and many children have been orphaned,
while others have lost family members and friends (CRY Report 2005). Both
schools and communities play considerable roles in the provision of care and
support to these children. At the same time schools played a new, more complex
and comprehensive role in relief and rehabilitation, and provided continuous social
and psychological support to their students. In administrative terms an effort was
made to reduce or waive school fees, donate books, replace educational
certificates, and provide transportation to school-going children from affected areas.
Tsunami saw women and children as the worst affected. As mentioned by women
vendors and self-help groups during a public hearing in December 2005, they
faced the ‘burden of double debt'- the original debt incurred before Tsunami for their
livelihood (individual as well as bank loans) and debt taken post tsunami from
private moneylenders to restart their life and livelihood.
The tsunami killed more than 300 000 people and it displaced about 92 000 people
over the age of 60 in India, Srilanka, Indonesia and Thiland. “Aid agencies ignored
special needs of elderly people after tsunami” by Ganapati Mudur. BMJ 2005,
331:422 (20th August). Many elderly tsunami survivors with chronic illnesses such
as diabetes and cancer faced hardship in resuming treatment, as they had lost their
medical papers or could not travel. Many older people complained of unsuitability of
food supplied by other agencies during relief operations, and that they were unable
to stand in long queues and couldn't compete with younger people (Help Age
Report, Elderly and Tsunami Survivors 2005).
Thus it is obvious that like any natural disaster the Tsunami had far reaching
impacts on the community, it also had different impacts on different parts of the
community, this only emphasized for the rehabilitation to be comprehensive and
innovative.
Table. 1 (Tsunami damage in India)
Tsunami damage in India
Andhra
Pradesh
Kerala
Population
affected
211,000
2,470,000
691,000
43,000
3,415,000
Area affected
(Ha)
790
Unknown
2,487
790
4,067
Length of coast
affected (Km)
985
250
1,000
25
2,260
Extent of
penetration
(Km)
0.5-2.0
2-Jan
1 - 1.5
0.30-3.0
Reported height
of tsunami (m)
5
5-Mar
10-Jul
10
Villages
affected
301
187
362
26
Factor
Tamil
Nadu
Pondicherry
Total
876
Dwelling units
1,557
11,832
91,037
6,403
110,829
Cattle lost
195
Unknown
5,476
3,445
9,116
(Source: DiMaRF, India-2005)
2
MAP
3
ABOUT THIS REPORT
This report is about CHC’s experience during the Tsunami which devastated many
countries in December 2004. It focuses on CHC's learning during its work in the
post- disaster situation and looks at the complex web that is the community and
describes
Efforts at bringing health as a priority issue for people as well as Community based
organizations (CBO). It also looks at accountability of governments and their role in
responding to the tsunami. The report is an attempt to understand the complexities
of NGOs and describes the building of networks as one possible strategies that
may work for the benefit of vulnerable populations.
The Report is divided into eight sections that describe - CHC’s experience in other
disasters; why CHC decided to stay on; the areas chosen to work; the team;
evolution of work plan; learning’s about the community; learning’s about NGO's and
networking; and overall learnings and conclusions. The report gives a complete
sketch of population, socio economic- status, livelihood constraints, caste
complexities and rebuilding of life after Tsunami.
CHC'S EXPERIENCE IN OTHER DISASTERS
The CHC team has a long history of responding to disasters starting from student
day of the co-initiators. This has included work in the Bangladesh refugee camp
(1971); Andhra Cyclone (1977); Bhopal gas tragedy (1984); Bangladesh Cyclone
(1991); Latur earthquake (1993); Orissa Super Cyclone (1999); Gujarat earthquake
(2001); Gujarat riots (2002) and now the Tsunami response (2004). These
responses have been part of citizen initiatives from Bangalore, with multidisciplinary
teams including some doctors. However they have usually been short term
responses going up to a maximum of three months. They lead us to develop a five
day training module for officials from the Indian Administrative Service conducted
through the National Institute of Advanced Studies in Bangalore. Experiences in
disaster situations many a time have been the key experiences in understanding
the various broader aspects of health and inequity.
WHY CHC DECIDED TO STAY ON
CHC oriented over 100 volunteers
from Bangalore before they went
into the disaster area.. The
volunteers
contributed
their
services in the following areas medical
relief,
psychosocial
support, community organization,
and networking with NGOs and
government
in
Cuddalore.
4
Nagapattinam, Chennai, Chidambaram and Kanayakumari for nearly two months.
The first team of ten volunteers including CHC fellows, social workers, doctors and
medical students left Bangalore on December 30, 2004 after an orientation at CHC.
They worked in Sirkazhi taluk, Nagapattinam district. They worked in a total of 17
villages, providing psycho-social support, medical care, and facilitating community
involvement and public health initiatives wherever required. The first team was
replaced by another team of nine volunteers, including five doctors in Sirkazhi on
January 6, 2005. They continued the work of the first team, consolidating the work
done there.
Being involved in the tsunami relief and rehabilitation from the first day onwards, the
CHC team was requested to continue working with some affected communities by
local and other groups. Several NGOs and volunteers who had gone during the
initial relief phase had begun leaving, even though the situation was still not normal.
The media focus on the situation had also shifted. Though the hype over the
tsunami was dying down, the affected people’s lives were far from normal. In fact
their struggles were only beginning, as they began rebuilding their lives and homes.
Apart from the invitation from local groups - the fact that CHC had team members
who were familiar with the language as well as the culture and geography, meant
that the team could in fact work on a longer term and explore various aspects of
community health work in a post - disaster situation.
THE TEAM
After the initial phase two of .the team members Rajendran and Ameer Khan stayed
on to form the nucleus of a project extension unit based in Chennai. After an initial
period a few of the fellows from the fellowship program also spent some time in the
project and one of them Asha, even joined the group for a year. During this time
Rajendran decided to concentrate more focused on Northern Chennai and took
over an NGO working with Tsunami Relief. Rakhal joined the team in 2006 initially
focusing on the training of the health activists and gradually joining as a full time
member of the team. More recently in 2008 Shalini joined the team to strengthen it
to respond to the many demands that were now coming its way as well as
strengthen the documentation aspects.
While the team was based in Chennai - there was almost a daily sharing and
mentorship with senior colleagues in Bangalore. This not only enhanced the
learnings but also helped a lot to broaden one's perspective.
THE AREAS CHOSEN TO WORK
Since the 26th of December 2004 CHC team members have worked in affected
areas in Tamil Nadu in Specific villages in Northern Nagapattinam district
(particularly in Maduvaimedu, Chinna Kottaimedu and keelamoovar kerai of
5
Sirkazhil taluka);in Cuddalore district (Pudupettai, Pudukuppam) and Kanyakumari
district (helping with coordination of a 17 member Oxfam team). CHC facilitated
several teams of around 60 members totally, who undertook medical and general
relief, surveys, community building, facilitation of bank loans and situation analysis
of our future involvement.
After a lot of discussion and thought, CHC decided to continue its work in the
tsunami affected region, especially focusing on the neglected areas and
communities. CHC undertook a feasibility study to asses the need for continuation
after the relief phase. The assessment focused on looking at various focal points
like resources, need for longer intervention, support group etc. CHC's
own
assessment suggested Chennai as one of the areas for detail intervention (Chennai
was the only affected area where Government decided to do everything directly
unlike other places where civil societies worked hand in hand with the Government)
in terms of reflecting on Government’s accountability towards people. Based on the
visits and feedback of a field assessment team one rural area, an area North of
Chennai in Thiruvallur district, called Pazhaverkadu, was also chosen for long term
and direct intervention.
Chennai
Capital of the Indian state of Tamil
Nadu and bounded on the east by
the Bay of Bengal, Chennai is one
of the oldest cities in India and one
of the 13 districts of Tamil Nadu
officially
declared
"tsunamiaffected." Nearly 100,000 families
live in the 44 villages on Chennai's
coast, with approximately one-half
of these families huddled densely in
thatched huts built within 500
meters of the high-tide line (HTL).
Almost all of these families were involved in fishing and allied activities, and almost
all had their housing and equipment badly damaged by the giant waves. The
tsunami, however, also exposed the systemic vulnerabilities Chennai's coastal
communities’ face—ranging from very vulnerable incomes to an utter lack of
sanitation and health care to deficiencies in literacy and other livelihood skills.
The damage the tsunami wreaked on property, fishing craft, and the livelihood
system of fisher folk was enormous for the fragile coastal villages of Chennai with
damage estimates ranging from $17 million to $45 million. Officially, 25 villages and
65,322 people in Chennai district have been classified as "affected"'and the number
6
of damaged huts is put at 17,805—almost one-quarter of the district's total
dwellings.
Socio- economic situation
A number of factors put the coastal population of Chennai both at special risk for
the tsunami and at a disadvantage in recovering from it. These factors include
population density, rudimentary housing, dwindling ways of making a living, poor
sanitation and health care systems, and lagging literacy and education. Coastal
dwellers have also traditionally been isolated from the rest of the district and are at
the bottom of the region's socioeconomic ladder. The costal communities also face
non accessibility to alternative vocation due to their diminishing economic factor
many opt for selling of organs (kidney) to make end meet. This ugly situation took a
gigantic turnover during the rehabilitation phase of the Tsunami when more and
more people opted for it to come out of the debts. Thus as is usual in most
disasters those most affected are invariably the most marginalized and vulnerable.
Sanitation and Health
Those living along Chennai's coastline have some of the worst sanitation and health
indicators in Tamil Nadu state, according to the Bay of Bengal Programme for
Sustainable Fisheries Morbidity, mortality, and frequency of illness are much higher
among Chennai's coastal communities, and particularly among women, than in the
rest of the district. Most of Chennai's coastal residents live without basic amenities
such as drinking water, toilets, drainage, or a health care system. The common use
of the beach as a public toilet and the excessive crowding caused by the villages'
cluster-settlement pattern have also given rise to poor health conditions. (Food and
Nutrition Status of Small-Scale Fisher folk in India’s East Coast States: A Desk
Review and Resources Investigation -V Bhavani Bay of Bengal Program/ INF:
Issue no 09).
Poor basic amenities
The quality of drinking water these coastal villages get, usually from non-piped
sources, is severely compromised by the 267 million liters of sewage (partially
treated/untreated) discharged daily into the
city's waterways. The Adyar and the Cooum
rivers, the Otteri channel, and the
Buckingham canal—all crucial sources of
water in Chennai—have become open-sewage
conduits. The stagnant waters breed disease
and cause germs, leading to a variety of
waterborne diseases. Chennai accounts for
nearly 70 percent of the urban malarial cases
Tsunami temporary shelter in Kannagi
in Tamil Nadu.
Nagar, Chennai
7
Literacy and education
Marine fishing communities in Chennai also lag behind the general population of
Tamil Nadu in literacy rates and education levels. Close to 85 percent of Chennai s
coastal village population is illiterate. Most families stop the education of their
children early, as the fishing industry has traditionally absorbed young workers in
large numbers.
But with profits dwindling, these employment rates in fishing are dropping. And
while many coastal Chennai families want to move away from fishing in the wake of
tsunami, they find themselves unable to do so because of their lack of education
and alternative skills.
Diminishing livelihoods
According to Tamil Nadu Fish Workers Federation (TNFWF), livelihoods were not
an issue for Chennai's fisherfolk a few years before the Tsunami struck. The daily
arrival of catch at the Kasimedu Fishing Harbour in north Chennai—home to 2,000
catamarans, fiber boats, and small trawlers was 300 to 400 tons, and Tamil Nadu's
fishing industry earned $600 million in foreign exchange every year.
But this prosperity declined because of dwindling catch attributable to pollution; the
increasing operation or giant trawlers: the lack of modern crafts for small operators
along with the rising costs of diesel fuel, nets, and boats; falling prices for fish; and
a lack ot government policies tailored to the needs of the coastal community.
So tne tsunami hit a region wnere fishing incomes were already fragile. These
incomes were falling, according to TNFWF, from anywhere from 8,000 rupees to
10,000 rupees ($160 to 200) every week 10 years ago to hardly 1,000 rupees ($20)
a week in 2005. Increasing commercialization of the fishing industry has also forced
fishermen to borrow heavily from middlemen and traders to upgrade their vessels,
binding these fisherman to pay high interest rates and to sell their catch to lenders
at prices far below market rates.
Fluctuating fish harvests and unpredictable sale prices also mean uncertain daily
incomes and living standards for the average fisherman, who is usually part of a
crew of three or four on a catamaran or small motorized trawler.
Pazhaverkadu:
Pazhaverkadu also known as Pulicat is in Tiruvallur District, which is a coastal
village with many hamlets adjoining the Bay of Bengal. It is 56 kms from Chennai
city in the northern direction. It is located at the southern extremity of an island,
which divides the sea from a large lagoon called the Pazhaverkadu lake. The lake
is about 55 kms in length and about 5 — 8 kms in breadth. Observations made along
the north Chennai coast indicated that Tsunami in one way benefited the Pulicat
8
Lake by widening its mouth, but its
fishing community, except a beach
hamlet, was not affected too badly
due to presence of sand dunes.
History Dictates the Present
In the 17th century the Dutch built their
commercial
empire
around
Pazhaverkadu area and the place was
very much known for trading activities
like weaving, ship building apart from
fishing. Since ancient times there has
been flourishing fishery for prawns,
crabs and a wide variety of fish from
Pazhaverkadu lake and backwaters. Close to the Pazhaverkadu village the lake
opens into the Bay of Bengal through a narrow, artificial Mouth.
Normally,
commercial and land picked catches were estimated to over 500 tonnes a year
before the tsunami.
Dynamics of Marine and lagoon Fisherfolk
The marine fishermen are those who would use different gears and crafts to catch
all sorts of fish in the sea. Even those who have been using small catamarans (two
wooden logs tied together) have abandoned their traditional crafts and launch out
for mechanized fishing in the sea. This has been a practice from early 70’s but after
the Tsunami the situation changed completely as the financial aid poured in the
region all the fisher people (even those who never had it before) opted for free fiber
boats and mechanized fishing gears. Some of them either didn’t had the further
resources (diesel money) or knowledge to use them and one can still see them
unused anchored in the lake side.
Their standard of living is relatively very high and the catch is quite regular either by
day or night through out the year. The average daily income of a marine fisherman
is Rs.400/- (US$ 10.00) to Rs.800/- (US$ 20.00) in the early 80’s when the area
was rich in biodiversity and unique ground for some high quality prawns (for export).
But situation started detoriating once the prawn farming got intensified and the
Ennore Harbor was deepened and new Satellite Harbor was opened. All this had
adverse impact on income of the people and post Tsunami the topography of the
sea with respect to lake changed further and made livelihood more scarce. They
usually do not spend day and night in the sea catching fish. Some go out in the day
and some in the night. Those who work in the trawlers go beyond Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ) and will stay for many days and months involving in deep
sea fishing. They are more aggressive and always consider themselves as superior
class or caste. (The marine fishermen never allow their women folk to go close to
the sea and touch their tools for fishing).
9
The Lagoon fisherfolk always live below the poverty line with a daily income of
Rs. 100 to Rs.200 only. There are sixty days of "Thalavu" when they will refrain from
fishing. They catch fish only for 200 days a year and that too not abundantly. They
use traditional country boats which are heavy and never use outboard motors for
fishing. They go with their families and stay in small islands around the lagoon for
more than a week. They have to enter the water and lay the nets with bamboos as
polls and wait for the baits for hours. They are often bitten by lagoon snakes and
scorpians. The lagoon fisherfolk have to give their daily catches to a big trader
whose agents are always watching their catch and grab them immediately so as to
clear the loan borrowed during the lay off period. Each fisherman is indebted and is
like a bonded labourer. They have to leave their long traditional country crafts in a
jetty and carry their tools back to their villages which are located at least one to two
kilometers away from the lagoon. On the whole the lake fisherfolk are poor,
marginalized and are victims of money lenders and fish traders.
Complexities of the Communities
The total population around Pulicat Lake of Tamil Nadu side is about 35,000 spread
ever 82 kuppams (settlements) (PAN assessment survey, 2005). It is comprised
predominantly of fishermen who belong to the traditional marine fishing caste called
Pattanavan. The others include Dalit who are primarily involved in the lake fishing
and the Tribals who have moved into the lake fishing sector from the agricultural
sector. It is estimated that a total of 12,370 fishermen live on fulltime fishery in the
lake (6000 in Andhra Pradesh and 6370 in Tamilnadu). The Pulicat lake (Tamil
Nadu) area which includes the three villages Christian Kuppam (Nadoor-madda
Kuppam), Andi Kuppam and Kottai Kuppam with about 1670 full time fishermen and
a total of about 3500 people in the villages. Along with this there are other fishing
villages (Tohni-revu, Ambedkar Nagar and Zamilabad, Chenji-amman Nagar) which
are dominated by Dalits, Muslims and tribals. The fishermen from the eastern side
of the lake were mainly fishing in the sea. (Thiruvallur District Gazetter)
In the highly productive Southern sector of Pulicat Lagoon, closer to Ennore and 5
kilometres from the estuary and bar (where the sea water and Laguon water meet
submerge together) the lagoon is being controlled by fishermen of three main
Pulicat Lagoon villages namely Kottai Kuppam, nadoor madha kuppam and Audi
Kuppam. The system is which a part of the lagoon is controlled and earmarked for
exclusive fishing of three villages is called Paadu system. The system was in
practice from time immorial. The Paadu system as practiced in Pulicat Lagoon is
also under practice in Srilanka and other coasts of Tamilnadu.
Before the tsunami struck the situation in the area has some significant points to
consider:
10
Augmentation of sand at Mouth (Meeting point of Lake with Sea) preventing
sea water inflow into the river and lake. This reduces the fish resources in
the lake and backwaters.
2.
Pollution caused by North Chennai Thermal Power Station i.e. Degradation
of natural resources and depletion of Flora and Fauna in the lake / river by
the let out of coolant water from the power station.
3.
Migrants from coastal villages near Sri Harikotta due to the Rocket
launching station. These migrants are both lake and marine fishers. Hence
the marine fishers settled down in coastal parts of Pazhaverkadu. This took
place in 1984. Since past two decades, they are residing in this area in 17
habitations. As river is connected to these villages they halt their Boats in
the River Banks closer to their habitations. While entering into the Sea for
fishing and coming back from sea after fishing they take the route in river /
backwaters. This situation causes problem for the people involved in
backwaters / lake fishing.
1.
1.
Disturbing the fish catches
2.
Cutting / Damaging the nets laid for fishing
3.
Frequent clashes among the people
As there was continuous drought due to deficient rainfall for the past four
years in Thiruvallur district, the Pazhaverkadu area is also affected. The
breading of fish, prawn, crab and other organisms in the lake and
backwaters has been affected very much due to the lack of suitable
temperature in the water, as the water level of the lake is reduced very
much.
5.
Due to increase of population and number of families, at present rotation of
‘Padu’ comes once in 6 days only for a family and also catch is reduced due
to the problems highlighted in SI. No.1,2, 3 & 4
6.
The people in this area has so far never thought of any alternative work /
occupation for the women and younger generation. Their man power is not
used properly and also they lead a dependent life with the meager income
earned from fishing.
4.
Apart from the above existing problems in this location, Tsunami has caused
additional problems. In the Tsunami hit areas, people were made homeless and
jobless. Tsunami made the situation more volatile
•
Loss of lives
•
Damage to the houses (partially / fully)
•
Damage to the boats and nets (partially / fully)
•
Damage to the household properties (partially / fully)
•
Damage to the other livelihood assets (partially / fully)
11
Though many of the people in the area did not suffer much by the above loss, they
could not go for fishing for around six months after Tsunami. This was an additional
problem, which made them to suffer even without food for many days. After
Tsunami Government suggested relocation of some villages as they violate the
Costal Regulation Zone (CRZ) guidelines which does not allow any settlement
within 500m from the sea. But as seen in the Marina beach (Chennai) here too
people are resisting the idea and not ready for relocation. The following problems
are foreseen if some villages are relocated from seacoast to the main land.
•
•
The population will increase in the main land
They have to go for marine fishing passing through lake I back water again
disturbing the fishing work and community life.
If such situation emerges, the people who are involved in back water I lake fishing
also may like to go for marine fishing. This is a long standing demand and one of
the main reasons for many conflicts in the past. This could be one of the
alternatives. However it needs lot of resource support and mind set change among
the people.
EVOLUTION OF WORK PLAN
An assessment of health care availability was done in the affected area to assess
the facilities available to the local population to meet their health care needs. A
public hearing was conducted on the theme of ‘Right to Health care', in which
testimonies of access to health care in the area was presented by the people.
To formulate the idea of networking in CHC work area a team member visited
Nagapattinam in April 2006, organized by Tamilnadu Tsunami Resource Centre
(TNTRC). The main aim of the visit was to understand the successes and gaps in
the Tsunami rehabilitation after 15 months of the disaster. It was also meant to
facilitate a network formation among the various district resource centers, which
was established during the visit.
Initiative in Chennai
Relief for those affected by the tsunami in Chennai district was quick to arrive via
the Tamilnadu government, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and individual
and corporate philanthropy. Almost all of Chennai's residents who had lost their
dwellings and means of livelihood were accommodated in more than 100 relief
camps and provided food and medicines. While the rescue, relief, and recovery
phases ended on Jan. 7, 2005, construction of temporary shelters and repair of
damaged boats and fishing nets become a long struggle to achieve.
However, Chennai's fisherfolk were traumatized by the tsunami and were reluctant
to return to the sea. Many also think that the Tamil Nadu government, in an attempt
to "take over” the state’s long coastline for tourism and industrial development, will
12
use the fisherfolk's fear as a pretext to resettle them permanently away from
Chennai's seafront.
Srinivasapuram was one area which was badly affected by the tsunami in Chennai.
To address the local issues and as part of the capacity building of the community,
CHC team conducted training programs on issues such as child health, women’s
empowerment, training on using play material to Balawadi volunteers etc.
Chennai NGO’s Coordination Council (CNCC)
CHC took the initiative of forming Chennai NGO’s Coordination Council (CNCC) to
tackle various issues in Kargil Nagar and Kannagi Nagar. Through the work and
efforts of the Council, around 2200 families in Kargilnagar were provided interim
shelters at Ernavoor. Apart from this, the council also took initiative in many other
areas like coordinating relief activities at the time of the fire which broke out in the
temporary shelters and during the flood which affected the area. They also
conducted training programs on SPHERE standards, livelihood etc. Dr.Magimai
Pragasam, a former team member of CHC produced a documentary film ‘Living on
the Edge’ on behalf of the Council, which brought to light the plight of the people at
Kargil nagar and Kannagi nagar. This documentary film was very useful in
conducting advocacy on rehabilitation issues in those areas.
Although the CNCC was able to lobby of enabling in temporary shelter for the Kargil
but one of the unpleasant changes for the affected people living along Chennai
coastline was the forced eviction of the people from the affected areas to
government provided temporary shelters several kilometres away from their original
place. The 2196 families from nearly 8 fishing communities were relocated and
resettled in one area called Kargil Nagar 9 kilometers away the fishing harbour with
little or no access to the sea.
The delay in providing the permanent housing has had its toll on the people. The
people who were residing in the tar sheet temporary houses faced the brunt of two
massive floods and a fire accident. The areas were unhygienic and the tar sheets
were not conducive for the climatic conditions of the region. The men and the
women lost their livelihood options because they had to spend a lot of time, energy
and money to travel to their work place. Thus other social problems like
unemployment, alcoholism and acute poverty stemmed from this inadequate,
unsuitable and delayed housing policy.
CNCC as a larger lobbying group facilitated Public hearing where (December 2005)
women from Kargil Nagar who had been relocated from North Madras revealed that
the temporary shelters provided by the government was abysmal and there were 2
fire accidents, then followed by flooding of their houses. They also added that the
13
Government provided
no
basic
amenities such as drainage, drinking
water or even a window in their
houses.
Kargil people were further relocated
after the above mentioned incidence
to Ernavoor and CHC felt that it was
extremely difficult for it to work with
this community as the situation had
made them very volatile. They were
under continue pressure of further
displacement this has not only made
them suspect outside agencies
(NGO) but the sense of community as a social fabric was also lost.
Framework for rebuilding
CNCC argued that it is important to rehabilitate the fishing communities holistically.
Such an effort will not only concentrate on rebuilding, but also address the lacunae
and inadequacies that have kept fisherfolk impoverished. An initiative must clearly
articulate the structure of rights over the coastal area ecosystem—an interface of
land and water—and its resources. There needs to be an integrated coastal
systems research covering 10 kilometers of land and sea from the shoreline that
also looks at the well-being of farmers and fisher people.
The NGO coordination also emphasized that aquarian reforms that allocate specific
user rights to different classes of fisherfolk, such as those who do not own their
crafts or own small boats, as well as others (such as salt panners) who depend on
the sea for their livelihoods. And these rights must relate to both use and
conservation of resources, focusing on long-term interest of the coastal
communities.
Other aspects put forth for policy framework included:
•
Developing multipronged and location-specific plans for provision of clean
water and adequate sanitation that include prevention measures for
waterborne diseases.
•
Framing a master plan for fisherfolk livelihoods that provides affected
communities options for making informed choices and offers plans for those
who wish to remain in fishing and those who do not.
•
Conducting a family census and developing some baseline data on Tamil
Nadu's coastal communities in order to gain a meaningful understanding of
their socioeconomic conditions. The poor quality of data and information
14
available regarding the coastal communities makes it difficult to target social
security benefits or plan for rehabilitation of these communities.
•
Generating local organizational support for identifying social security needs
and the proper targeting of benefits. Formal social security should build on
the informal, traditional fisheries management systems in the fishing
communities in Tamil Nadu. These systems have helped reduce conflicts
among fisherfolk and encouraged community unity.
»
Planting mangroves or fostering coral reefs as natural barriers to resist the
sea's fury, instead of building a proposed seawall along the Tamil Nadu
coastline.
o
Recasting India’s Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Act, which strictly
regulates activities within 500 meters of the HTL, to protect the rights of
fisherfolk, not those of industrial and hotel construction interests.
Enacting such policy measures would be cheaper than the tsunami compensation
being handed out by the government. These policies would also improve the
socioeconomic conditions of the coastal communities, reducing substantially the
damage of future disasters.
Pazhaverkadu CHC entered the historically complex post Tsunami area of
Pazhaverkadu realizing that there was a need for coordination among various
organization (February 2005, more than 22 organisations were involved in
rehabilitation in Pazhaverkadu) so as to avoid duplication and overlapping.
Pazhaverkadu Action Network (PAN) was formed to meet this need and 18
organisations with long term plans in the area became members of the network.
CHC was selected as the convener of the network.
The three main dimensions of CHC work included:
o
The facilitation of the Pazhaverkadu Action Network - a network of all the NGOs
working in that area, meant to facilitate cooperation, avoid duplication of actions
and bring about a community health angle to all their activities.
o
The training of deputed NGO staff as health activists, who will initiate / facilitate /
be the hub of community health action in the communities they work in.
•
Leadership development among youth - who will be the future leaders and
decision makers.
Pazhaverkadu Action Network (PAN): CHC was in close association with
National Entity for Social Action (NESA) which is a Dalit network which highlighted
the disparity within the community and its effect on the rehabilitation phase to CHC.
PAM (People’s Action Movement) which is a NESA partner introduced CHC in
Pazhaverkadu with the purpose of executing health intervention in Dalit villages.
15
Post Tsunami saw lot of disparity along the caste line in getting relief material and
later, on it got extended to the rehabilitation phase too. This Disparity was observed
by many NGOs and there was a felt need to address the issue. Pazhaverkadhu
was one such area where daiits were facing the problem in extremities. CHC team
decided to do a situation analysis so that appropriate measures can be taken up.
During This phase CHC team realized that Aid money was in ample and the
numbers of NGOs focusing on the area were too many. Although everyone wanted
to work in the area there was a rampant duplication of work with no transparency
and accountability towards the community.
CHC suggested the idea of forming a network which many NGO also reiterated and
therefore Pazhaverkadu Action Network (PAN) was formed with the focus that civil
societies are accountable to the community, duplication of work could be avoided,
and long standing issues of the community could be taken up in a much organized
manner. PAN identified five major issues and brought it to the notice of the
government. The issues were: drinking water, construction of a bridge, resolving the
community conflict, locating a suitable place for fishing by Sathankuppam and
Koraikuppam communities and strengthening of Pazhaverkadu health care system.
Efforts were made to address some of these issues
For an effective implementation of the network objectives, three issues based sub
committees were formed - (i) Livelihood and Shelter (ii) Health and Environment
and (iii) Children and Education Through these committees, the field animators
were able to identify the overlapping programs and the gaps in the existing
programs.
Based on the need expressed by the community at Sathankuppam, CHC helped to
rebuild the roof of the community Balwadi centre and replaced the thatched roof
with a new tiled roof and added a new kitchen, eight toilets were built for the use of
Light-House high school students and water purification plant was setup in the
Pazhaverkadu Higher secondary school.
PAN not only worked as a larger lobbying group where some old (regularization of
Paadu system, construction of bridge) and new (proper rehabilitation and disaster
preparedness etc) issues were addressed but also facilitated the process of
capacity building of the community through disaster preparedness programs.. PAN
members facilitated some of the public hearings (December 2005) where women
from Pazhaverkadu complained that tsunami had deprived their to life and
livelihood. The women explained that they were lake fishing community and their
livelihood depended on the estuary. However the estuary had been clogged with
sand post Tsunami and as a result there was a drastic drop in river fish farming.
Also dredging needed to be undertaken on an urgent basis. However the
government had ignored the river fishing community in its relief disbursement. They
also deposed that the RDO and other officials promised to give livelihood
16
assistance and showed the minutes of their meeting with officials on the basis of
which they withdrew their hunger strike. They expressed their feelings that they
were cheated by the concerned officials.
Health Activist training: Based on the expressed interest and need from the
various NGOs, CHC initiated a series of sessions that provided community health
inputs for a few selected NGO staff. Based on the success of these sessions, and
after a few rounds of discussions with both the staff as well as the directors of the
various NGOs, it was decided to initiate a formal and modularized training as part of
our community health inputs into the region Annexure land 2).
The overall objectives of the training
programme were as follows:
1.
To train a group of health activists
who would be nodal persons for
health in their communities, who
would be involved in identifying and
counseling
vulnerable
groups,
organizing community led monitoring
of public sector facilities, develop two
volunteers from the community to
support them and incorporate health
and the broader determinants and the principles of community health in their
routine work.
2.
To facilitate the development of community level workers volunteers who would
support the health activist in her I his activities. This was to be done in partnership
with the health workers.
3.
To network among the various NGOs active in Pazhaverkadu and to facilitate the
inclusion of health components into their respective agendas.
Trainings were organized for the NGO health activists on the following (See Annexure 2):
1.
Training in simple community
needs assessment / survey
techniques.
2.
The involvement of
community members in the
training and the subsequent
initiation
of training sessions
for the community by the health
activists themselves.
3.
Facilitating the linkages of the
health activists with the larger
17
People's Health Movement at the district and the state level.
Regular discussions on the methods of assessing the risk of the community the
health activists were working in for diarrhea diseases. The group collectively
developed a simple questionnaire covering the various risk factors and pilot tested
the same. It is hoped that this exercise would impress upon them the importance of
a thorough design and planning of surveys, as well as give them a feel of real life
research and also an opportunity to follow up on the results of their research.
Youth leadership: CHC initiated steps to create alternative leadership in the
beginning from June 2005. The program consisted of three main components:
o
o
»
Regular weekly meetings of the students.
Monthly perspective building sessions.
Financial support for their textbooks and travel to College.
It was observed by the CHC team that Saffronisation of the youth started soon after
the Tsunami when under the pretext of relief work some Hindu fundamentalist
group started interacting with the youths. Regular Shakhas were functioning where
the point of discussion were based on religious identities. CHC team felt very
strongly that this need be countered with- logical strategies and hence the youth
club was formed where the goal was to develop a group of leaders who will be focal
points for critical change (See Annexure 3).The goals and objectives of this
program were clearly set out at discussions within the team and the students
themselves. One of the reasons of starting the youth Club was to develop their
perspective and build up a secular thinking. Some of the major campaigns taken by
the group were:
Campaign
against
Water
privatisation: Subsequent to a
session of the privatization of water
and the various issues. Students
decided to conduct a campaign
against water privatization and to
focus on Coke and Pepsi as
examples of improper management
of water resources. They developed
the material for dissemination and
organized the rally which was widely
reported in the local newspapers.
Addressing local transportation issues: The local transport connecting
Pazhaverkadu to the local town was notoriously irregular. This put the students,
local businesspersons and the localities to great trouble. The students took the
initiative in going around the town, talking to all the stakeholders, collecting
signatures on a petition and then submitting it to the relevant authorities. They also
18
extracted a commitment from the transport department for regularization of the
transport timings.
Public Distribution System and housing: The youth club observed that there was
some malfunctioning in the Public Distribution System by some individuals and rice
was sold in the black market where as the real beneficiaries were left in lump. The
youth club took the issue seriously and put forth the same in the Panchyat. Similarly
the housing problem was tackled where the Panchyat leaders were doing partiality
and some families were not given the appropriate compensation. CHC facilitated
the training program for the youth wing in filing Right to Information Act and which
invariably was used by the group in bringing transparency with respect to both PDS
and housing problems.
Essence of volunteerism: Youth club got the sense of volunteerism which got
showcased when the members decided to reorganize the government library. They
not only cleaned the whole premises but also took stock of the books and
suggested new books and organized library day. The same was reflected in
maintenance of Government hospital (Pazhaverkadu) as they cleaned the whole
premises. Other issues taken up: Apart from the above activities the following were
also done to facilitate various essential skills among the students, these include,
»
Collecting used textbooks from those who had passed the yearly exams.
°
Making lists of textbooks required.
»
Making lists of transport requirements.
«
Dividing responsibilities for actually going to the nearest town to purchase
the textbooks.
•
Maintaining accounts of all the money they handled.
«
Preparing monthly account statements for the funds for transport.
All these activities increased their confidence as well as taught them important skills
in management of time, human power and finance. The inputs from CHC team
were largely in facilitating the meetings, guiding the office bearers and supporting
decision making processes. Towards this CHC team members attended at least
one meeting of the student club every month.
Larger debate of Justice: As the youth club was getting more confident about their
work and they experienced the desired change circumstances changed for worse
when a mentally challenged girl was raped. Youth club who as being the conscious
citizen could not ignored the issue and decided to raise the same in the larger
public domain by breaking the silence observed by the community on this issue. But
as the lobby of the culprits were too strong and they also wanted to bring down the
moral of these youths three boys of the youth club (the most active ones) were
taken into police custody for enquiry and further threatening. Democratic Youth
Federation of India (DYFI) volunteers intervened (they were the.Pazhaverkadu
19
citizens) and rescued the boys from getting illegally detained by the police. This
incidence left a big dent in the overall functioning of the youth club and many
members were asked by their families to stay away from the club activities. It also
brings an interesting aspect that what role does outside agencies (civil societies,
networks, NGOs, political parties etc) could play. Do they restrict themselves with
support in terms of training and capacity building or should it continue on a long
term basis. As CHC has a minimal role (directly) in the above incidence
nevertheless the efforts of CHC to bring support group (DYFI volunteers, conscious
citizens etc) and the youth club on a common platform of looking equity as a larger
issue helped in the situation.
Way forward
CHC initiated the exit phase of the project from 2008 as it realized that NGO and
community have developed capacity to look at health from the larger preview of
“right to life" and Health as human right". CHC felt that there is a need for constant
support to the community and NGO as a resource unit. Therefore, the skills of
trained health activist were utilized by bringing them in the larger umbrella of MNI
through NRHM community monitoring program.
LEARNINGS ABOUT THE COMMUNITY
Women strugglers
Many thousand women fisher, dalit, tribal women along the coast specifically from
Pazhaverkadu in Thiruvallur District, Ponnan Thittu in Cuddalore District, Chinna
Mudaliar Chavadi of Villupuram District, Mattan Kuppam, Pattinapakkam in South
Madras and Kasimedu in North Madras did not receive the immediate food survival
assistance. Women headed households and young families whose male members
were non-members (while the societies had stopped new membership five years
ago), were largely been left out of all the relief assistance.
It was reflected in many conversations with women that as the fishing community is
very closed and mainly dominated by men, the women had a tough time getting
initial assistance (especially with related to food). Women basket weavers along the
Chennai coast were left out of all assistance and left out of even enumeration.
Women vendors from the Marina Beach expressed that the petty shops in the
beach were lost in Tsunami but their loss was not considered and no livelihood
assistance was given.
In Pazhaverkadu the dalit women earn their living by catching prawns, snails, crabs
and fish in the backwaters. They catch whatever is available and sell them in the
local market. They are earning at least Rs.50 - 100 a day. During the interview they
expressed that We live on an island. We are not allowed to get into the boat, to buy
anything, to walk on their streets, to work in ‘their1 sea. After the tsunami we have
no income, we want to go fishing in the sea,” says Manonmani from Lighthouse,
20
Tiruvallur District during the public hearing December 2005. Now with sand clogged
backwaters they are struggling to survive on dwindling catches. Women, small
vendors, are left out with no means to earn. Agriculture workers lost employment as
agricultural land is salinated by the tsunami.
Paadu and caste
Paadu can be defined as traditional system of getting entitlements to eligible
members of a particular community for undertaking specified fishing activity in
certain designated areas. The fishing grounds fall within a radius of five kilometers
from the mouth of the lake with a salinity well maintained without much drying even
drying low tides.
This system according to traditional fishermen is caste specific. Among the
traditional fisherfolk there are different classes and they are more or less
designated as castes. The "PATTANAVAN" (one who owns the village or one who
founded the village) is respected as the traditional leader and the family becomes
the ruling class or caste. The power of ruling is only in terms of traditional systems
protected, maintained and developed. The Indian society which predominantly is
Hindu gives prominence to castism and many a time it leads to caste hegemony
and caste rigidity. Once a particular caste establishes it superiority over other
castes, the values penetrate deeper into caste hierarcy in socio-economic aspects.
But in this particular case of Paadu, the designated caste of fishermen called
"Pattinathar" are supposed to protect the goal mouth of the lake of from and other
fishing community since it is the best fishing ground and it is only through this
passage fish and prawns cross from ocean to lagoon and lagoon to ocean. The
marine fisherfolk also live close to lagoons and throw their net at the "Bar"
whenever there is a lean season in the sea.
There are three paadu systems in the lagoon namely (a) Vadakku Paadu which is
in a canal shaped area of about 1.25 sq. kilometres. It is the most productive and
therefore the most intensely fishing ground, (b) Moonthuri Paadu is about 2.50 sq.
kilometres and is not as productive and lucrative like the Vadakku Paadu. (c) Odai
Paadu is 0.45 to 2 kilometres and is the best productive paadu. It is almost
abandoned by the paadu fishermen.
The paadu system as practised in Pulicat Lake is unique because of its traditional,
caste-based nature and the control it has on the access rights to the high
productive areas. During many hundreds of years the paadu fishing rights have had
legitimacy among the lake fishermen but they don’tTiave any hold over most of the
eastern fishermen.
21
The pressure on the system from within is enormous and arises mainly from
shrinking fishing space, decimation of resource and demographic pressure. The
internal fragility of the paadu system is worsened by outside pressure arising from
claims on the paadu system on the paadu grounds from the marine-side villages.
These fishermen do not honour the paadu rights and there have been periodic
conflicts over the paadu water since the 1930s when the paadu fishermen had to
concede fishing rights in a smaller area of Munthurai Paadu to those of Gunan
kuppam and Lighthouse colony.
Why Paadu System Has to be Maintained
The State Government though knows the value of the "Paadu System", never
makes any serious attempt either to protect or safeguard the interest of the lagoon
fisherfolk who make use of the Paadu system. Instead of enabling the Paadu
fishermen to establish some norms and control through the traditional fisher people
councils, the Government tries to dump displaced lagoon as well as marine
fisherfolk into the productive areas of Paadu to provide them mental and material
satisfaction. Though displaced and uprooted from original settlements, these
fishermen could reap rich harvest in fishing within Paadu areas and compensate
their losses- as though material benefits alone are said to be the priority of losses
as far as the Government is concerned. Fisher people properties including land,
houses, crafts and gears and sometimes, the kith and kin have to be taken away
and forced to leave allowing the empty spaces of land for the use of the
Government projects.
One such was the Federal Governments' "Sriharikotta Rocket space Landing
Station" right across a small natural island in the midst of Pulicat Lagoon, displacing
three lagoon fishing villages with one thousand two hundred fisherfolk household
and also building a road with a bridge right across the lagoon, completely
destroying the natural eco system of the lagoon and descertified the northern part
of the lagoon by limiting the lagoon not extend further beyond the road and the
bridge, thereby destroying fish and birds who have had sanctuaries of living for
centuries.
In the same manner, in the South of Chennai city, about seventy five kilometer
away, two villages of marine fisherfolk have been displaced and forced to live
between lagoon and the sea right close to the Paadu area in Order to erect a huge
Nuclear Power plant in Kalpakkam.
Once the displaced fisherfolk try to make a living in the forced settlements, their
eyes always look out for rich fishing grounds and when approached the
Government grants them special Fishing Rights both in the sea as well as in the
lagoon because of their displacement.
In 1990 such special fishing rights were granted to five new settlement villages and
using these legal rights as entry points, the new fisherfolk enjoy fishing, both in the
22
sea and lagoon, there by creating increasing tensions, conflicts and inter village
rivalry between lagoon Paadu fisherfolk and themselves.
This clearly indicates the attituae of the officials of the Government, especially
those in the Department of Fisheries, who have no respect for breaking down
traditional peoples legal rights of fishing no matter how precious and sacred they
are to poor fisherfolk in the lagoon. Fisherfolk who are already marginalized and
vicitimised due to Governments visionless planning against environment have no
power to raise their voices in unison against such anti people forces at work.
Serious Implications
(a) As more and more space is being reduced for Paadu fishing for the Paadu
fisherfolk of three major villages, the "Patinathars" the paadu caste of fishermen
tend to become angry and often use violence against the new settlers when they
keep on fishing a tirelessly without limits.
(b) From 19S5 to 2000, there were twelve fisherfolk who have been killed and a
large member of them beaten and plundered of their resources. This applies to both
Paadu fisherfolk and settlers.
(C) Having seen this threat as immense and increases during busy fishing seasons,
(October to December) the Paadu fisherfolk started calling for General fisherfolk
leaders councils in Pulicat lagoon to have their solidarity and support to overcome
crisis situations and ease out tensions and at the same time threaten the new
settlers and other marine fisherfolk of dire consequences if they disobey the rules
and regulations laid by the Traditional Fisherfolk Leaders Councils.
(d) Unfortunately there are twenty three lagoon fishing villages around the lake and
there are Tamilnadu villages and Andhra fishing villages, covering two different
southern states of India. Besides all this are the new settlers with fishing rights
provided by the Government with legal implications.
(e) Traditional fisherfolk because of their limited perception to, human development,
community interaction and seclusion from the mainstream communities, often try to
redress their grievances and vengeance by literally fighting with other village folks.
The lagoon fisherfolk are divided over "Paadu" issue. Though seventy percent of
the lagoon fisherfolk support Paadu system and the fisherfolk who have been
benefited, the remaining thirty percent always oppose the system of paadu. They
are mostly those who live in unproductive and dry areas of fishing.
(f)
The mass media (Television and Radio) and the News media give wide publicity
to fisherfolk conflicts creating prejudices in the minds of general public (non
fisherfolk) that by a large fisherfolk communities are backward, intolerant and
uncivilized. The regular quarrels, riots and arson during seasons in Paadu areas
23
create a general public opinion that if Paadu system is eliminated, there will be
peaceful coexistence of lagoon fisherfolk.
(g)
Some NGO groups and political parties who believe very much in "Socialism"
consider Paadu system is creating a big gulf between the Paadu and poor fisherfolk
and those who are also against caste system vehemently oppose the Paadu
system for dividing the fisherfolk in the lake as privileged and non-privileged, upper
caste and lower castes, rich class and poor and so on.
LEARNINGS ABOUT NGOs AND NETWORKING
When Tsunami hit Tamilnadu, there were a stampede of individuals, agencies,
groups and NGOs from all over India and later abroad. The local NGOs who were
mostly not health NGOs did all kinds work, health except for service was not the
priority. No one had encountered so many NGOs in an area - each with their own
idea of relief work. No one was initiating any coordination. No one had, time,
leaderships to command attention and create environment for coordination. All were
moving with no direction, except delivering what they had to people.
Concerns have been raised about the scope of relief and rehabilitation, in particular
the recognition of all those affected by the tsunami. The rapid assistance to the
fisherfolk and assistance in restoring their boats and nets has neglected many other
people who have been affected by the tsunami and who depend on the sea, the
crippled fishing industry, and the coastal agriculture for their livelihood. These
include vendors and labourers, salt pan and lime workers, shrimp farmers, women
involved in seaside limestone production, small coastal business, petty traders,
Dalit and tribal inland fisherfolk, and farmers whose land has been made
uncultivable by the influx of salt water. Restoring this diversity of livelihoods
requires more than mending damaged nets and putting catamarans and trawlers
back to sea. Moreover, no compensation has been received for loss of livestock.
Critical issues
While all had good intention, often one did not check with local people or NGO
regarding their needs cultural acceptance of certain services. So they wasted clothes food and materials. Sometime there were no storage facilities for both
people and local authorities. Those who brought materials just gave anything they
liked. In Psychosocial care also too many different types of counseling methods
were used - in the same place for volunteers and people by different organizations
for mental health. This was confusing and did not get the desired result. Health care
services were done in some sense of coordination as NGOs who had no health
background created link with health services for services. In the same area there
were more than one health camps duplicating services and encouraging people to
use them.
24
The NGOs who came from other area both Indian and international were more
powerful with resources and some technical skill or experience of other disaster.
These NGOs also ignored or used, the local NGOs for their own end as guide or to
collect data. They did not mostly coordinate with them. Because of these there were
duplication of relief work, in some area, neglected area got neglected, and
resources were wasted. INGOs had a mandate to spend their funds in any needy
area - so had better access to government officials and were able to work directly
with the support of government. Government had many things in their hand. So
were willing partner with these INGOs. So local NGOs were side tracked. Because
of these the INGOs did not have people did not accept knowledge of local culture or
needs and sometime the work -so again waste of resources.
Were the resources wasted? Yes and no! Some people believed all that was told
and distributed unsuitable materials and implements including boats, polypropylene
tents etc were sporadic. Some items ended up in the second-hand market rather
quickly and this again brought to light the contentious issue of a reliable data base
for canalizing relief in emergencies especially in countries like India with sizable
poor populations. Anecdotal evidence suggests that each coastal family had a net
increase of Rs 35000 to Rs 50000 in the asset profile of an average family in the
coastal areas of Tamilnadu due to the interventions of various agencies. Does
coordination help in tracking these resources and put a stop at the right time so that
wasting is minimal.
Need for coordination
Just like various systems in our body coordinate to help the person to function
effectively, all players in any situation need to coordinate. But coordination is not
just coming together alone - a meeting - but a process to work together. In general
coordination needs leadership - some one to take initiative, to take risk. Some one
to create an atmosphere - non-threatening atmosphere to meet and have a
dialogue and did sharing for common cause and goal, able to share and listen to
experience, identify issues of concern plan strategies, keep flow of information both
ways and keep progressing.
In coordination, there is also a chance / opportunities for people to learn to build
their capacity. Tsunami reflected the situation where coordination was a distant
dream. There were NGO -government meetings at the office of the Collector (local
district authority) - But mainly to get direction from government and for the
government to identify who can do some of the tasks like providing temporary or
permanent shelter or other facilities.
CHC experience with coordination reflects that it is a two way sword which has to
be carefully and effectively used. The coordinator not only has to motivate the
organizations involved but also has to take the task of running the show. The larger
lobbying has helped in reduction of duplications of work, pressurizing the
government for proper rehabilitation, convincing the community leaders for larger
25
issues of development, and building the human resources assets in the form of
youth clubs. But at the same time once the host/coordinating organization withdraw
there seems to be lump in the-activities and igniting motivation becomes a fruitless
activity.
This brings us to an understanding that how people’s movement has
different energy of motivation and NGO based networks are bound by time, agenda
and funding.
To understand this CHC team reflected on two groups which it formed one was
Health Activist (young NGO staff) and the second was youth club (self motivated
young activist) whereas the first one works on organizational support the second
irrespective of the organization takes up the issues of concern. In such a situation
can there be a possibility of making community own the responsibility through
forums like youth club where the basic ethos is based on equality and equity. There
is a need for this coordination mechanism to be set up-in all area as there are more
and more disaster being experienced all over the world. Their systems need to be
strengthened by capacity building of local NGOs along with government officials.
They need to be prepared for responding to emergencies, to take initiative, for
human rights and humanitarian issues - all included. And able to identify resources
and create linkages.
Overall learnings from costal disaster community development
While CHC has been involved in sending teams to numerous natural disaster
situations during the acute phase, this was the first time that CHC team members
have continued to work in the longer term. Looking back our work seemed to focus
on many different aspects of the disaster situation.
In the acute phase CHC team members not only actually went to the area, but also
played an important role in.orienting people who were going as volunteers to the
tsunami affected areas.
By staying back beyond the acute phase we learnt a lot first hand about working
with disaster affected communities. On the one hand there was a profusion of
NGOs and other groups who either sprung up over night, got into work they were
traditionally not doing earlier or who rapidly expanded their work. This meant that
many of the projects / work was not well thought through and meant that much of
the relief did not reach those who needed it most or were not relevant to the needs
of the people. The large number of unused boats (with paint now peeling off) and
the rows of unused toilets are just two such examples. Working with the people we
realized that each community that we worked with had its own unique cultural and
historical reality - using so called neutral values, without fully understanding the
underlying reality may lead to more harm than good. The example of the way the
tsunami affected different groups of fisher people just on the basis of caste - and
how the provision of fishing rights to different groups of people had very different
repercussions are a case in point. Thus while it is important to be aware of
traditional hierarchies which would consistently work against some groups of
people, it is also important to be sensitive to cultural sensitivities while planning
rehabilitation.
26
Another important aspect of our work was the formation of networks to coordinate relief
and rehabilitation in the areas that we worked. Both in Chennai and in Pazhaverkadu
the two networks we facilitated in our minds were a good way of making sure there was
transparency, efficiency and sustainability of the work. The network also meant that that
community had a larger voice and this helped a lot on numerous occasions for example
with the issue of housing for the residents of Kargill Nagar.
While different groups in the rehab phase were involved in housing, education,
livelihoods e(c. we felt that one crucial issue would be in building up leadership in the
future generation. This would be a permanent resource within the community and could
enable the community to have a greater say in its affairs. Thus both the training of
health activists from among those NGO workers from the network who were local and
were interested and the facilitation of the youth club for the youth of the area were
aimed ultimately at developing a rung of aware and alert citizens who would look out for
their communities. In fact experience with the two groups over the last year when we
were not no directly involved bears this out with members of the youth club leading
various campaigns for better public transport, questioning corruption in the public
distribution system as well as in the allotment of houses. The health activists even
during our training got together for some very lively campaigns on the prevention of
chikungunya (which was present in an epidemic form then), and in the post training
phase some of the activists and NGOs have got involved in the community monitoring
pilot project as part of the National Rural Health Mission. Another significant issue is
that of the tendency for religious fundamentalist groups to make an inroad into the
community immediately after disasters - this tendency though was present in the
beginning was resolutely resisted thanks to these two programs at least in part.
Of course one limitation that we are acutely aware of is our helplessness in terms of a
backlash. For example when one of a group of student club members were targeted by
their community leaders for raising difficult questions there was very little we were able
to do. Ultimately we had to get them in touch with local political organizations who
backed them up and supported them through the situation. This shows that while
raising the expectations of the community and facilitating new skills is all great, realizing
that we as NGOs rarely have any locus standi in communities we work in, we should
learn to strengthen horizontal ties that will help during such back lash.
Of course one way we tried to do that is to link the groups we trained to larger state
level processes. For example the health activists and the students club were linked to
the People's Health Movement at both the state and district level - thus there would be
regular inputs regardless of our presence, and the groups could get a sense of the
larger issues involved.
Thus over nearly 4 years CHC, through networking, capacity and leadership building,
and linking with larger movements, has attempted to facilitate different aspects of a
communities recovery post disaster. While not being presented as a model these are
certainly important learnings from our experiences in working in a post - disaster
situation - and hopefully will contribute to the large learning from such initiatives.
27
Annexure 1
Health Activists lesson plan
Apart from this there were detailed lesson plans developed, handouts and reading
lists developed. A brief list of the training sessions held and the topics covered in
them are given below:
SI. No. Date Topic
June 8 & 9, 2006 Child health & adolescence health along with Aid India
Resource Persons
2.
July 6, 2006 Orientation and preliminary discussion on curriculum
3.
July 20, 2006 Orientation and preliminary discussion on curriculum
4.
July 27, 2006 Disease causation I inflammation I cold and cough
5.
August 3, 2006 Finalization of curriculum - distribution of notebooks /
importance of recording
6.
August 10, 2006 PHM / Health Movements / Community health concepts
7.
August 24, 2006 Field visit by CHC staff
8.
August 31, 2006 Review of field visits / feedback
9.
September 21, 2006 Approach to fever
10.
September 28, 2006 Diabetes
11.
October 12, 2006 Chikunguniya
12.
November 2, 2006 Hypertension
13.
November 23, 2006 Stomach Pain - Gastritis, Appendicitis, Gall stones
14.
November 30, 2006 Stomach pain (cont’d.), Dysmenorrhea, Painful urination.
15.
December 7, 2006 Social Determinants of health
16.
December 14, 2006 Water borne diseases
17.
December 21, 2006 Diarrhea
18. January 4, 2007 Orientation and preliminary discussion Tuberculosis.
19. January 11, 2007 Review on Tuberculosis and focus on the National Program.
20.
January 25, 2007 Jaundice, Cholera, Finalization of the survey questionnaire.
21.
February 1, 2007 Parenting skills training - Resource person Ms. Prema
Daniels.
22.
February 8, 2007 Review of Jaundice.
23.
February 21, 2007 Open session with invited community members.
24.
March 1, 2007 Cancers
1.
28
Annexure 2
Format of training - Health activists
Knowledge of Community Health:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Basic understanding of common illnesses and home-remedies and first-aid for
common injuries and accidents.
Basic understanding of significant public health problems including
communicable, non-communicable and environmental issues.
Basic understanding of women's issues and child care.
Understanding the public health system and the ICDS and other welfare
schemes of the Government - both health and non-health related.
Understanding the structure, functioning and functions of the local self
government apparatus as well as the public administrative system.
Attitude on the determinants of health and critical issues:
To appreciate the broader determinants of health.
To appreciate the importance of community processes as not merely 'means'
but as a legitimate 'end' in itself.
3.
To develop critical thinking / questioning of the status-quo.
4.
To develop a sense of team-spirit and facilitate collective action.
1.
2.
Skills to address community health:
To develop the following skills:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Communication skills.
Decision making and problem solving skills.
Training skills.
Motivating and skills to convince the community about the benefit of the health
messages.
5. How to perform a community based needs assessment.
6. The importance and basic skills regarding recording and documentation.
29
Annexure 3
Objectives for Youth Club
Knowledge:
o
o
o
°
o
o
°
o
«
To be aware of the history of the various social reform movements in Tamil
Nadu.
To know the history of the various student movements in the state of Tamil
Nadu.
To have a preliminary knowledge of Gandhian and other alternative
economic thought.
To develop an understanding of the different religions.
To have an introduction to different political ideologies.
To be introduced to a caste based analysis of society and social issues.
To be introduced to a gender based analysis of society and social issues.
To be introduced to the concept of an Alternative media and entertainment
sector.
To understand the concept, the components and the impacts of
Globalization.
Attitude:
•
•
•
•
To develop a questioning spirit.
To appreciate the concept of religious tolerance and plurality.
To develop a tolerant attitude.
To appreciate literature.
Skills:
•
•
•
Critical analysis.
Communication skills.
Information gathering.
30
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