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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
D Narayana
C S Venkiteswaran
with
M. P. Joseph IAS (R)
Advisor to the Minister of Labour and Rehabilitation on Labour Reforms
Consultant to Government on Industrial Relations and Project Financing
In the Status of Additional Chief Secretary to Government
Submitted to
Labour and Rehabilitation Department
Government of Kerala
giFT
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
FINANCE AND TAXATION
An Autonomous Institution of Government of Kerala
D Narayana
C S Venkiteswaran
with
M. P. Joseph IAS (R)
Submitted to
Labour and Rehabilitation Department
Government of Kerala
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Contents
Preface
r
1. Introduction
2. Estimation ofStock and Flows of Migrant Labour
9
2.1 Method of Estimation
10
2.2 Estimates of Stock of Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
11
2.3 Some Characteristics of Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
13
2.4 Work Arrangements
15
.........................................
2.5 Living Conditions of Domestic Migrant Labour
19
3. Life and Work Environment of Domestic Migrant Labour
20
3.1 What Triggered the Migration to Kerala?
21
3.2 Housing and Accommodation
22
3.3 Employment
. .............................................................
25
3.4 Wages
27
3.5 Leisure
27
3.6 The Migrants and the Locals
29
3.7 Demographic/Gender Dimensions
30
3.8 The Economics of Sub-Contracting
31
3.9 Formalising Migrant Labour - Emerging Challenges
34
4. Case Studies
i
35
4.1 Migrant Living
35
4.2 Migrant Lives
41
5. Recommendations
46
References..................................................................................................................... ;
51
Appendix 1 - Questionnaires
52
Appendix 2 - Statitical Estimation Proceedure .
58
2
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
List of Tables
1. Distribution of DML by State of Origin and Age..............................................................
13
2. Distribution of DML by State of Origin and Religion.............. .......................................
14
3. Distribution of DMLs by Channel of Migration and State of Origin............................
15
4. Distribution of DML by Work Arrangement and by State of Origin............................
15
5. Distribution of DML by Occupation and Sector of employment..................................
16
6. Distribution of DML by Number of Days of Employmnet in a Week.........................
17
7. Distribution of DML by Daily Wages.................................................................................
17
8. Distribution of DML by Periodicity of Remittence..........................................................
18
9. Distribution of DML by Amount of Remittence...............................................................
18
10. Distribution of DML by Mode of Remittence.................................................................
19
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Preface
With the growing presence of Domestic Migrant Labour (DML) in Kerala, the Labour
Department of the Government of Kerala, led by the Hon’ble Minister for Labour and
Rehabilitation Mr. Shibu Baby John has been giving some serious thought to the steps
that the State needs to take to ensure that the Domestic Migrant Labour has recourse to
protection under the labour laws and to an appropriate minimum social security floor.
However, one of the main constraints that the state faced in responding to the socio
economic and social security concerns of the DML and in framing policies for them was
the absence of authentic information on the numbers and extent of the DML in the state
and to the socio-economic conditions in which they were living.
Mr. Shibu Baby John having made this one of his priorities, tasked Mr. M. P. Joseph IAS
(R) Advisor and Consultant to Government to delineate the contours of a study to
determine broadly the numbers of Domestic Migrant Labour in the state, as well as arrive
at a broad understanding of their socio-economic situation.
A meeting with Mr. Shibu Baby John, arranged by Mr. M. P. Joseph led to the Gulati
Institute of Finance and Taxation (GIFT) taking up this study. After detailed
consultations, it was decided that the best methodology for understanding the numbers
and the socio-economic context of the DML in Kerala was to conduct train-based surveys
of the migrant labour, who were coming in and going out of the state. The guidance, the
encouragement and the inauguration of the train-based survey at the Kollam Railway
Station by the Minister made this challenging study possible. We express our deep sense
of gratitude to the Minister.
The arduous task of coordinating the train surveys and monitoring it effectively was taken
up by Mr. Rajesh Kumar. He played an important role in the final production of the
report too. The surveys and the count of DML in the trains were conducted by the
students of Masters in Social Work (MSW), Departments of Don Bosco College, Kannur
and the De Paul College, Angamali. Thanks are also due to the Pranavam Educational &
Charitable Trust, Valayam, Kozhikode District for successfully carrying out the
enumeration of DML in trains.
Ms. Sheeja N. took up the task of scrutiny of the data that was entered by a team of data
entry operators. She generated all the tables at quick notice.
Thiruvananthapuram
7 February 2013
Dr. D. Narayana
Director, GIFT
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Chapter 1
Introduction
he movement of people in search of better economic conditions and a more
T
secure environment is as old as human history. Such movements not only affect
the lives of the migrants profoundly, but also lead to significant economic and
social transformation in the regions of origin and destination of the migrants.
Until recently, large out migration was viewed as the result of poverty and deprivation and
development was thought as an antidote to levels of migration. Large investments of
foreign assistance by the US in Caribbean and Central America, or trade liberalization in
Mexico, did not reduce pressures of migration in the region. European, in particular
France’s experience • with co-development has also been no different. The discussions
have, since, gradually shifted away from this perspective and now it is widely recognized
that migration is an aspect of globalization.
Development and migration go hand in hand. But the historical record is deeply
ambiguous. In several prominent countries- Germany, Great Britain, South Korea for
example, - out migration has coincided with social and economic transformation. But in
several others Egypt, Lebanon, Mexico to name a few - decades of migration have
moderated poverty but have not led to sustainable growth. Between these two extremes
lies a third group of countries that includes Greece, Portugal and Russia where living
standards have improved and migration process have subsided. There is little evidence of
causality in success stories or failures and hence it is difficult to draw universal
conclusions.
It is difficult to dispute that poverty drives people to search for better conditions. But
relatively few migrants from the poorest countries move to developed countries. As
Aaron Terrazas points out, “....most wealthy, developed countries still have higher levels
5
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
of emigration than developing countries” (Terrazas, 2011: p-6). Thus, developed regions
both attract migrants and send migrants.
According to Nigel Harris, “The idea that people of necessity are permanently located in
one national entity, that the distribution of the world’s population is complete forever,
and only temporary anomalies now occur are also being challenged. It would be a curious
outcome if the size and composition of the labour force of each country was exactly
optimal, requiring no exchanges. In practice, world economic integration continually
increases rates of mobility, so that in future it is going to be as difficult internationally to
give an unequivocal answer to the question 'where are you from?’ as it already is in
developed countries. (Nigel Harris, 1999: p 268).
In many ways, migration has meant international migration. The intense research and
policy debate in international migration has largely been owing to its importance to richer
countries. Along with migration, remittance flow has also increased and for many
countries it has overtaken external aid and foreign direct investment (Ratha and Shaw,
2007). Human rights issues and labour rights have also become important areas of policy.
Despite the high visibility of international migration, recent years have seen the
recognition that internal migration is much larger both in terms of numbers and
remittances. Bell and Muhidin (2009) estimate that internal migration in the world at 740
million are about four times the number of people living outside their country of birth.
India is the largest recipient of international remittances in the world of which about 50%
were classified as remittances towards family maintenance. Kerala accounts for about 40%
of the Indian household remittances. Kerala along with Punjab and Goa also reports high
international migration: whereas at the all-India level only 38 per 1000 out-migrants leave
the country, it is over ten times that number for these states (Figure A 3, Czaika, 2011).
The large international migration, precipitous fall in fertility, and rapid urbanization has
seen Kerala attract domestic migrant labour in large numbers in recent years.
Urabanisation is one of the key “pull” factors of migration: “Contrary to conventional
wisdom on urbanization and migration, high rates of migration (permanent and
temporary) into urbanized areas have continued despite rising levels of (formal)
unemployment and persistent urban poverty. The explanation lies in the expanding urban
informal sector which represents a significant pull” (Deshingkar and Grimms, 2004: p.25).
While persistent poverty may not be true of Kerala, urbanization and informalisation has
been taking place rapidly. And it has attracted migrant labour in large numbers.
In many instances, large migrant population provokes substantial popular unease
translated into xenophobia, racism, or lesser forms of hostility toward migrants. While the
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
inflow of migrants has grown exponentially in recent years into the rapidly urbanizingand rapidly growing- South Western region and Punjab- Haryana- Delhi belt, policy
makers have not woken up to this reality, except for knee-jerk reactions following
Bangalore exodus, or Suzuki violence. It is politically imperative that policy makers pay
attention to living conditions in the migrant centres.
Part of the reason policy attention has not been forthcoming is that data on internal
migration are notoriously inadequate as censuses and surveys are based on households
which do not capture the temporary or semi-permanent migration satisfactorily. For
instance, NSS 64th round (2007-08) collected information on household characteristics,
employment status and migration particulars of household members and information on
out-migrants. In the survey, the out-migrants present place of residence in relation with
the household being surveyed was classified as being any of the five categories: same
district, same state but different district, another state, another country or ‘not known’.
This is sufficient information to classify out-migrants as international or internal and
remittance as international or domestic. However, it does not enable analysis of specific
State-to-State, country-to-State or urban to rural migration or remittance.
With what was thought to be over one million DML in the state1, the Government of
Kerala (GoK) is concerned about their economic and social situation. The GoK also feels
the State has a responsibility towards the DML in Kerala and is seriously considering
some interventions that are needed to ensure their welfare.
The Labour Department of the State Government, led by the Hon. Minister of Labour
Mr. Shibu Baby John had for some time now been giving some deep thought to the
measures that the state need to take to ensure that the Domestic Migrant Labour in the
state had recourse not only to protection under the labour laws but also to the appropriate
welfare measures and to a minimum social security floor. One of the main constraints that
the state faced in framing policies for the DML and in responding to their socio
economic and social security concerns was the absence of authentic information and data
on the numbers and extent of the DML in the state and to their broad socio-economic
situation.
Any government intervention, however, needs necessarily take into account the differing
backgrounds the labourers come from, the different caste groups and their differing food
habits amongst others. It would not suffice to think of the DML only as single set without
differing backgrounds and needs. Only a culturally sensitive intervention would be useful
in understanding the DML in Kerala and contribute to maintaining a healthy flow of
DML to the State that is now so necessary to sustain the State’s economic growth.
1 The present study has shown this to be a gross under-estimate.
__
i g,FT
.
.
—
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
It was thus felt that a study was necessary to achieve that purpose. The objectives of this
Study therefore were articulated as follows:
(i)
To estimate the stock of DML in Kerala;
(ii) To estimate the net annual inflow of DML into the State;
(iii) To estimate the distribution of the DML by State (and where possible District) of
origin;
(iv) To understand the Channels of Migration of the DML into the State;
(v) To map the distribution of DML by location and sector in the State;
(vi) To map the skills of the DML in Kerala;
(vii) To assess the age and sex composition of the DML;
(viii) To understand the nature of employment contracts entered into by the DML;
(ix) To assess the wage and benefits obtained by the DML;
(x) To understand the nature of accommodation and issues associated with it; and
(xi) To understand the social and cultural problems if any faced by the DML.
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Chapter 2
Estimation of Stock and Flows of Domestic Migrant Labour
l stimating the stock of DML in Kerala is not an easy task and some of the well
E
! known methods of estimation based on sample surveys are not of much help in
^the context of the state. The basic problem is one of not having a proper
sampling frame. The conventional approach to overcome this problem would
have required a detailed listing of the places of stay of DML in a large number of
administrative units to build a sampling frame, selection of samples and survey the
sampled units and individuals almost akin to the massive decennial population census. As
this would have required huge resources and considerable time a different approach had
to be conceived. What came in handy for the present purpose is the unique feature of
domestic migration into Kerala, namely that the migrants are from far away Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Assam and elsewhere and the only mode of travel available to
them is the great Indian railway, for which Kerala is the Termimus; the DML get into the
long distance trains to arrive in Kerala or to visit home and come back in these trains. The
present study therefore came up with a unique method of estimation exploiting this
exceptional feature of migration into the state to generate robust estimates of DML (the
statistical theory of which is given in the technical appendix). This method would not
have been suitable if the state were not a terminal point for the long distance trains. The
chapter begins by discussing the method of estimation.
9
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
2.1 The Method of Estimation
Let ‘S’ be the size of the stock of Domestic Migrant Labour (DML) in Kerala. Let p be
the average number of visits home made by a DML in a year. The expected number of
DML visiting home (and returning) on a randomly selected day is, say X.
Then,
X=(p*S)/365.......... (1)
Alternately, S, the stock of DMlL in Kerala is given by (X * 365)/ p where * stands for
multiplication
X needs to be counted taking all the trains entering Kerala from all the outside
destinations. It is possible that DML travel in both sleeper and unreserved coaches of
trains. In order to manage this dimension of the work, let us take the proportion of DML
travelling by sleeper class as s. Then, X = Xu/(l-s) where Xu is the number of DML
travelling in unreserved coaches of trains.
Now, S takes the form (Xu * 365)/(p * (1-s))........ (2)
S is implicitly assumed to be constant. However, S is a dynamic entity as there is
continuous inflow (there is some outflow tool). The number of inflow Xin also needs to
be observed which can be done exactly as that of X. (The assumption here is that first
time inflow is only by unreserved coaches of trains.). The total count of DML, both those
who are already in Kerala and travelling home and coming back as well as those coming
for the first time, Xu + Xin, is the number that is obtained by a full count of the DML in
unreserved coaches of all the long distance trains entering Kerala.
The stock of DML grows at the rate of (Xin * 365 * 100)/S
=[ (Xin * 365 * 100)* p * (l-s)]/(Xu* 365)
=[Xin*100*p*(l-s)]/X u......... (3)
The procedure adopted for counting the DML in trains is as follows. A complete list of all
the long distance trains entering Kerala through the Konkan Railway and through
Palakkad is made. It ran into 63 trains in all in a week excluding trains from Mumbai,
Mangalore, Bangalore, Hyderabad and Chennai. Some were daily trains, some weekly, bi
weekly and so on. Each train was to be surveyed by teams entering the train coaches at
Kasaragod or Palakkad as the case may be. Initially, it was thought that counting the
number of DML travelling in the unreserved coaches, that is Xu and Xin, and canvassing
the questionnaires SQi and SQ2 (See appendix for the questionnaires) on a sample from
among them could be done simultaneously. Soon it became apparent that this was
difficult to manage as many DML get down at Kasaragod and Palakkad and at all the
railway stations where the train stops till the destination. Combining the counting of the
number and canvassing the questionnaires was leading to a situation where many who got
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
down at stations were missed out. So, it was decided to separate the two activities. During
one full week in October - November teams entered the unreserved coaches of the long
distance trains and canvassed questionnaires SQi and SQ2. Later during one full week
teams counted the number of DML. The two together generated the data for estimating
Xu, and Xin»
Data for estimating p, and s were generated by canvassing the questionnaire SQ3 on DML
in a few locations all over Kerala. Some of the parameters are estimated using both the
questionnaires and the differences pointed out.
Sample size
The enumeration survey of DMLs travelling in long distance trains for one continuous
week during January 2013 covered 13373 persons.
The survey among DMLs travelling in long distance trains covered 735 persons for SQ 1
and 371 persons for SQ 2
The survey using SQ 3
among DMLs in various
setdements of Kerala in
Thiruvananthapuram, Ernakulam Thrissur and Kannur Districts covered a sample size of
2157.
2.2 The Estimates of the Stock of Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
The estimates are as follows:
1. Number of home visits a year by an average DML (p) =0.672; this is the estimate
obtained from the data on canvassing SQ3.
2. Number of visits a year by an average DML (p) =1.00; this is the alternate estimate
obtained from the data on canvassing SQi. This is bound to be slightly higher as
the sample would have a higher proportion of more frequent travelers.
3. Proportion of DML travelling by sleeper class (s) = 0.80; this is the estimate
obtained from the data on canvassing SQ3. A lower estimate is 0.70; thus, the
range of the value is between 0.70 and 0.80.
4. Proportion of travelers in unreserved coaches who are first time migrants to
Kerala = 0.338
5. Number of DML coming to Kerala on an average day = 13373/7 = 1910.43; the
total number is obtained by the count of DML in all the unreserved coaches of 63
long distance trains entering Kerala in a week.
6. Number of DML coming to Kerala on an average day after visiting home =
1264.7
7. Number of DML coming to Kerala on an average day (new comers) = 645.73
11
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
8. Annual remittances by an average DML = Rs 70,000 from SQ3; SQi gave a slightly
lower amount; it is possible that in the midst of many others in the train the
respondent would tend to report a lower amount.
[Both the number of DML returning after a visit home and the number of new comers
are under- estimates as only the long distance trains have been covered in the train count.
It has been noted that a very small number of other DML travel by trains to Chennai,
Mumbai and elsewhere and change trains there.]
The stock of DML can now be estimated as follows:
I.
S = (1264.7 * 365)/(0.672*0.20)= 34,44,891 when the proportion of DML
traveling in sleeper class is taken as 0.80; the number will be 22,96,594 when
the value is 0.70.
II.
S = (1264.7 * 365)/(l.00*0.20)= 23,08,077; the number will be 15,38,418 for
the lower value of 0.70.
At this point it is necessary to carry out a reality check. Taking the value of 0.672 as the
number of visits home by a DML in a year and the value of stock at the highest as 34
lakhs, the number of travelers returning to Kerala in a year will be over 21 lakhs and the
number per day would be over 5500. If 80% are travelling by sleeper coaches, then about
500 out of the about 800 berths (60% of all berths in a train) would have to be occupied
by DML which seems unlikely. When we take the lower value of the stock (23 lakhs) and
the lower value of the proportion traveling in sleeper coaches, it would come to about 280
DML travelling in a train in a day. It would imply that in a train of 11 sleeper coaches and
72 berths in each coach, it is expected that around 25 on an average are occupied by the
DML returning after a visit home. Casual observation suggests that this number is
reasonable. Thus, the stock of DML is assessed to be around 25 lakhs.
The population of Kerala in 2011 was 333.88 lakhs and the male population age 20-64
years is 87.36 lakhs (based on the Expert Committee’s projection as the age composition
data from the 2011 Population Census have not become available). Considering that this
entire population is not in the labour force as the work participation rate for males is
around 50%, the ratio of DML to the local male population in the working age group
could be 1:2.5. Whichever way we look at it this is huge and needs necessarily be taken
due note of.
I.
Growth rate of DML (annual)=
(645.73*365)*0.672*0.30*100/1264.7*365=10.35%
II.
Growth rate of DML (annual)=
(645.73*365)*1.00*0.30*100/1264.7*365=15.30%
The number of DML newly arriving in Kerala each year is around 2,35,000.
12
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
About 11.60 per cent of those going home in unreserved coaches say they will not return to
Kerala, which implies S*0.3*0.116/365 return from Kerala every day (that is about 3.48%).
Then the growth rate will come down by that rate. Thus, the net growth of DML would be
6.87% or 11.82% depending on whether I or II above is taken as an estimate of the growth of
the stock of DML. The net addition to the stock of DML is then 235000 less 53360 which is
equal to 1, 82,300.
The annual remittances by the DML as a whole would be between Rs 27,000 crores and Rs
10,768.93 crores depending upon the stock of DML taken. It would definitely be over Rs
17500 crores a year if we take the stock of DML to be around 25 lakhs.
2.3 Some Characteristics of the Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
States of Origin and Age Distribution of DML in Kerala: The surprising fact about DML
in Kerala is that currently the state has migrant labour from almost all the states of India and
Nepal. While the numbers are few from Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, Maharashtra and so on,
the largest proportion hail from West Bengal (20%), Bihar (18.10%), Assam (17.28%), and
Uttar Pradesh (14.83%) (See Table 1) The DML are almost entirely male and 75% of them
are in the age group of 18-29 years; there are few above the age of 36 years. A handful of the
migrant labour report that they are below 18 years of age. There is not much difference in the
age distribution of migrant labour across the states of origin.
Table 1.
Distribution (%) of DML by State of Origin and Age
Age Class in Years
State
?.
Not
reported
Percentage
Share
Below 18
18-23
24-29
30-35
36 and
above
Uttar Pradesh
00
38.53
38.53
15.60
7.34
0
14.83
Assam
1.57
50.39
34.65
10.24
2.36
0.79
17.28
West Bengal
1.36
46.26
29.25
14.97
7.48
0.68
20.00
Bihar
0.75
34.59
33.08
21.05
9.03
1.50
18.10
Orissa
2.04
34.69
30.61
20.41
10.20
2.04
6.67
Others
1.18
37.65
37.65
14.71
8.82
0
23.13
Total
1.09
40.95
34.29
15.65
7.35
0.68
100
Distribution by Religion: About 70% of the DML are Hindus, 24% are Muslims and the
rest are either Christians or have not reported their religion. An important fact is that about
50% of the DML from Assam and West Bengal are Muslims. Interestingly, about 20% of the
DML from Orissa are Christians. From Assam about 12% of the DML are Christians
(Table2).
13
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Table 2.
Distribution (%) of DML by State of Origin and Religion
Religion
Hindu
Muslim
Christian
Not
reported
Total
, Uttar Pradesh
81.65
16.51
0.92
0.92
100
•; Assam
40.16
45.67
12.60
1.57
100
’ West Bengal
47.62
48.98
1.36
2.04
100
’I -0
-1
Bihar
88.72
6.77
1.50
3.01
100
j Orissa
73.47
6.12
20.41
0
100
■ Others
85.29
7.65
2.35
3.53
100*
! Total
69.25
23.54
4.76
2.18
100
State
-
i
-------------
i
Note: * there is a small other religious group which has to be added to get the row total of 100.
Duration of Stay of DML in Kerala: The question regarding the duration of stay in the
current place of residence went unanswered by about 38% of all the respondents. The rest
reported almost equal percentages for duration below one year, 1-2 years, 2-3 years and
above 3 years. However, it needs to be noted that this is not the total duration of their
stay in Kerala for the reasons discussed below. That could also be the reason for such a
high proportion of DML not responding to this question.
An interesting aspect of the mobility of DML is that they move around quite a lot within
Kerala. A worker picked at random in Aluva might have worked earlier at Kannur,
Kasaragod, Wayanad, Thalassery, or Kottayam. Similarly, a worker picked at random at
Cheruthuruthy or Edapalli would have worked at Kadalundi, Kaladi, Kozhikode,
Thiruvananthapuram or Malappuram. That is probably the reason only about 15% of all
DML report having stayed in the current place of residence for 3 or more years.
Channels of Migration: Historically contractors have played an important role in labour
migration. Is it a significant channel through which the DML arrive in Kerala? It is still an
important channel as 28% had used such channels to migrate to Kerala (Table 3). It is
slightly higher for labour from Bengal and Bihar at close to 33% and lower at 16% for
labour from Orissa. The most important channel is a friend with over 50% reporting it. It
is much higher in the case of labour from Uttar Pradesh at 65% and lower in the case of
labour from Bengal. Relatives and others come way below at around 10% and 5%
respectively. On the whole, it is friends and relatives who are instrumental in channeling a
large number of labour from far distant parts of India.
14
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Table 3
Distribution (%) of DMLs by Channels of Migration and State of Origin
Channels of Migration
Not
State
•
Total
Relative
Friend
Contractor
Others
Uttar Pradesh
6.42
65.14
25.69
0.00
2.75
100.00
Assam
11.81
56.69
24.41
5.51
1.57
100.00
West Bengal
8.84
46.94
33.33
10.20
0.68
100.00
Bihar
9.77
54.14
32.33
3.01
0.75
100.00
Orissa
16.33
51.02
16.33
12.24
4.08
100.00
Others
12.94
54.71
28.24
2.94
1.18
100.00
Total
10.61
54.69
28.16
5.03
1.50
100.00
reported
Interestingly, a small proportion among the DML had left home in search of employment
before coming to Kerala. Close to 20% of the DML from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar had
worked elsewhere before coming to Kerala. The proportion was about 10% for DML from
Assam and 8% for labour from Bengal and Orissa. Thus, a small group of about 13% of the
labour had experience of working elsewhere in the country or Bhutan before they decided to
move to Kerala. They must have had information from friends and relatives that the Kerala
environment is more secure and offers more prospects which took them here.
2.4. Work Arrangements
Nature of Employment Contracts: As mentioned earlier, the information flow about the
work environment is largely through friends and to a smaller extent through relatives.
However, having reached Kerala the bulk of them (66%) work under contractors. This is
higher with labour from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and significantly lower with regard to labour
from Orissa. Oriya labour seem to be largely on their own (Table 4).
Table 4
Distribution of DML by Work Arrangement and by State of Origin
!i
!
.....
; Uttar Pradesh
"i
Working with
State
Contractor
Casual
Employer
Total
Not reported
77.06
21.10
1.83
100.00
i Assam
65.35
28.35
6.30
100.00
West Bengal
62.59
32.65
4.76
100.00
Bihar
72.18
23.31
4.51
100.00
Orissa
38.78
55.10
6.12
100.00
Others
66.47
27.65
5.88
100.00
Total
66.26
28.84
4.90
100.00
1
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Sectors of Employment: The striking aspect of the DML in Kerala is that they have
come to fill almost all occupations and sectors of the economy. A look at Table 5 and the
observation that almost all cells have entries is enough to substantiate it. The train survey
over two weeks, a small window to the world of DML, was enough to testify it. Their
largest concentration is in the booming construction sector with 60% reporting it.
Manufacturing, Hotel and Restaurants and Trade too report substantive numbers.
Interestingly, Kerala agriculture has also become dependent on migrant labour. The
‘others’ group contains a multitude of sectors. Thus, it seems the Kerala economy is
driven by the large DML.
Table 5
Distribution of DML by Occupation and Sector of Employment
Sector of Employment
Occupation
Agricult Construe
ure
tion
Hotel and
Restaurant
Manufact
uring
Trade
others
Not
Reported
Total
I
■
! Carpenter
-
0.54
-
0.14
0.14
0.81
0.14
1.90
Electrician
-
-
0.14
-
-
0.41
0.14
0.68
!
’ Mason/Flooring
-
3.54
-
-
-
-
0.14
3.68
:
0.14
0.27
0.14
-
0.14
-
-
0.68
j
-
-
-
0.14
-
0.27
-
0.41
!
I
Skilled work
0.14
10.61
0.54
3.13
0.14
3.67
0.27
18.50
Unskilled work
2.04
43.40
5.44
4.22
1.36
11.56
1.50
69.52
i Others
-
4.91
0.54
0.67
-
0.15
-
2.45
Not Reported
-
0.27
0.14
0.14
-
0.68
0.95
2.18
2.31
60.00
6.94
8.30
1.77
17.55
3.13
100
1
Sales person
Tailoring
Total
While the largest concentration of DML is among the unskilled work, they are not just
confined to it. The next largest category is that of skilled work whether it is
construction, manufacturing or hotels and restaurants. Masonry, carpentry and
electrical work too have seen their entry (Table 5). On the whole, the DML have
begun entering all skills and all sectors in Kerala.
Unemployment and Under-Employment among DML: Further, examining the
number of days of employment, it is clear that there is no sign of unemployment or
under employment among the DML in Kerala. Over 85% get employment six or
seven days a week. Another 11% reported working for five days a week. Only about
two percent reported employment for less than four days a week (Table 6).
16
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Table 6
Distribution of DML by Number of Days of Employment in a Week
; Number of Days of Employment
in a Week
Percentage of Labour Reporting
3
0.54
4
1.50
5
10.88
6
57.82
7
28.71
Not Reported
0.54
Total
100.00
’
Wages Earned by DML; The daily wage rates of DML are almost double the
minimum wage rates in Kerala. About one-third the DML report receiving wages of
over Rs 400 a day (Table 7); another one-third report wages between Rs 300 and 400
and the rest below Rs 300. The wages earned by the DML does not seem to depend
on whether a DML works under a contractor or as a casual labourer. Comparable
distribution of DML by wage rates is seen in both the cases. For instance, the
proportion of DML receiving a Daily Wage above Rs 400 per day is almost the same
between the two classes. Similarly, the variation in wages across channels of migration
is also insignificant.
Table 7
Distribution of DML by Daily Wages
\...
~
Wages per Day (\)
Percentage of Labour
Reporting
Not Reported
2.45
Below 300
29.12
\ 300 - 399
f
35.51
' 400 - 499
11
23.13
' 500 & above
9.80 i
Total
____________________ _______
100.00
17
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Remittances by DML: The money received as wages finds its way as remittances to
their homes. The periodicity of remittance varies from monthly (32%), to once in two
months (18%) to occasionally (42%) (Table 8). The amount remitted varies from ?
1000-5000 at the lowest to over Rs 20,000 at the last remittance (Table 9). In the
aggregate it turns out to be around Rs 70, 000 per person in a year. And most of it
flows through the banking channels (Table 10).
Table 8
Distribution of DML by Periodicity of Remittance
Periodicity of Remittance
Percentage of Labour
Reporting
j........................................... — - -
Every month
32.38
Once in 2 months
17.82
: Occasionally
42.18
’ Never
7.62
' Total
100.00
J
1
i
i
j
Table9
Distribution of DML by Amount of Remittance (T)
Remittance Amount
(Last Remittance)
Percentage Reporting
c
; Never
7.62
i Not Reported
5.31
, 1000 - 5000
24.08
j 5000 - 10,000
1
\ 10,000 - 20,000
38.50
20,000 & above
4.76
j
19.73
i
Total
100.00
18
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Tabic 10
Distribution of DML by Mode of Remittance
Mode of Remittance
Percentage Reporting
Own bank account
57.69
Other’s bank account
21.50 :
Post office
1.63 ■
Other known person
6.94
Contractor
0.54
Others
0.68
Not reported
3.40
Never send money home
7.62
Total
100.00
Most importantly, almost all the DML have identity cards of one type or the other.
Voter’s ID card is the most widely held ID card; 83% hold it. Less than one percent
have driving license. Almost eight percent have PAN card. A small percent —slighdy
over one percent- of DML have both PAN and Voter’s ID cards. About three percent
of the DML- mosdy from Orissa — have an ID card issued by their Gram Panchayat.
Only about five percent of the DML reported that they do not have any ID card.
2.5 Living Conditions of the Domestic Migrant Labour
The Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala are often living in crowded in rooms with
hardly any space to move around. While about 8% of all those surveyed did not
respond to the question, ‘how many reside in your room’, 42% reported seven or
more in a room, 13% reported six in a room, 12% reported five, 13% four and 8%
reported three in a room. Only about 5% of all DML reported one or two persons in
the room. There is hardly any difference as regards crowding across the DAIL from
different States. Further, almost 84% of them congregate among their own language
groups. Almost all the DML also reported access to toilets, but 95% of all are
common toilets. Language groups stay together and work together. And about 94% of
all do common cooking with their own language groups. Individual cooking is
reported by only 3% of the DML.
It has been noted earlier that the numbers of DML in Kerala is around 25 lakhs. The
numbers being large and the crowding in many places is well beyond the acceptable
limits it is important to introduce policies and regulations to protect the DML as well
as the local population.
19
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Chapter 3
Life and Work Environment of Domestic Migrant Labour
“Most people, given the opportunity, will not choose to move from their family, friends and
home. Indeed, most immigrants yearn to return home and may eventually do. It is only under the
most hopeless conditions that potential emigrants consider the exit option, and only a fraction of
these have the character, contacts and resources to carry it off’ (Moses, 2006: p. 13 )
“The migrant worker comes to sell his labour power where there is a labour shortage. He is
admitted to do a certain kind of job. He had no rights, claims, or reality outside his filling of that
job. While he fills it, he is paid and accommodated. If he no longer does so, he is sent back to
where he came frorrL It is not men who immigrate but machine-minders, sweepers, diggers,
cement mixers, cleaners, drillers etc. This is the significance of temporary migration. “(Berger&
Mohr, 1989: p 58)
he current wave of migration which gathered momentum during the early 1990s
T
is new both in terms of its quantity as well as sources. Earlier migrations to
Kerala were mostly from the neighbouring states of Tamil Nadu and Andhra
Pradesh, and they were mostly seeking employment in professions predominated
by manual labour such as earth work, road works, unskilled jobs in construction, and in
services like ironing clothes, and as cooks and waiters in small hotels and eateries. They
were concentrated around cities and towns, with the construction workers congregated at
the construction sites. They stayed mostly in temporary sheds or vacant shop floors and
on rare occasions in accommodation provided by the contractor.
The present wave of migration differs from the earlier ones in terms of patterns of
migration, settlement, employment and mobility. As seen in the previous section, the
present DML stock is spread across both rural and urban areas and has percolated into all
20
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
professions. Though it is still predominantly linked to construction activities, their
presence is significant in various other professions too, like hotels and restaurants, brick
kilns, jewelry work, bakeries, head-load work, hospitality, and in manufacturing industries
of all kinds. They have a very visible and considerable presence even in the small towns of
Kerala, and it is a common sight during early mornings for these labourers in great
numbers congregating in town centres waiting for prospective job offers. One can see
crowds of DML ranging from hundreds to thousands in the suburbs of Thrissur, Kannur,
Ernakulam and Thiruvananthapuram cities. They have not only outnumbered the local
workers in many professions but they have also totally replaced them. This is happening
not only in manual labour sector, but also in the manufacturing sector and also in certain
specific services/professions like hospitality. For instance, in Perumbavur Town and its
surrounding panchayats, there are more than a thousand wood-based industries
(according to sources there are 500 more units which are unlicensed) that engage around
30-40,000 workers, literally all of them are migrants! Most of the DML in Perumbavur
area originally came to work in the wood industries, and many among them who are more
enterprising and skilled, have consistently moved to other professions like construction
and petty trade, hotels, petty shops etc. where wage levels or earnings are higher.
In order to get a bird’s eye view of the range of issues around the life and work of DML,
field studies were carried out in a number of sites spread over Perumbavur,
Thiruvananthapuram and its suburbs, Ramanthali and Aluva. Unlike the previous chapter,
this chapter and the next takes the approach of detailed case studies and personal
interviews.
3.1 What triggered the migration to Kerala?
No one wants to leave one’s home, family and surroundings to work in an alien place and
under uncertain conditions. Obviously there were several factors that prompted these
workers to leave their homes to come to the distant Kerala. Most of them have left home
in their teens and have worked in several other Indian towns before coming to Kerala.
The comparatively low level of wages, lack of employment opportunities, and the
increasing unviability of the agricultural sector and its seasonal nature, have prompted
most of them to seek employment elsewhere. Some of them have also come upon
invitation by their friends/relatives in Kerala. In the case of Assamese workers, the first
batches came to Kerala in the late 80’s and early 90’s in the aftermath of a legal ban on
wood felling and the consequent closure of wood/plywood industries in their state. It was
also a time when wood industrial units were being set up in Perumbavur; they came in
groups to work here, and were much preferred due to their experience and expertise in it.
Later, when the construction boom started in the mid-90’s many of them moved to
construction, where the wages were much higher.
21
,
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
The pattern was different in the case of construction workers in Ramanthali, where, most
workers were recruited by labour contractors from Maldah district in West Bengal, and
they were sent for a period of 60 days at a time; new batches came and went in response
to the demand. In Thiruvananthapuram, the first batches came during the construction of
the Southern Air Command campus in Aakulam.
3.2 Housing and Accommodation
The pattern and nature of the housing of the DML and the facilities available to and
demanded by them, and their integration with local communities differ from place to
place and profession to profession. The nature of housing of the DML is largely
determined by the sector of employment and level of wages and skill: some live at the
work site, in temporary shacks or sheds in common lands, in single room flats, one-room
tenements, or one bed room houses and many of them live in open spaces or common
lands in huts made of plastic or tin sheets.
The DML also stay in many semi-permanent tenement and huts. The lands in these cases
belonged to local people, for which they paid rent. These hutments are either covered
with tin or plastic sheets and did not have any facilities such as kitchen, or bathrooms and
the toilets. Wherever they had facilities they were the bare minimum. There were instances
of open defecation too. The hygiene around such settlements are pathetic and the
settlements are littered with waste. Cooking, eating and sleeping are carried out in open
spaces, and most of the occupants are unskilled workers with low wages. Most of them
ate from a 'mess’ nearby which was run by their fellow men. The local public has very
low opinion about them and saw them as a threat to public hygiene, security and law and
order.
22
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Common kitchens are the rule and cooking is done either in the open or in make — shift
kitchens. In Perumbavur where the DML live in groups and in tenements without kitchen
facilities, the more enterprising among them have established a ‘mess’ for breakfast and
dinner; the mid-day meal is carried by those with families while for the others it is
prepared at die work site: in the case of construction workers, it is most often provided by
the employers, but in the case of other casual jobs, they have to eat in hotels outside.
In die manufacturing sector, temporary sheds are provided at the manufacturing units
where the DML live; diese sheds differ from unit to unit. In one of the units visited,
around 30-40 labourers were accommodated in a row of 6 rooms made of bricks, with a
common kitchen, toilets and facilities for washing and bathing. Here, 6 to 7 persons
occupied one room, some of which had small television and radio sets. Availability of
water, access to drinking water and sewage facilities are common problems in most such
settlements.
The temporary sheds at the work site are roofed with tin sheets and covered at the sides
with plastic sheets. Though there were a few toilets, there was not enough facility for
cooking or bathing, both of which were done in the open. In the wood Indus try sector,
though the wage levels do not differ widely between units, the attrition rates are high; the
labour contractors wait at the factory doors during Saturdays to ensure that the workers
stick to the same unit, or to lure them to other units which are in need of labour. The
difference is in the facilities offered like the quality of accommodation and food. In one of
the units, the weekly menu was mutton for three days, chicken for two days and egg for
one day. The daily wages ranged from Rs 200 to 300 per day, and the working hours
extended up to 10 hours a day. According to the manager, if the workers are not provided
with proper food, they tend to shift units. They also tend to shift in search of facilities and
for reasons like caste/group affiliation. All the mill owners were unanimous about the
sincerity and hard working nature of migrant labourers.
The construction/infrastructure sector portrayed another dimension of the life of migrant
labour. In the case of workers engaged in temporary works like earth work along roads
etc, the workers were accommodated in temporary structures in adjacent compounds.
Even though most of them had a contractor as their almost-permanent employer, the
nature of their job involves constant movement from place to place and site to site, which
makes renting accommodation costly and unviable.
The temporary sheds and living arrangements in construction sites were a common
phenomenon, and their condition differs with the number of inmates and the scale of
construction. In huge construction sites, workers stayed in semi-permanent structures
made of brick walls and tin roofing. Water and electricity are usually available at such sites,
which are extended to these temporary sheds too. The workers also slept in the completed
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portions of the buildings they are constructing. The cooking was common and in some
places, different groups of workers, according to their place of origin and nature of work,
lived in separate sheds, with separate cooking facilities.
Most of the labourers working in construction sector lived in small houses or flats,
depending upon their income and profession. Only a very few workers have brought their
families with them, and so most of the houses are overcrowded with men. In one of the
one- room houses, we visited there were 12 occupants, and they paid a rent of T400-500
per head per month. Apart from sleeping space — all of them slept on the floor — there
was only a tiny kitchen and a single toilet. Most often occupants of a house work in the
same profession/unit. They hail from the same locality/region/village and often from
same caste/community group. For instance, in one of the one-room row houses the team
visited, where more than 200 young men aging between 18 and 30 stayed, all of them
belonged to the same district and religion. Even die owner of these houses, a local
businessman, belonged to the same religion, and kept a watch on their activities. No anti
social activities were permitted, and it was closely monitored by the local people living in
the vicinity. The owner also reported some instances where he had to evict some workers
when they engaged in gambling, liquor consumption etc.
Worths eamrng bene. wages (mostly masons and supervisors, petty traders, hawkers ete)
bved ,n proper flats, with one room and , common veranda, a small kitchen and a toilet; these
flats had electricity and water connection, and were osettpied by an average of 5-6 persons.
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
The ‘official tenant was a single person who enters into an agreement with the house owner;
the average rent of such buildings ranged from Rs 4000 to 5000 apart from water and
electricity bills. These houses were mostly rented for a period of time, with the official tenant
accommodating his colleagues and friends. Very few of them had brought their families with
them. In one of the buildings with 30-flats the team visited, local families were also living.
According to them, these ‘bhais’ (as they are called in Perumbavur) were very timid and
seldom created any problem.
3.3 Employment
All the employers of DML — construction firms, labour contractors, manufacturers, casual
employers, business owners, quarry/brick kiln owners etc — are unanimous about their
professional sincerity and work culture. As noted, DML are employed in all sectors — formal
and informal, agriculture, industry, trade and sendees, and belong to all levels of skill,
experience and work categories - unskilled, skilled, trained, apprentices, helpers, experts,
middlemen etc.
The employers have no complaints about their dedication to work and output, though when
compared to local workers doing similar jobs, especially in skilled jobs, their productivity is
lower. For instance, many construction labour contractors opined that the quality of masonry
work differs between the local masons and migrants, with regard to its finish and perfection.
But the time and quantity of labour put in by an average migrant worker is much more than
that by the local labourers. In many cases the average daily wages for a local and migrant
mason vary up to Rs 100, and in many jobs that need complex calculation and perfection,
they are yet to achieve a level of efficiency that is at par with the local workers. But, the
migrant labourers arc easy to manage and supervise; they do their jobs silently and
continuously without breaks. They also put in longer hours and are ready to do overtime. In
die case of construction workers at Ramanthali, their normal working day extends upto to 14
hours. In the case of workers working in bottling plants near Aluva, the effective working
hours extend to more than 10 hours a day.
Some employers expressed apprehensions about DML getting organized or ‘unionised’. One
mill owner openly said that ‘now we (mill owners) are happy because they work well, they are
happy because they get better wages here, the local people and traders are happy because the
DML spend most of their earnings here, and all of us get cheap labour. If they get organized
then everything will get upset.” He substantiated his argument by saying that die recent
closing down of wood industries in the area literally paralyzed the local economy bringing it
to a standstill.
Some sectors like brick kilns bring labourers on a seasonal basis. In this sector, the workers
come with their families, settle near the kilns and stay there till die season gets over and work
finished. There are workers who come regularly every year to Kerala for diis work. They are
paid on a lump sum basis.
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Construction workers belong to two categories: those who work with a contractor and have
some assurance about regular employment, and those who seek daily employment by casual
employers. Though the casual workers who seek daily jobs independently get more wages,
they don’t get regular employment. Their employment is dependent upon market demands,
and thev have to be ready to move in search of better wages and employment opportunities.
In the case of workers attached to a contractor, they usually get employed on a regular basis,
with the employer shifting them from site to site where he has work. This kind of
employment also helps the labourer to work with experienced workers and acquire expertise
to become more skilled and earn/demand better wages. The casual labourers who live
independently or in small groups in the suburbs are comparatively more aged, and many of
them have their families living with diem. In most cases, both husband and wife go for work
and earn for the family.
Many respondents reported that they come to Kerala due to lack of employment
opportunities in their home state. Agriculture has become uneconomical, and there are no
openings in industrial or sendees sector. And, when one compares the wage levels, the wages
in Kerala are more than double that they get in their homeland. All this makes Kerala a ver}7
lucrative destination.
In Perumbavur, it was reported that many DML were engaged in illegal sand mining operated
through local contractors.
There was unanimity from Local Self Government representatives, mill owners, contractors,
health workers and local people that the DML were constandy on the move. Ver}7 few of
them stayed for a long time in a particular house/setdement, many of them came for a few
months or seasonally. Most of the DML had no long-term plans of settling in Kerala; they
wanted to earn enough money and go back to their natal families. In the case of plywood
workers, it was quite common for them to shift from one firm to another, and many casual
labourers even shifted residence and to casual work in the construction sector. This constant
mobility and lack of fidelity to a particular firm also became an excuse for the mill owners to
employ diem on casual/daily wage basis perpetually. One Mill owner reported that despite his
efforts to register them under Employees State Insurance and Employees Provident Fund,
they refused to get registered. The attempt of the Labour Department to register DML met
with very limited success; they were able to register only 600 labourers in Perumbavur!
According to the mill owners, the migrant labourers are not interested in such registrations, as
they do not envision their settling here for good. And as they never stay in one place or stick
to one employer for long, the mill owners were not ready to register them as their employees.
“After registering with the government as employees in my factory, and getting ID cards
certifying it, if they leave my factory and engage in some mischief, I will be in trouble.” said
one of the mill owners.
Such mobility was also posing problems to the Health Department, who are not able to
follow up cases of communicable diseases. Once the disease is identified, and medicines
prescribed, most of them do not come back. A few AIDS and TB cases were reported in
Perumbavur area, and these cases are being followed up with great difficulty.
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3. 4.Wages
A factor that contributes to the attraction of Kerala as a job destination is the high wage level
here compared to that in the states of origin of DML. For instance one of the migrant
workers from Assam who is working in construction sector in Thiruvananthapuram now, and
has worked in various other places in India, describes it thus: “I am 25 and I have been in
Kerala for one and a half years. During the last 8 years I was working in various tides in India
like Chennai, Ahmedabad and Kolkata. What I find attractive about Kerala is that, it is a place
whose terrain and climate are similar to ours, the people here are friendly, the bosses are
professional in their approach, the fellow workers from Kerala are cooperative and ready to
teach, and most importantly, we are paid the promised wages at tire end of the day without
fail. At present 1 work as an assistant and I get Rs 350-400 a day plus lunch”.
But wages differ from sector to sector, profession to profession, level of skill, supply of
labour, and market demands. Migrant labour being a population in flux and virtually being a
reserve army of labour for various productive sectors, the level of awareness about minimum
wages and demand for such legal rights are non-existent. Almost everyone confirmed that
wage rates were much lower in their states, which was one reason that makes Kerala an
attractive destination for them.
3.5 Leisure
In almost all the sectors, the DML work long hours during working days, and have only one
day off on Sundays. For instance, in many construction sites, they work 12-14 hours a day,
and thus have no time for any relaxation or entertainment. After coming home late in the
evenings, they don’t have much time for anything else but cooking, eating and sleeping.
Sunday is the only day they get to enjoy and relax. Many people do their weekly chores during
that day, like washing etc. Some people stay in their rooms watching movies on television.
Elaborate cooking is a common feature on Sundays.
g|ni
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It ts also the day they go for an outing, to the local market to buy provisions, recharge
phones, check out VCDs, and to do more elaborate shopping if they arc planning to go home
the week after. Parks, city centres, gardens, and open spaces etc are the only spaces available
for diem as pre-fixed meeting points to talk to their friends, relatives etc. But even such
spaces arc very few and their presence often seems to irritate local people. There have been
instances in Thiruvananthapuram when they were driven away from parks by the police. Not
only that their participation in local festivals and celebrations ate minimal, some of their
celebrations like Holi and Deepavali are seen as too noisy and riotous by local population. All
this further insulates them from any kind of social life.
In some places like Perumbavur, a theatre (Lucky Theatre) is solely dedicated to screening
Hindi and Oriya films. The DHL from all die nearby districts throng this dieatre during
the weekends. In some setdements, they have arrangements to screen DVDs, which they
watch as a group. But for such very7 limited occasions of cultural consumption, they are
totally deprived of any kind of cultural expression/celebration here. As their population
grows and stays lengthen, these communities will necessarily tend to assert their rights and
identity by seeking spaces and asserting presences, which in turn, could create tensions
with the local populace.
3.6 The Migrants and the Locals
One of Che most stoking characrerisdcs of migrant labour in Kerala is their total insularity
from the local populate. Though they contribute their labour to sustain local economy
and make posstble infrastructure development, and their presence is gradually percoladng
into agriculture and services sectors, they are no, accepted as equals. The local commumty
has a lot of apprehensions - more often unfounded - about them. These fears arise out of
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the anonymity of these workers: “Nowadays when I go out in the morning, the streets
and my residential area are filled with these people. The presence of these aliens make me
uneasy..” “Who knows who they arc, and from where they come? What if they have a
criminal backgrounds What if they rob us and run away? Is it possible to identify them?”
etc arc some of the common expressions of fear and apprehension about them. They are
also seen as a health threat, as carriers of diseases that were eradicated from Kerala. An
year ago, a case of Malaria was reported in Perumbavur, the source of which was a
migrant labourer. 1 hey are also accused of dumping food and other waste into common
land and rivers/canals thus polluting the environment. As they are a shifting population,
and the local community has no link with them, prevention of such activities or
conscientisation about the fallouts etc is almost impossible. Additionally the class barriers
are language barriers which make communication with them difficult.
One indicator of the lack of integration of migrants into the local polity/society is the
acknowledgment of their presence by the grass root level of government, the local bodies.
Such concentration of DAIL population in certain pockets should be an area of concern
for the LSGs, who issue licenses to small units and are mandated to provide basic facilities
for sewage, waste disposal, drinking water supply etc. But the Development documents
of the LSGs in the area do not make any mention of DML, leave alone any
schemes/programmes addressing their welfare or problems. The DML are officially non
existent as far as the LSGs are concerned.
Discussions with the representatives of the LSGs revealed that they are very7 much aware
of the problems and issues relating to DALL in their area, but do not have any specific
plans to address them. According to them, it has to be initiated at the state government
and departmental level. If any such initiatives are made, they are ready to cooperate and
implement the same. The Perumbavur Alunicipal authorities mentioned instances where
they cooperated with die Health Department to conduct inoculation camps in DML
setdements. But for such rare instances, diere was hardly any concerted effort on their
part to deal with the DAIL.
In almost all die locations the Team visited, the local people did not consider DAIL as a
threat to law and order. Though some stray theft cases were recorded against them in
certain places, they were exceptions rather than the rule. DAIL were most often seen as a
health threat due to their unhygienic living conditions in many places, and as carriers of
HIV and other contagious diseases.
According to the LSG authorities and some landlords who rented houses to DAIL, the
latter do not pause any security threats because,
a) Almost all of diem carry ID cards - either Election IDs or Certificates issued by
their local Grama Panchayat;
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b) They come and stay in groups and are introduced to the landlord by a senior
among them known to the landlord;
c) Most of the settlements have people belonging to the same caste/community/
religion, and so, they are a socially cohesive group. Individual tenants are not
entertained, unless they have a proper job in a reputed firm,
d) Moreover, the movement of each tenant was being closely monitored by group
leaders and the local community, who, in most cases, seemed to have the power to
oust them without any reason, if they suspect anything out of die way. As one of
the landlords who rented out more than 20 houses told the Team.
They are
always under our surveillance. The moment somebody is upto some mischief, we
throw them out immediately”;
e) According to sources, altercations and disputes do occur among the DML, but it is
in almost all the cases amongst themselves, or between different groups among
them, and seldom between DML and the local people.
But the clustering of settlements of people from the same caste/community etc could
pose social problems of communal dimensions, as there are chances of tensions/enmities
between groups in their homeland being carried over to the present settlements. Also,
there are chances of local communal elements manipulating and working in tandem with
DMT. communities to foment trouble, taking advantage of the group dwelling and
anonymous nature of the individuals. In such cases, the apprehensions about 'anonymity’
and group habitation patterns of DML could give rise to social tensions and mistrust. In
many places, local people quoted media reports about such settlements being used as
hideouts by criminals and extremists.
But, as of now, in almost all the places, the contractors and group leaders seem to have
strict control over the movement and activities of the labourers.
3.7. Demographic/Gender Dimensions
One has to take into account the demographic/gender dimensions of DML issue in the
context of Kerala. As the age profile of DML presented in Section 2 shows, the vast
majority of them are young and able-bodied belonging to the age group of 18 to 30 years.
More importantly, almost all of them are male, and only a very small minority has brought
their families with them. (The female presence is limited to certain specific sectors like
jewelry work and brick kilns etc). The most obvious and immediate issue such a huge
population, that too so predominantly male and young, raises is that related to their
emotional and sexual needs. According to the volunteers of Kerala State Aids Control
Society, this sudden influx of migrant male population into Kerala, who earn wages and
has extra money to spend, has given a boost to local sex industry. Prostitution is rampant
among them, but is carried out under veils of secrecy; moreover, they are also careful not
to invite the wrath of local moral policing. AU this, along with the total lack of knowledge
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about safe sex and the use of condoms make them a section that is very vulnerable to fatal
infections and diseases. According to health volunteers, vast majority of them have not
even heard of HIV or AIDS.
Looked at from a long term perspective, another potential area of concern is the stark
contrast that is emerging in the demographic profiles of the host and migrant population
in the state. The demographic profile of Kerala, due to various interventions like family
planning programme, and factors like out migration to Gulf and other countries, is
increasingly weighed towards the older age categories, and in another ten years, majority
of the population will be 40 plus. So, in the near future, a very explosive demographic
situation will arise in Kerala, where a big majority of the host population will belong to the
older age groups while the migrant population will dominate the other segment of the
population that is young and working.
3.8. The Economics of Sub-Contracting
The DML is large in number, docile and easy to manage, work long hours and are highly
mobile. They are in one place today and in another tomorrow. Paradoxically, most of the
DML are employed by very ‘formal’ but labour intensive sectors like
infrastructure/construction, and manufacturing industries like wood. They also figure
prominently in the sendee sectors - hospitality, beauty parlours etc.
In the construction sector, they are procured and supplied by labour contractors, who in
turn have Enks with construction firms, most of which are very reputed and even
multinational. In wood industry, they are brought in batches, almost invariably from the
same district/locality and belong to the same community/reEgion, artisanal group etc.
Again these labourers, most of them are from the regions from which they recruit labour,
are brought by and through suppEers. What these labour contractors assure the employers
in the infrastructure/construcdon and manufacturing sectors is the uninterrupted supply
of labour with the required skill sets and experience. It is a kind of package deal between
the contractors and the employers.
This subcontracting system is beneficial to the employers as it reEeves them
a) From the burden of identifying and recruiting labourers when in need
b) Worries of negotiating wages
c) By keeping a labour force ‘permanently temporary’ through willful attrition and
frequent rotation/change of jobs
d) From the burden of having to employ workers on a permanent basis and thus
adhere to labour laws and other mandatory welfare schemes
The seasonal nature of migration, whose ebb and tides are influenced by the seasonal
demand for labour at their homeland and in Kerala, works to the advantage of the labour
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contractor as well as the employer. Most importantly, the manufacturing firms are able to
draw from this reserve army of labour whenever they need workers according to the rise
and fall in demand, which in turn is related to the supply of timber from abroad and to
production deadlines.
The economic imperatives are very evident: “Small and medium size companies and
labor-intensive economic sectors do not have the option of relocating operations...
Responses in these sectors include downgrading of manufacturing processes, deregulation
and flexibiiisation of employment, with increased emphasis on cost-cutting measures and
sub-contracting. In a considerable number of countries, these measures have expanded
the number of jobs at the bottom of the employment scale, these jobs are referred to as
the 3-D jobs; dirty, degrading and dangerous.” (Patrick and Moreno-Fontes Chammartin,
2003: p 4)
It is interesting to note that in our public discourses and reports, we tend to categorise
DML almost invariably as ‘casual’ or ‘informal’. But if one looks into their patterns of
employment, labour conditions, wage rates and also attrition, nouns such as ‘informal’
‘casual’ etc need to be seen as verbs. They are in fact ‘informalised’ or ‘casualised’ to suit
the interests of capital and host society that employs them. On the one hand, their
‘anonymity’ or ‘lack of identity’and low levels of integration to host polities help to
institutionalize their disenfranchisement. In fact, they are very well integrated into the host
economy but not into the host culture or society, which means they are often deliberately
kept at bay, in order to ensure not only their social insularity but also to disempower them
from asserting their rights - as citizens and labourers. This systematic exclusion works to
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the advantage of the host society in various ways: to keep the wage levels low, rent levels
high, sendees cheap, and to maintain a labour force that is at their beck and call, one that
can be absorbed and driven out at will.
Many of the factor}' owners in Perumbavur ‘complained’ that these migrant workers are
‘not interested’ in subscribing to many welfare schemes like Employees State Insurance,
Provident Fund etc. They also complained about these workers never sticking to one firm,
but always shifting places and jobs the moment they are offered better wages or facilities.
In fact, such mobility also works to the advantage of the employers, as it helps them to
access labour force at will - according to the changing labour requirements of the unit —
and also as an excuse to keep them permanendy ‘casual’ and thus relieving them of the
burden/liability of offering diem mandatory labour benefits.
The labour contractors of Naval Base at Ramanthali had a different story to tell. Most of
the construction companies here are national or multinational companies who access
labour from all over the country based on their skills and demand for labour supply. A
large proportion of construction workers here come from Maldah region of Bengal, and
they are brought in batches to be employed for a fixed period of 60 days after which they
are sent home. The labour contractors ensure that each batch is replaced by die next.
Though the system keeps track of labour movement at source or origin, the conditions of
labour are not in tandem with a rights-based economy. According to sources, they are
given a daily wage of around Rs 300-350 plus accommodation. But the flip side is that
they are brought to work for 14 hours a day! One labour contractor said that ‘even if they
work for less hours, our contract conditions say they have to be paid for 14 hours. For
them, a working day is 14 hours, so we pay them fair wages according to their definition
of a working day”. This constant rotation of labourers also works to the advantage of
both the labour contractors and the construction company to have at their command a
reserve army of labourers who can be accessed and fired at will. Given their working
hours and construction site-centric settlements, they have no contacts with the host
community outside their work site, and so, are isolated in multiple ways.
This is a universal phenomenon in migration where the host community reserves the
‘right’ to keep the migrants temporary and out of the purview of legal provisions that
obligate them. What the ILO states very strongly in the global context rings very true
here: “numerous governments informally tolerate irregular migration while they officially
reinforce controls against ‘illegal’ migrant workers. The effects are, on the one hand, a
continued supply of cheap labour, while on the other hand, ‘illegal’ migrants are unable to
organize in the workplace to defend their dignity and decent work conditions, stigmatized
and isolated as well from allies and support.
The practices of many states of tolerating the presence of migrant workers in irregular
status to meet labour needs in certain sectors of the market constitutes a de facto
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employment policy in which part of the work-force becomes a variable which can be
reduced or even eliminated (in theory) in periods of economic downturn, through exercise
by states of their prerogative to expel foreigners from their territory” (Patrick Taran and
Eduardo Geronimi, 2003: p 6).
3.9 Formalizing Migrant Labour - Emerging Challenges
As is evident from the discussion in earlier sections, the DML presence in Kerala is a
structural one that is closely and intricately linked to die state’s economy and society, and
whose presence has percolated into all walks of economic activity. But in public
discourses and media they are still called ‘anya-samsthana thozhilalikal’ which though
literally would mean ‘workers from another state’ can also with the usage of the prefix
‘anya’ often denotes workers from an ‘alien’ state or simply alien workers . This is a potent
indicator of the insularity and distance of the DML from the local people.
There is a deep ambivalence in the way society and government — officials of Health,
Social Welfare, Police, LSG, Labour etc Departments and employers from various formal
and informal sectors and contractors - look at them. On the one hand, everyone is aware
that the supply of DML is absolutely essential for the State’s economy; but on die other,
they are also not very willing to accept the DML as equals, as cidzens with all the
democratic rights. Many of them look at the DML as a direat to security, health etc.
Evidendy, most of the stakeholders who have some economic interests relating to DML,
like the contractors, builders, manufacturers, local traders, and casual employers, would
like the status quo to continue: that is, a situation where the flow of DML is unhindered
and free, the wage levels and working conditions dictated by the local employers and the
middlemen are accepted by them without much protest (which, in any case, is much
above what that existing in their home states), their demands are minimal, they go on
shifting jobs, places and employers, and live at the margins of our society. This kind of
semi-illegal nature of residence helps to keep DML population under constant
surveillance and control, at the same time giving the host community the power to oust or
redistribute them according to the push and pull of local economy.
Unless Kerala society and government address the DML question urgently and
meaningfully, it is bound to throw up social problems and tensions of various lands.
Kerala, which has a huge population of men and women working all over the world,
could be a model in ensuring the rights and freedom of the migrant population, and in
integrating them with local society and culture.
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Chapter 4
Case Studies
4.1 Migrant Living
Perumbavur,Ernakulam District
he study team visited various settlements of Domestic Migrant Labourers
T
across the state including that of construction workers, factory workers, and
casual labour.
Perumbavur is one of the oldest setdements of Domestic Migrant Labourers and is a
place with a large concentration of migrants from north and north-east. The DML
settlements are spread over Perumbavur Municipality, and the adjacent Grama
Panchayats
namely
Vazhakulam,
Vengola,
Rayamangalam,
Asamallur,
Okkal,
Koovapady, and Kalady. The size of DML population in this region is roughly
estimated as 1.15 to 1.30 Lakhs as per die opinion of the elected members of various
local bodies with whom the study team interacted. Appoximately 3,000 migrants are
setded in a single setdement in Palakkattuthazhath in the outskirts of Perumbavur
municipality which the local people popularly call ‘Orissa Colony’. There are both
multi storied flats and single storied sheeted rooms in clusters specially built for giving
on rent to the migrants. In both kinds of setdements, the layout of the interior consists
of a hall, a small kitchen and a toilet in a single row connected with a common passage
veranda. On an average 10 migrants reside in a single unit of approximately 200 square
feet. In some cottages the toilets are located outside the room for common use by the
inmates of all the units.
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In most of the multi storied buildings, there was waste water disposal facility
connected to soak pits, but in case of many of the sheeted buildings the oudet is into
the open area witliout any arrangement for disposal. Like any other densely populated
settlement here also arrangement for disposal of household solid waste was near
absent. Many LSG ward members from the Panchayats complained that the waste is
dumped into nearby streams.
Tn the multi-storey cluster cottages, the migrant labourers and, Malayali families were
residing side by side harmoniously. In a three storied building of 24 units three units
were occupied by the Malayali families and the remaining by the domestic migrant
labourers from West Bengal, Odisha and Assam. The Malayali housewives with whom
the study team interacted did not feel any inconvenience in living in these setdements.
They had issues only regarding waste disposal and hygiene which they blamed on the
large number of occupants per room. The migrant labourers staying in all the units in
this building were single. It is not clear whether they were married, but had left their
wives and families behind. In some of the units they have television and cable
connections.
In most cottages the migrants pay rent individually or per head which ranges from T
400 -700 per month. In the multi storey buildings an occupant is charged
500-700
per head. In the sheeted structure the rent per head is around ? 200-300. In almost all
the cottages, cooking is common by one or two persons in turn using Kerosene Stove.
There are some hotels in the vicinity which are run by the migrants. In some other
settlements of Bengali migrants, women from their villages are appointed for food
preparation and other household chores.
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In a settlement called Manjapetty in Vazhakulam Panchayat which is 12 Kms from
Perumbavur town, the rent per head in the single storey sheeted building is slighdy
lower than that in other setdements. Here the rent per head ranges from ? 350 to ?
500. In one settlement seven units are constructed in a single storey sheeted building.
All the inhabitants in this site are from West Bengal working in construction sites and
a railway cement godown. The migrants Eve in this setdement under the strict control
of the house owner and the local people. They are not allowed to consume alcohol or
to play cards in their dwelling place. In case, such incidences are noted, the inhabitants
are immediately ousted by the building owner. The area of a unit is around 180 square
feet and has a hall and a small room. The hall is used as bedroom for 10-12 inmates,
where they sleep on plastic mats. There are seven such units in this cluster cottage of
70-80 people. The small room is used as kitchen where food is prepared using the
Kerosene stove placed on the ground. This setdement has only four bath rooms and
five toilets for die use of all the inhabitants. Some of the immigrants were seen
shaving and bathing in the open.
An auto driver living in a rented cottage near this setdement said that the migrants in
this settlement do not create any problems for the local people. But he expressed his
concern over the rent escalation in recent times for the small cottages which has
adversely affected the family budget of the families living in rented houses widi limited
income. The migrant labourers do not feel die burden as 10-12 people share a unit and
die rent is about a day’s wage. But for the local families the rent is unaffordable as it
could be over 25% of their monthly income.
In a settlement in Manjapetty, a majority of the rooms were occupied by the migrants
from Assam. Some of them were construction workers and others were working in die
packaged drinking water bottling unit. The lay out of the building is same as in other
places. Here also there are 10-12 migrants per room, with the owner collecting T 400
from each individual.
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The study team also visited die migrant setdements inside the plywood and veneer
making factories. The cottages in the plywood factories also have the same lay out
seen in other settlements, but instead of the bath room they have constructed a
bathing area with an open tank with space for bathing around the tank. Here also a
large number is accommodated in each unit. In some of the factories they have
provided TV and cable connection in a common area. In the well-established
industries they have recently started providing free food to the workers to prevent a
large turnover of workers.
In die construction sector, the contractors provide temporary sheds in the work site
for the workers. This helps to reduce wages. When the sheds are full, the workers are
accommodated in the partially completed buildings.
Chavadimukku, Thiruvananthapuram District
The living conditions of migrants in large size construction companies and under large
contractors were studied in various locations in and around Thiruvananthapuram
Corporation. Contractors in major work sites, like office complexes and flats, set up
temporary sheds in the site to accommodate the migrant workers. The provision of
accommodation is a means to reduce wages for the contractor. In the case of sites for
office complexes, enough space will be available in the plot apart from the space
marked for the building. So the temporary sheds constructed in such locations are
retained until the work is completed and the building is transferred. . The building in
progress is also used to accommodate the workers as it rises to a certain stage. There
are various sets of workers in the site, differentiated by die type of work, place of
origin and otherwise groups brought by different labour suppliers. In most sites, the
labourers reside and prepare food together. Generally, a group consisting of five to ten
persons prepares the food including breakfast, lunch and supper for everyone. Group
members generally are from the same village and some of them are relatives and are
lead by a team leader. Each one contributes daily for the purchase of food articles, but
the cost sharing and settlement of account are done in the weekend as in the
construction sector, wages are settled at the weekend.
In sites where flats are constructed, the sheds set up in the initial stage are used for a
certain period only. Thereafter when more workers come to the site they are
accommodated in that portion of the flats whose super structure has been completed.
When the work progresses the temporary sheds are removed and all the workers are
shifted to the building in progress.
Three or four temporary toilets are constructed for 50-60 workers. Bathing
arrangement in many of the sites is in the open and in a few places; cubicles are made
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
of construction materials. The sheds are set up with tin sheets and with minimum
ventilation. Food and food articles are stored in the same space which is used for
sleeping. Cooking in many settlements is in the open or under a temporary roof. Both
Kerosene stove and firewood are used for cooking in this kind of settlements. Broken
parts of wooden planks and runners used for shuttering and wooden remains of the
carpentry wok available in the site is used as firewood. As kerosene is very expensive
in the open market, the migrant labourers depend on the wood waste available at the
site for cooking to the maximum possible extent.
When the work stops due to scarcity of sand or for any other reason, the contractor
permits the migrants to go for other casual employment while staying in these sheds.
But they should join his work on demand. The migrants staying in the work site work
up to seven days a week if work is available.
Thirumala, Thiruvananthapuram District
Thirumala is one of the settlements in Thiruvananthapuram suburbs, where migrants
who work as casual labourers stay. Here, they occupy rooms and houses on payment
of rent on a per head basis. There are a number of such settlements in various parts of
the city. In die settlement at Thirumala which is within Thiruvananthapuram
Corporation, the Team found many causal workers from Orissa and West Bengal
living in the upstairs of a commercial complex. Five to seven people live in die rooms
with an area of 80-100 square feet. There are 24 such rooms in this settlement. Apart
from these rooms upstairs, some rooms are constructed at the back portion of the
ground floor. Migrants from Assam, Bihar and West Bengal live in these setdements.
But each of the language groups stay in separate rooms or clusters.
Out of the 24
rooms, one room is occupied by a Bihari Migrant family who is a carpenter with wife
and three children. Two of his children are of the school-going age group, but they
seldom attend school.
The remaining 23 rooms are occupied by migrants who are
single. Only 4 rooms in the second floor have attached toilets. There are only 4 toilets
and 3 bathrooms for the 120 odd inmates in the remaining 20 rooms.
There is no separate space for cooking in any of these rooms. So they cook in the
passage and comers of the building using Kerosene stoves. The migrants in this
setdement very rarely depend on hotels for their food, except for some light
refreshments at 10 am. They prepare breakfast, lunch and supper at the dwelling place
itself and take lunch with them while going for work. The building owner resides
close to this building and the migrants stay under his close supervision. Environmental
hygiene is too poor, the passage and the premises are littered with pan masala foils,
beedi stubs and other wastes. Each inmate pays a monthly rent of ? 700 in advance
before the last day of the month.
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Unlike workers at work sites, generally Sunday is a holiday for casual labourers. Earlier
they used to visit Gandhi Park in East Fort, a place of congregation for casual migrant
labourers where they used to meet their friends and enquire about better job
opportunities. But due to the restrictions imposed by the city police against the free
entry of domestic migrants in Gandhi Park, they are forced to go to other places like
Kovalam, Shangumugham Beach, Museum, Veli beach etc. to meet their friends and
relatives. The restriction was imposed in the light of some stray incidents of violence
involving domestic migrants. Though the police withdrew from imposing such
restrictions upon the DMLs due to protest from human right activists and social
organizations, the migrants in this settlement said that they are hesitant to go there
after that incident.
There are television sets in some of the rooms in these settlements. These televisions
are owned by the inmates who have been staying here for a long time. The people
residing in the nearby rooms also come to watch the programmes in their language.
Some of them prefer to stay back in the room watching TV even on Sundays as it is
less expensive.
Majority of the inhabitants here are below 30 years. There are some masons from
West Bengal and carpenters from Bihar above this age. Almost all the inmates use pan
masala which add to the unhygienic conditions as they spit on die corners of the
parapet and the staircase.
Ramanthali, Kannur District
The situation in the construction site of the Naval Academy in Ramanthali in Kannur
District was very different. The construction here is by large construction companies
and some by their sub-contractors. The workers are arranged through ‘tekkedars’ or
labour contractors to whom the construction companies pay commission per working
day. The migrants are provided accommodation in the temporary sheeted structures.
There are three types of workers recruited here from outside the state. A majority of
the unskilled labourers in the setdement are from Andhra Pradesh who comes along
with dieir families including children.
A majority of the masons in this site are from
Odisha, and the workers in carpentry and bar bending are from West Bengal.
All the family members work in the site for upto 12-15 hours, the payment being
made on piece rate and output basis.
The local Gram Panchayat and the health
authorities are not permitted to enter the site being a defense area. So they are not
quite aware of the working and living conditions of these workers. The workers
approach the local Primary Health Centre (PHC) to get treatment for ailments, as
other health care facilities are not affordable. The PHC authorities provide health care
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services to them free of cost.
According to local information the situation of the
unskilled workers brought by the labour suppliers is quite bad. It is reported that they
are not permitted to go home before the agreed period as they receive a portion of
payment in advance before migrating from their village.
Additional requirement of unskilled workers is met from Maldah district of West
Bengal through labour suppliers. The unskilled workers are recruited through the local
Panchayats in Maldah. Each batch of migrant workers stays for 60 days and returns to
the village, and they are replaced by another group that reaches the destination to work
for another 60 days.
Entry’ to the defence academy is restricted by the authorities and no one is permitted
to visit the location of the setdements of unskilled labourers living with families, one
of which is known as ‘Andhra Colony’. The suppliers and the local workers who
frequent the settlement point out diat the living condition of these migrants including
little children was deplorable. A few months ago, following media reports about the
prevalence of ‘bonded labour’ in the setdements, a team of officials headed by the
Tahsildar, visited the location. According to reports, they returned satisfied after
meeting the labourers and inspecting their living conditions.
4.2 Migrant Lives
SA, Grocery Shop Owner, Perumbavur
SA is from an agrarian Muslim family in die rural part of Murshidabad district, West
Bengal. He has two brothers and a sister. His father is a marginal farmer. Bodi his
father and mother work in their land as well as in die lands of other large scale
agriculturists. SA studied up to 12th standard but discontinued studies to find a job to
support his father who was struggling to meet the needs of the family because of
diminishing income from agriculture caused by increased input costs. According to
SA, he stopped his education as there is litde employment opportunity in West Bengal
for well-educated youth. So he preferred to search for a job without delaying it for
education. He left his village when he was 19 years old and came to Kerala with the
help of a relative working in die plywood industry in Perumbavur.
SA first joined in a plywood veneer making factory and continued there for over eight
months. Though the wage in veneer factories is lesser than that for other manual
labour, he used to get the payment promptly at die weekend. He was also provided
accommodation by the factory. Later he left this work in search of better paid
employment. He started working as a helper in building and road construction which
was more remunerative than the work in plywood industry. Later he got an
opportunity to work in a fruit stall in Perumbavur. SA learned to speak Malayalam
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very' quickly from this fruit stall through having to deal with the local costumers. After
two years, SA married a girl hailing from Murshidabad whose father was working in
Perumbavur. His father in- law was supplying a Bengal brand beedi to the shops in
Emakulam district. Apart from this he owned a grocery' shop in Palakkattuthazhe
which is thickly inhabited by the migrant labourers from Odisha, West Bengal and
Assam. Now SA is running this grocery shop while his father in-law is in the beedi
business. SA has established good relations with all his customers including the local
Malayali families. He has a good customer base among the locals.
SA’s wife lives in his ancestral house with their two year old girl child. SA visits his
home 3-4 times a year.
During his return journeys he brings local commodities
including Murshidabad brand beedi for sale.
SA explained that his experience in the fruit stall as a sales boy has helped run his
business. However, he added that there are many' others from Murshidabad and
Maldah doing various businesses in Perumbavur and Aluva. He also took our team to
a nearby' grocery' shop and a hotel (mess and a light refreshment centre) which was run
by' Mr. FL, his friend from the same village. FL is living in a cottage with his wife and
two children. His elder son was studying in the 2nd standard and the daughter in UKG
in an English medium unaided school in Perumbavur. FL has brought two persons
from Murshidabad including a woman to work in his shop and to cook at the ‘mess’.
SS, Production Manager, Plywood Unit, Perumbavur
SS belonging to Bhadrak district in Odisha, came to Perumbavur in 2001. He has a
brother and a sister. His father and mother are working in a brick kiln for a low wage.
Due to the bad financial situation of his family, he was not able to continue his
education after the 12th standard. On completing his higher secondary' education, SS
attended an industrial training centre for three months to learn tool molding work.
After this short term course, when he was 18 years old he migrated to Mysore, where
one of his relatives was working in an industrial unit. SS managed to get a job in this
unit. He remained there for about a year and shifted to Kerala along with some of his
colleagues. The wages they received in Mysore were low, in addition there was a huge
cut in wages for food and accommodation. So they moved to Kerala in search of
better wages and employment following the advice of his colleagues from Assam who
informed him about the job opportunities in Perumbavur.
SS started to work in a veneer factory as a helper under a work contractor. He got
accommodation in the workers’ cottage that was attached to the factory'. Later many of
his colleagues who came to Kerala with him left plywood industry in search of better
wages and joined the construction sector. But SS felt comfortable working in plywood
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
factor)’ as he is happy with the facilities there; moreover six days work is assured even
though the wage was lesser than in the construction sector. He was promoted as a
work supervisor with an increase in wages. Now he is working as a production
manager in the same factory which is one of the oldest plywood factories in
Perumbavur. SS says that the accommodation in this factory is much better than that
in other factories in this locality.
Four years ago, SS got married. He brought his wife to Perumbavur renting a separate
cottage near his place of work and they stayed together for one and half years. She
went back home when she became pregnant. Now she is staying in her house in
Bhadrak with her parents and their three year old girl child. According to Mr. SS he
could not bring his family to Kerala as the cost of living is very high here, especially
the rent for a single bedroom cottage. In their village, they produced enough rice and
vegetables required for a family in their own land. Here, they need cash to purchase
them, apart from high room rent for family accommodation. However SS is happy
about his life in Perumbavur. Some of the workers from Odisha have gone back, as
there is shortage of labour in Bhadrak during harvesting season; they will get a wage of
? 300 for die harvesting work in this season. Earlier it was only ? 150-200, but now
the seasonal wage has increased in Bhadrak as there is severe shortage of labour in
harvesting season due to large scale migration of youth from this region.
SS has a TV in his room and he regularly goes to watch Oriya films in theatres in
Perumbavur. Recendy SS got a prize of ? 50 Lakhs and a Maruti Swift Dezire car in
the Kerala Government Lottery. He sold the car and setded all the debts of his family
in his native place.
Now SS is helping the work contractor for managing the
production and labourers from Odisha and West Bengal. Many of his villagers have
reached Perumbavur with the help of SS and some of them are working in the same
factory under liis supervision.
Now SS sends ? 8,000-12,000 once in two months to his family. Most of the time he
deposits money in his fadier’s bank account, who gives a portion to his wife who is
residing with her parents. His wife also has an account in the State Bank of India.
Apart from this she has die ATM card of SS’s own bank account. On special
occasions, he will deposit money in one of these accounts from which it can be
withdrawn by his wife from the ATMs at the nearest town.
Apart from these
accounts, SS has opened a bank account in Perumbavur branch to encash the lottery
prize money.
According to Mr. SS, depositing money in the Bank Account is a tedious task and is
one full day’s affair. There will be a huge queue for depositing cash for the other
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
branch account holders. They use to stand in the queue by 08.00 am to remit the cash.
Many times they have to wait till noon for making the remittance. The bank will accept
remittance only upto three accounts from a single person. Therefore to avoid loss of
one day’s wage there is the practice among them to send one person to the bank for
cash remittance by sharing wage compensation and other expenses. SS feels the
drudgery of sending money home as a major issue faced by the migrant labourers in
Perumbavur. He feels it would be good if SBI could open a separate branch for the
Domestic Migrant Labourers in Perumbavur with more counters to deal with their
remittance.
RS, Casual Labourer, Perumbavur
RS from Murshidabad of West Bengal state left his village when he was 14 years. He
has been working in Permbavoor and nearby areas as a casual worker for the last 10
years. His father and mother are agricultural labourers. His family owns 33 cents of
land in which they had an ancestral house. He has a brother and a sister both elder to
him and married. His brother and his wife are doing their post-graduation, and RS is
providing financial support for their study.
RS came to Perumbavur with one of his relatives working in a plywood factory. He
also joined as a casual labourer under a work contractor in a veneer making factory.
He worked there nearly for a year before shifting to the construction sector. Later, for
some time he joined a sand mining group in Perumbavur and nearby areas. It is more
lucrative than any other work available in this region. As the district authorities and the
police have increased raids against sand mining, for the last one year he is engaged in
loading and unloading of cement in a railway godown. In his present work RS is
earning T 400-600 a day depending on the number of bags he loads/unloads. RS
occasionally visits his village. Every month he deposits whatever he can save in to the
bank account of his father in order to support his family and also for the study of his
elder brother and sister in law.
RS is staying in one of the migrant settlements in Manjapetty in Vazhakulam
Panchayat near Perumbavur. He is residing in a single bedroom cluster cottage with a
kitchen and a common toilet outside the room. There are 10 persons in his room
including himself and all are from Murshidabad. Those renting the accommodation
have to pay the building owner individually. He is paying ? 400 for his accommodation
in the small hall.
NM, Worker, Bottling Plant, Aluva
NM migrated four years ago after the business he ran in his village became unviable
due to meager turnover and insufficient profits. He belongs to Hoswaragoan village in
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Morigoan district in Assam. His father and mother are marginal farmers and are
agricultural labourers too. His father cultivates rice and vegetables in the 15 Bigha land
owned by him. NM, 38 years old, has studied up to the 10th standard. He has built a
house in his ancestral land. His wife and six year old boy are residing in this house. His
child has not yet started to attend the school and NM has not yet planned the child’s
schooling.
NM was running a small textile shop in Hoswaragoan village centre. When the people
started to shop apparel items from bigger textile shops in the cities, his business
started to dimmish and soon the turnover became inadequate to meet his wage and
room rent. In addition, when he shifted to a separate house from his joint family, his
cash requirements also started to increase. Then NM migrated to Secunderabad in
Andhra Pradesh in search of a better paid employment. He worked in a factory in
Secunderabad for one year. From there he shifted to Chennai and worked there for
more than two years in various jobs including in the Hyundai car factory as a helper
under a work contractor. Four months ago he came to Perumbavur hearing from a
friend in Morigoan about the employment opportunities in Kerala. He worked in
construction sites for nearly one month and is now working in a packaged drinking
water bottling unit in Perumbavur.
NM has no clear plans regarding his work and stay in Kerala. He is not sure how long
he is going to stay here, and seems to be taking stock of the situation here before
taking a decision. Apart from seeking livelihood, he said, he had heard about Kerala
from his friends, and so came to see and experience die place and to enjoy the thrill of
living in a faraway place. The climate in Kerala he felt was very pleasant when
compared to Chennai and Secundarabad. Another attraction was the prompt payment
of wages every week end.
NM is staying in a cottage of 200 square feet area with 11 others. They have a small
hall, a kitchen and an attached bathroom. All of his roommates are from Assam. Each
of the inmates pays ? 400 as monthly rent. The inmates are admitted by the cottage
owner and rent is paid individually by each of the inmates. Consumption of alcohol
and playing cards is not permitted here. Cooking is done in the small kitchen using a
kerosene stove. Everyone takes turns to prepare food.
Every month NM sends at least ? 5000 to his family. He says that his wife can manage
the household expenses with this amount and even could save a portion. He makes his
remittance through the bank account of his brother-in-law. He has not yet started an
account in the name of his wife as it is difficult for his wife to travel to die town to
withdraw cash from the bank.
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Chapter 5
Recommendations
rom the results emerging from the Study, there is clearly a need to address the
F
following issues urgently:
1. A voluntary registration of DML based on which all benefits to the DML will
converge.
2. Improving Housing and Living Conditions of the DML.
3. Social Security and Health issues.
4. Employment Issues.
5. Sustaining good relations between the DML and the local population in Kerala.
6. Help — line in different languages.
It is therefore suggested that Government may be pleased to consider taking the
following steps and if found appropriate and feasible take measures to implement
them expeditiously.
1.
Registration on Arrival in Kerala
1.1 The issue of Domestic Migrant Labour concerns the domain areas and
jurisdictions of many Departments of Government including the Labour, Health,
Social Welfare, Police, Education and Local Self Governments. It is therefore
important to link the provision of all government benefits to DML through a
common single point one-time voluntary registration system. It is therefore
recommended
that
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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the
Government
may
expeditiously
put in
place
46
a
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
computerized common system of voluntary registration of the Domestic Migrant
Labour in Kerala.
1.2 The procedure for this voluntary registration would necessarily have to be a
simple one with a registration form that can be filled up in a few minutes. Only
the basic and necessary details including DML’s place of origin, names of next of
kin to be contacted in an emergency, copy or details of any identity card they are
carrying, the place of work in Kerala, name of contractor if any, nature of
contract, nature of work etc. need to be filled.
1.3 Thereafter a unique Registration Number needs to be generated and given to the
DML along with the Registration Card.
1.4 This voluntary registration would be valid for availing benefits of all the Schemes
that the different Departments of the State Government has to offer the DML
including the benefits and services indicated in the Recommendations below. This
would avoid duplication of registration of DML by different departments.
1.5 While the lead for the voluntary registration may be taken by the Department of
Labour, the facilities for registration should be available at all the offices of the
Local Self Governments. The format for the Registration may be developed by
the Labour Department in consultation with all the relevant Departments
mentioned in para 1.1 above.
1.6 It may also be examined whether Registration can be made available on-line at the
Akshaya centres.
1.7 Wide publicity of the benefits of the voluntary registration may be given through
TV, press etc. in Kerala in the different languages of the DML and in their States
of Origin and on trains coming into Kerala. Every encouragement may be given
to the DML to register on arrival in Kerala.
2.
Housing and Living Conditions
2.1 Leaving the housing of DML to vagaries of the local market forces has led to the
DML having to live in highly crowded and unhygienic conditions. It is important
that the State Government initiates steps to provide affordable group housing and
associated services (provision of water, electricity, sanitation, toilets, washrooms,
ensuring a green environment etc.) to the DML in the state. It is also important
that the Government provides subsidies in the State’s Budget for such an
Affordable Housing Scheme for DML.
gin]
47
GULATI INSTITUTE Of
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
2 2 It is suggested that the provtsion of affordable housing and associated services
’ (water, Xtricity, sanitation, toilets, washrooms, ensuring a green environment
etc.) to the DML may be done by the State Government through the formation of
a non-profit Company under section 25 of the Companies Act.
2.3 Private enterprises with public support may be encouraged to build and provide
hygienic accommodation with electricity, running water, sanitation facilities,
sufficient toilets, washrooms etc. on reasonable rent to DML especially in the
major cities and towns where they work or near areas of major concentration of
DML. This may also be done under the umbrella of the non-profit Company
suggested in 2.2 above.
2.4 The benefits of these Schemes may be limited to those who register as per
Recommendation 1 above.
3. Social Security and Health Schemes for the DML
3.1 There being a total lack of Social Security for the DML in Kerala, it is important
for the State Government to have a Social Security Net for the DML. It is
therefore strongly recommended that the Government introduces appropriate
Social Security Schemes for the DML, taking into consideration the period of
their stay in the State. The Social Security Schemes should include provision for
payment to take care of cases of accidents and serious illness, death, loss of
limbs etc.
3.2 The Social Security Scheme may also consider the setting up of a Provident Fund
DML with contributions from the employers in the case of those who work under
a contractor, and a non-contributory scheme fully paid by the DML in the case of
those who work on their own.
3.3 The Social Security Schemes may be implemented by one of the Existing Welfare
Fund Boards now under the Labour Department of the State Government.
3.4 The Social Security Schemes may be limited to those who register as per
Recommendation 1 above.
3.5 The DML are at times a health threat to the local community with reported cases
of Malaria and AIDS. Therefore wherever the DML is eligible to be brought under
the National Health Insurance Scheme, the Rashtriya Swasthya Bhima Yojana
(RSBY) (ie. if the DML is from a BPL family), they may be encouraged to do so.
3.6 However, in view of the relatively high levels of income that the DML are earning
in Kerala, it is quite possible that a majority of the DML working in the State do
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
not fall within the eligibility criterion of RSBY. It is therefore suggested that the
Government of Kerala design a Kerala State Health Insurance Scheme
specifically targeting DML, most of whom may be above the poverty line. The
scheme may be on a contributory basis and with subsidies from the Government
of Kerala. Being an issue of inter-state migration, both the Government of India
(and the Governments of the States of Origin that are willing to do so) may also be
encouraged to contribute to the Scheme.
3.7 The Health Schemes may be limited to those who register as per Recommendation
1 above.
4. Employment Issues
4.1 While only isolated cases of exploitation of DML by employers are reported, it is
still important that steps are taken to make employers and the DML aware of the
Labour Laws and their rights and responsibilities. Towards this it is suggested that
the State Government undertake awareness programmes both amongst the
employers and amongst the DML, the latter in their languages. The State
Government may seek the support of the States of Origin of the DML in these
awareness campaigns.
4.2 While no case of payment of wages below the Minimum Wages have been
reported, efforts need to be taken to ensure that over-time is paid for work over 8
hours.
4.3 While only very few cases of serious accidents at the work-place involving DML
have been reported, efforts need to be taken to ensure minimum levels of
Occupational Safety at the workplace of the DML. This may also have to begin
as an awareness drive amongst both the employers and the DML and later as an
enforcement effort.
4.4 The employers should also be informed that they should restrict employment only
to DML who have registered themselves as above.
5. Sustaining Good Relationship between the Local Population and the DML
5.1 While currently there exists fairly good relations between the local population and
the DML, it is important that this healthy relationship is sustained over time.
Towards this it is important to integrate the DML with the local population by
developing
common
platforms
of interaction
through
cultural
exchange
programmes, specific schemes dedicated to the socio-educational and cultural
49
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
development of DML population; this needs to be a participatory programme with
the active involvement of peer leaders/activists from amongst them.
5.2 It is also important for die Government and the people of the state to make the
DML feel welcome, wanted and at home in the State. It is recommended
therefore that the Department of Public Relations of the State Government in
conjunction with the Department of Labour to put out advertisements in papers,
local TV channels as well as Bengali, Assamese, Odiya TV Channels that explain
the State’s Schemes for DML and encourage them to get registered and obtain
Identity Cards as mentioned in 1 above.
5.3 Similarly, advertisements and programmes targeting the local population in the
state to sustain the good relationships that they have with the DML may also be
telecast.
5.4 While publicity for ongoing schemes for DML may be given in TV channels in
their States of Origin as well as in TV channels in Kerala in Bengali, Hindi,
Assamese, Oriya etc. such publicity may also be given on long distance trains
coming into Kerala and on railway platforms.
5.5 There is also need for initiating programmes at the level of the Local Self
Government to address location specific and industry specific issues relating to the
DML.
6. Help- line in different languages
6.1 It is recommended that the Government (either on its own or in partnership with
voluntary agencies) set up a help- line for the DML with different numbers for
DML speaking different languages (Particularly Bengali, Hindi, Assamese, and
Oriya). The help- line may be manned by persons who understand and speak these
different languages and are fully conversant and trained to respond to and guide
the DML on all matters including labour laws, health issues, social security,
emergency issues etc.
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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50
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
References
Bell, M. and Muhidin, S. 2009. Cross-National Comparisons of Internal Migration. Human
Development Research Paper, No. 30. New York: United Nations Development Programme,
Human Development Report Office.
Berger, John and Mohr Jean 1989, A Seventh Man, Granta Books, London.
Czaika, Mathias.2011 .Internal and International Migration as Response of Double
Deprivation: Some Evidence from India. Proceedings of the German Development
Economics Conference, Berlin 2011, No.21
Deshingkar, P. and Sven Grimm. 2004. Voluntary Internal Migration: An Update. DFID.
Harris Nigel, The Freedom to Move, in The European Union and Migrant Labour, Edited by
Gareth Dale and Mike Cole, Berg, Oxford, 1999
Moses Jonathan, International Migration: Globalisation’s Last Frontier, Zed Books, London,
2006
Raffia, D. and Shaw, W. 2007. South-South Migration and Remittances. World Bank Working
Paper, No. 102. Washington DC: World Bank.
Shelly Toby, Exploited: Migrant Labour in the New Global Economy, Zed Books, London,
2007
Taran Patrick and Gloria Moreno-FontesChammartin, Getting at the Roots: Stopping
Exploitation of Migrant Workers by Organised Crime, Perspectives on Migration, ILO,
Geneva, 2003
Terrazas, Aaron. 2011. Migration and Development: Policy Perspectives from die United
States.
Washington,
DC:
Migration
Policy
Institute
(www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/migdevpolicy. 2011.pdf accessed 1 February 2013)
giFT
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GULATI INSTITUTE OF
FINANCE AND TAXATION
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Appendix I
Migrant Labour Survey, Kerala, 2012 | giFrl
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
FINANCE AND TAXATION
Survey Questionnaire SQ 1
(For those DML who have been in Kerala for a time and/or on a visit home, and/or those who
are coming back to Kerala after a visit home)
Descriptive Identification of Sample Individual
1.
1. Name:
3. Age:
2. Sex: Male/Female
4. Completed years of education:
5. State/UT of Origin:
6. District of Origin:
7. Tehsil/Town of Origin:
8.
9. Religion:
10. Caste:
11. Category: Going back not to
return/Visiting home for
Holiday/Returning after visit home
12. If the latter two, how often do you visit
home?
Village of Origin:
Once in three years/ once in two years/every
year/twice a year/other (specify)
13. Mobile number if available:
II.
Place of Residence in Kerala
1. Name of Place:
2. City/Town/Panchayath:
3. District:
4. Residing since: Month/Year
5. Nature of Dwelling Place:
House/Room
6. Toilet: Common/lndividual
7. Number of persons per
room/house:
8. Cooking arrangement: Common/lndividual
9. If common, only your language
groups: Yes/No
10. What is the fuel used for cooking?
Kerosene/Gas/others(specify)
11. Rent per month (Rs):
12. Advance (if any) Rs:
13. Have you stayed in Kerala earlier?
Yes/No
14. If yes, where? List all places with duration
in months
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
III.
Channels of Migration
1. From whom did you come to know
of the possible employment in
Kerala?
Relative/ Friend/Contractor/ any
other (specify)
2. Did you borrow money for travel? Yes/No
3. If yes from whom?
Parent/Relative/Friends/Other (specify)
4. How much?
5. Did you repay the loan? Yes/No
6. How did you repay the loan?
Cut from wages/repay on the next
visit/ other (Specify)
IV.
Family Size and composition
7. Have you stayed away from home earlier?
Yes/No
8. If Yes, When, where and for how long?
1. Number of members in your family
(back home):
4. How many have migrated for
employment?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
2. Male:
6. How many family members work in
your current place of work?
V.
Employment and Wages
1. Are you working under a
contractor or casual employer?
3. How many days in the week do you
get employment?
5. Nature of present employment
contract: Regular contract/ casual
7. Present Occupation: unskilled
work/skilled work (specify)
9. How many times did you send
money home during the last 12
months?
11. When was the amount remitted?
3. Female:
5. How many are with you in Kerala?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
Adult Male:
Children:
Adult Female:
2. Is the contractor from your place, or from
Kerala?
4. What is your wage in Rs?.
Per month/week/daily
6. Sector of Present Employment:
Construction/trade/manufacturing/agricult
ure/ hotel and restaurant/mixed/ other
(specify)
8. How often do you send money home?
Every month/ once in two months/
Occasionally
10. What is the amount remitted last?
12. How do you send money? Through own
bank account/other's bank account/ post
office/ other known person/ contractor/
other (specify)
53
GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Migrant Labour Survey, Kerala, 2012
Survey Questionnaire S0J2
(For those DML who are first time entrants into Kerala)
Descriptive Identification of Sample Individual
1.
1. Name:
2. Sex: Male/Female
3. Age:
4. Completed Years of Education:
5. State/UT:
6. District:
7. Tehsil/Town:
8.
9. Caste:
10. Religion:
11. Occupation:
12. Mobile number:
Village:
II. Destination in Kerala
1. Place name:
3.
District:
2. Town/city/panchayath:
4. Promised accommodation:
Room/house/none
5. Who is the contact person in the
destination? Relative/
Friend/Contractor/ any other
(specify)
III. Channel of Migration
1. From whom did you come to know
of employment in Kerala?
2. Did you borrow money for travel? Yes/No
3. If yes from whom?
Relative/ Friend/Contractor/ any other
(specify)
5. How do you propose to repay the
loan?
4. How much?
6.
Have you stayed away from home earlier?
When, where and for how long?
Cut from wages/repay on the next visit/
other (Specify)
7. What is the attraction of Kerala?
54
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
IV. Family Size and composition
1. Number of members in your family
(back home):
2. Male:
3. How many have migrated for
employment?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
V. Employment and Wages
4. How many are travelling with you?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
1. How many days employment a
week is promised?
2. What is the promised daily wage rate? T
3. Nature of employment contract:
Regular contract/ casual
4. Industry of Employment Promised:
Construction/trade/manufacturing/agricult
ure/ hotel and restaurant/mixed/ other
(specify)
5. Occupation: unskilled
work/carpentry/ masonry/...
6. What is the wage back home?
II-----------------GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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I FINANCE ANO TAXATION
Female:
55
ISSEZKU
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Migrant Labour Survey, Kerala, 2012
Survey Questionnaire SO 3
(For those DML who will be surveyed in Kerala locations) _____________
Descriptive Identification of Sample Individual
1.
1. Name:
2. Sex: Male/Female
3. Age:
4. Completed years of education:
5. Do you have an ID Card ? Yes / No
6. Type of Card :
7. State/UT of Origin:
8. District of Origin:
9. Tehsil/Town of Origin:
10. Village of Origin:
11. Religion:
12. Caste:
13. How often do you visit home?
14. In train, do you travel by Sleeper Class?
Once in three years/ once in two
years/every year/twice a year/other
(specify)
Yes/No
15. Mobile number if available:
Place of Residence in Kerala
II.
1.
Name of Place:
2. City/Town/Panchayath:
3.
District:
4. Residing since: Month/Year
5. Nature of Dwelling Place:
House/Room
6. Toilet: Common/lndividual
7. Number of persons per room/house:
8. Cooking arrangement:
Common/lndividual
9. If common, only your language
groups: Yes/No
10. What is the fuel used for cooking?
11. Rent per month (Rs):
12. Advance (if any) Rs:
13. Have you stayed in Kerala earlier?
Yes/No
14. If yes, where? List all places with
duration in months
Kerosene/Gas/others(specify)
15. Are you residing in a work site? Yes /
No
r--- --- -
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GULATI INSTITUTE Of
FINANCE and TAXATION
56
,
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
III.
Channels of Migration
1. From whom did you come to know
of the possible employment in
Kerala?
Relative/ Friend/Contractor/ any
other (specify)
2. Did you borrow money for travel? Yes/No
3. If yes from whom?
Parent/Relative/Friends/Other (specify)
4. How much?
5. Did you repay the loan? Yes/No
6. How did you repay the loan?
Cut from wages/repay on the next
visit/ other (Specify)
IV.
Family Size and composition
7. Have you stayed away from home earlier?
Yes/No
8. If Yes, When, where and for how long?
1. Number of members in your family
(back home):
3. How many have migrated for
employment?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
5. How many family members work in
your current place of work?
2. Male:
V.
Employment and Wages
1. Are you working under a
contractor or casual employer?
3. How many days in the week do you
get employment?
5. Nature of present employment
contract: Regular contract/ casual
7. Present Occupation: unskilled
work/skilled work (specify)
9. How many times did you send
money home during the last 12
months?
11. When was the amount remitted?
Female:
4. How many are with you in Kerala?
Adult Male:
Adult Female:
Children:
Adult Male:
Children:
Adult Female:
2. Is the contractor from your place, or from
Kerala?
4. What is your wage in Rs?.
Per month/week/daiiy
6. Sector of Present Employment:
Construction/trade/manufacturing/agricult
ure/ hotel and restaurant/mixed/ other
(specify)
8. How often do you send money home?
Every month/ once in two months/
Occasionally
10. What is the amount remitted last?
12. How do you send money? Through own
bank account/otIler's bank account/ post
office/ other known person/ contractor/
other (specify)
Name of Investigator
Date:
Signature
gid
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GULATI INSTITUTE OF
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
Appendix II
Statistical Estimation Procedure
Domestic Migrant Labour (DML) Survey, Kerala
D Narayana
Gulati Institute of Finance and Taxation
Kaimanam.
Pappanamcode P. 0.
Th iruvanan th apuram
Kerala 695 018
ABSTRACT
Keywords : DML
AMS Classification: Primary
1.
Clouds
Let S be the size of the stock. Let V be the random variable that
denotes the number of visits per year by a randomly selected Domestic
Migrant Labour (DML). V then takes values 0,1,2, • • • , and A. i, ■? • • • .
o o o
333
c •
o
•• • 3 * 41
*
5’1’7*“ ’4’5*7'“ 1 e^c’ Here. f°r instance. V = | means visiting twice
in a five year period etc. If Pr[V = v] = p(v) then, /z = 2?[V]. expected
number of visits per year is given by
tt
/x =
v x Pr [V = v].
V
The interpretation of p is a randomly selected DML is expected to visit home
M times a year. Therefore, since S is the size of the stock, the expected
number of DMLs visiting home per year is given by
g x S.
That is. the expected number of DMLs visiting home on a randomly se
lected day is given by
MxS
365 ’
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Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
2
Now if XijXz, ••• yXn denote the number of DMLs travelling home on
n randomly* chosen days (and not purposive days like durgapooja or
deepaawalee or holi holidays) then
(1.1)
1=1
would act as a reasonable guess for unknown quantity
Therefore, if we solve
= X, a good guess for S would be
6
365X
But fj. is unknowm and needs to be estimated. It can easily be estimated
based on a sample of the second kind that is taken from settlements, panchayats etc. A random sample of such DMLs would give a multinomial
model that would give estimates of Pr [V = -v] = p (v), for various values
of v. We only have to worry about the nonzero estimates.
Explain how to get observations Xi^Xar** ^Xn.
For the sake of discussion assume that there is exactly one unreserved
bogey. On a randomly chosen day the unreserved bogey has certain num
ber of travellers, say A7^, which can essentially be found out by enumera
tion. A proportion 77 of them is of DMLs. This 77 can be estimated from a
random sample of commuters from the bogey. If we sample m commuters
randomly and mo* many of them are DMLs then 77 =
is an estimate for
proportion of DMLs travelling home in that bogey. Thus Nout x
is an
observation on X mentioned above. We take observations X on 72 randomly
chosen days. That would give us Xi, Xo, • • • , Xn and X = L £?=!
So far we have not implicitly assumed that S remains constant over the
period of survey. However. S is a dynamic entity. We thus have to worry
about the inflow. Let us again consider for the sake of discussion that
there is exactly one unreserved bogey on the arriving train. On a randomly
chosen day the unreserved bogey has certain number of travellers, say Artn,
which can essentially be found out by enumeration. A proportion 0 of
them is of DMLs arriving for the first time. This 0 can be estimated from
a random sample of commuters from the bogey. If we sample u commuters
randomly and up* many of them are DMLs arriving for the first time then
“It is important that we take tritely random sample of say. n days to got the correct
estimates and not the ruth days.
lOnc can collect other information from these mo commuters as per the requirement
of the questionnaire.
lOne can collect other information from these up commuters as per the requirement
of the questionnaire.
59
Domestic Migrant Labour in Kerala
3
5=
is an estimate for the proportion of DMLs arriving for the first
time in that bogey. Thus Y = Ntn x
is an observation on number of
DMLs arriving for the first time. We take observations Y on n randomly
chosen days, that is we get observations Yi, Yi, • • * ,
the number of DMLs
arriving for the first time on n randomly chosen days. This would constitute
basis for inflow inference.
It is also important that we validate the assumption that all the DMLs
always travel without reservation. Such hypothesis can be tested based on
the sample of the second kind by adding suitable question to the question
naire like do you always travel unreserved? One can then a) estimate the
proportion 6 of DMLs travelling with reservation and b) test the hypothesis
Hq :6 >6q versus Hi : 6 < 6$
for some specified 6q. either using a binomial test or approximate normal
test. This would give us a sense whether 6 is significant or not.
Are we interested only in Thiruvanathapuram alone or entire Kerala.
There may be DMLs boarding trains at different stations. May be the
survey should go beyond the boundaries of Kerala.
Not viewed