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Comparitivc study of selected socio-economic indicat ors of India and Bihar
Source: Economic Survey of Maharashtra 1997-98, State Planning Commission of
Maharashtra
—
SI. No.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
Socio-Economic Indicators
Geographical area (lakh knT)
Density of population -pejT
m______________________
Sex ratio
Percentage of scheduled caste and scheduled tribes to total
population____________________________________________________
Percentage of main workers to total population ___________________
Percentage of agricultural workers to total population___________
Female workers7 participation rate
Literacy percentage
Males
Females
Total_________________________________________________________
Percentage of urban population to total population
Percentage of state population to all India population_____________
Decimal growth rate of population %____________________________
Life expectancy at birth (in years)________________________________
Birth rate (provisional- 1996)________________________
Death rate (provisional- 1996)___________________________________
Infant mortality rate (provisional- 1996)
No. of students in primary & secondary
schools/1,000 population (30.9.96)
Per capita income at current prices (Rs)- [1996]___________________
Net area sown / cultivator (per hectare) [1996]____________________
Total cereals yield/hectare (in kg) [1996]_________________________
Total pulses___________________________________________________
Total food grains_______________________________________________
Cotton (lint)___________________________________________________
Sugarcane
Food grain production /capita (kg)_____________________
Consumption of fertilizers/hectare of
cropped area (kg) [1995)____________
Percentage of gross irrigated area to
gross cropped area (provisional)________________________
Primary agri.co-op credit societies
%age of borrowing members .total members[1995]_______
Per capita gross output in industries (Rs) [1995]__________
Per capita value added in industries (Rs) [1995] __________
Domestic consumption of electricity per capita (kw)[1996]
Bihar
India
1.74 32.87
497
274
927
911
24.56 34.18
29.66 38.99
74.
14.86 22.25
52.49
22.89
38.48
13.14
10.30
23.54
57.5
32.1
10.2
72__
139
64.13
39.29
32.21
25.73
100.0
23.85
58.7
27.4 ~
8.9
72__
179
4097
0.7
1548
729
1459
340
4278
1___
138.5
64.6
9578
1.3
1730
586
1516
249
6897
2__
206.8
75.7
41.0
35.0
551
1059
2059
473
8.9
5730
1200
57.1
5:39 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKBNitty-gritty of Bihar-l.doc
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
Industrial consumption of electricity per capita (kw)[1996]
Motor vehicles/lakh of population (No.) [31.3.96]________
Total road length/ 100 km4 of area (km) [31.3.95] _________
Number of fair price/ration shops
per lakh of population[1993]__________________________
No. of banking offices/lakh of population [31.3.97] _______
Deposits per capita (Rs.) [31.3.97]_____________________
Bank credit per capita (Rs.) [31.3.97]___________________
Population below poverty line________________________
Expenditure on medical care (as %age of total expenditure)
74.3
1427
51
57
114.5
3587
67__
48
5.2
2238
682
6.7
5175
2967
12.79
5:45 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKI\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-l.doc
uq 4-
and Lal Muni Choube emerged in poiiu. . |
they could not ensure Brannmnic: j
dominance of Bihar level politics. Tn-,
could only remain confined to semuere
Ravindra Kumar Verma
Brahmin pockets. The political rc»te of t«
■
caste in Bihar is visible since the 196
Though the backward castes constitute nearly 60 per cent of
The Maithil Brahmins came: 10 l
forefront in 1961 when Binodanamd j .
Bihar’s electorate, till the early years of the 1970s'these castes were
became the chief minister and ccmiinur
politically not significant. 1977 was the turning point m their
till 1963. With his coming
pov<when reservation for backward castes in
political organis
Brahmins acquired a sense of amity u
__________________
government service was introduced.
Brahminical unity was short livecL. Maiu
power reemerged in the early 70s with u
15 per cent of the electorate. Two of the
THE strength of the total electorate in
rise of Lalit Narain Mishra who esiabh.
assembly
segments
Patna
Central
and
Bihar was 3,49,30,842 in 1977 which rose
ed
his political significance umoer
Patna West have 46,000 and 93,000
to 3 97 13,485 in 1980, 4,33,31,010 in 1984
leadership of Indira Gandhi. Howler.
Kayastha
voters
respectively.
The
and nearly 5.40 crore in the 1989 parlia
most important mass political learner v>x.
Chitragupta Mahasabha, was a significant
mentary elections when the voting age was
emerged in 1975 as chief mirmster
political
force
in
Ranchi
during
the
1989
reduced to 18. Though the electorate may
Jagannath Mishra. When he issuu^
Lok Sabha polls. The Kayastha voters are
be classified on the basis of caste, religion,
power in the State the Maithil Brann...
very important in the Patna Lok Sabha
class etc, caste considerations are of prime
acquired important positions m
constituency. Former General S K Sinha,
importance. After 1977 when the Janata
political system. Harinath Mishra, Rae,.
among
prominent
contestants
from
the
government introduced caste based reser
Nandan Jha, Nagendra Jha, Bhap^’a:
Patna in 1984 general elections, polled
vations in Bihar three basic caste groups
Azad became part of the centre 01 po^over
1.17
lakh
votes.
Shailendra
Nath
emerged—forward castes, ha^ward
in the State. With the death of the veie;^
Srivastava (BJP) won the Patna seat in the
castes and scheduled castes and scheduled
Socialist leader Karpoori Thai..
1989 elections by a margin of 21,593 votes
Raghunath Jha from the non-Congi-.. j I
sitting
Congress(I)
defeating
MP,
The forward castes consist of Brahmins,
platform
emerged as a like-y c .. . I
C P Thakur. Other prominent Kayastha
Bhumihars, Rajputs and Kayasthas. Land
ministerial
candidate. However. Jha
Il
leaders are Subodh Kant Sahay (Union
and other resources such as official posi
been unable to retain the chieftainsmj u I I
minister
of
state)
and
Dharmesh
Prasad
tion, literacy, better economic conditions
the Bihar Janata Dal.
;
Verma who won in 1989 Lok Sabha elec
and social respect have been the privilege
Though the Brahmins form an imp^.
.
tions.
as
However,
when
Bihar
a
whole
is
of these castes which accounts for the
tant part of the bureaucracy, judiciary
j
considered
the
Kayasthas
are
being
political dominance of these castes. But
political life in the State there has bee; .» |
marginalised
in
Bihar
politics.
For
this
now the situation has begun to change
polarisation of this caste, into Maitau. |
reason all but the highly political Kayastha
and these castes are being gradually
and non-Maithils. Nevertheless, of rep.v.. j
to
voters
may
go
the
BJP.
eclipsed politically. However, they still
sentatives from Bihar in the ninth
|
The
reason
that
the
Kayasthas
are
being
retain a political significance dispropor
Sabha 5.5 per cent are from this cui*
*
marginalised in Bihar politics is on
tionate to their numerical strength.
Although the Brahmins —are --rrsuppose'.. ., |
IlCAUo
uciwtvil
of
close
account
the
nexus
between
The Kayasthas constitute only a small
numerically
be affiliated to Congress Party the —e I
violence and politics. Being
1
portion (t per cent) of the total popula
' ■ Is
.........
Lok Sabha MPs elected in 1989
this
caste
is
unable
to
handle
insignificant
tion of the State. Kayasthas acquired im
Mangal Mishra (Gopalganj), Janai:.Mr
or
use
muscle
power
or
organise
a
private
portance in Indian history since Moghal
Tewari (Siwan) and Bhogendra . -a I
militia. The other factor that is making
period because they learnt Urdu (and later
(Madhubani) belong to three diffu....
it
politically
defunct
is
that
the
majority
English in the British period) faster than
political parties Janata Dal, Bhaii..,.^ a &
of
this
caste
is
service
oriented
and
is
other castes and were attached to rulers
Janata Party and Communist Part/ ,, |
hence politically unorganised. Bihar’s
for assistance in governance. This caste
India respectively.
politics
has
altered
substantially
since
the
has been politically significant even prior
Among the upper castes the Bhum.j.^,..^ £
first two decades of independence and in
to independence. Many national leaders
have considerable landed property. In.^o„?T. |
this
changed
Kayasthas
situation
the
are
during the freedom struggle such as
tant among the leaders of the caste
|
not competitive. Nevertheless, this caste
Sachchidanand Sinha, Rajendra Prasad
Ganesh Dutta, Shri Krishna Sinha,
constitutes
5.5
per
cent
of
the
represen
and Jai Prakash Narain belonged to this
Ram Dayalu Singh. From 1937 to
tatives from Bihar in the ninth Lok Sabha.
caste. Since independence Kayasthas have
Shri Krishna Sinha was prime ministci
'S
Brahmins
constitute
nearly
7
per
cent
played a significant role in Bihar politics.
Bihar and again from 1947 to JanuaAjalyR
of
Bihar’s
total
population.
The
Brahmins
K B Sahaya, Badrinath Verma, Mahamaya
1961 he was the chief minister of Bihq,nat8
of Bihar are categorised, in terms of
Prasad Sinha Vindeshwari Prasad Verma,
j
During his chieftainship, many
politics,
into
two
major
groups—the
Phulan Prasad Verma, Jagat Narain Lal,
leaders
emerged
from
this
commuim^j^f
Maithils and non-Maithils (Kankubja,
Shyam Nandan Sahaya, Baldeo Sahaya,
Important among them were
Sarjupari etc). The Maithils generally
Kamaldeo Narain, Anirudha Prasad and
Prasad Sinha, Krishnakant
come
from
the
northern
districts
like
P N Sinha were among the prominent
L P Shahi, Ram Briksha Brahmachu^jiM
Darbhanga,
Madhubani,
Sitamarhi,
legislators who were active in party
Basawan Sinha, Shyam Nandan Mishv^aS
Muzaffarpur,
Bhagalpur,
Saharsa,
politics in Bihar between 1946 and 1967.
Ramashray Prasad Singh, Kailashpu^ppdM
Purnea,
Munger
and
Begusarai
while
the
There has, however, been a sharp decline
Mishra and others. This caste has
non Maithils reside in other parts of the
of role of this caste in Bihar politics par
provided some women leaders
State
and
are
generally
concentrated
in
ticularly since the 1972 assembly elections.
Krishna Shahi, Tarkeshwari Sinha
middle Bihar.
____It is a notable fact that in almost all the
Usha Sinha.______ 2_________
I
urban areas in Bihar Kayasthas are
Shri Krishna Sinha remained in pcm -o ^
leaders
(of
the
latter
category)
like
Kedar
numerically significant. The Patna Lok
for a considerable period in Bihar
Pandey, Ramanand Tewary, Jagnarain
Sabha constituency alone has nearly 1.5
generated the resentment of other
Trivedi,
Bindeshwari
Dubey,
K
K
Tewari
lakh Kayastha voters amounting to nearly
Caste and Bihar Politics
Ww
Bl
S"A ■ w
II
13 I
fess
v I
^1
’I
■
' T
Economic and Political Weekly
1142
'Tr^'T" T ...... r-'" ■
May
munities against fi
Sinha the Bhumihars
of Shri Krishna
I heir hold on Bihar
could not retain
to the same extent. However, in
politics
Piiniashraya
Prasad Singh
.
the Congress L’ i the BJP Kailashand L P Shahi and• in
nisidered pillars of their
palhi Mishra arc co
parlies. After thr< lebacle of Congress in
the 1989 general elections, the caste’s
declined. In the 1989
political hold Imn
Lok Sabha elections the caste bagged
three seats which n mlthe forefront of the
anti-Mandai siriil'.H*eThe Rajputs
also been a land own
ing community mi.ve m Bihar fSohtics.
Anugrah Narain Sinha was act.ve in the
Congress and w.r. lor years regarded as
a Heutenant <>l Rm'-ndra Prasad. Anugrah
Ki
, sinh'i wir. Shri Krishna Sinhas
Nari1or oH euH I. adership. 1957 witnesr,7struggle between Shri Krishna Sinha
and Anugrah N.nam Sinha for leadership
of the Congress legislature par y. That
■uggle inteir.died caste-struggle in the
atc Before I
< <>ntest, caste rivalry at
Jhe political level was conducted in less
visible ways. Now the struggle assumed a
Singh, Deep Nmam
and Ambika Sharan
S1I|nhthe 19K<H the prominent Rajput
fcaders who emelged as significant leaders
were Suraj Nmmn Singh Chandra
Shekhar Singh. Raum Dular‘ ^ha.
Bhishma Naram Smgh, K.shon Sinha and
Manorama Singh. In 1988 the Congress
party in the Stale had to face the problem
of dissident gtoups. As a result the Con
gress central leadership imposed Sateyandra Narain Sinha the son of late A N
Sinha, as chicl minister in order to defuse
tension but hr defeat in 1989 affected
Rajput’s hold on Bihar politics. The caste
bagged six seals in 1989 Lok Sabha
•lections.
Ba < m '
Castes
were politically not significant. In the late
1930s a Triveni Sangh was formed con
sisting of Yadavas, Kurmies and Koeries—
the three landed castes among the
backward castes. The politically signi
ficant . backward castes are Yadavas,
Kurmies, Koeries, Baniyas, Kahars,
Dhanuks, Nonias, Telis, Suris, Kanus,
Lohars, Binds, Hajam, etc, among which
Yadavas, Kurmies and Koeries are the
frontline. Although Karpuri Thakur was
a Hajam (barber) he represented the
whole backward caste community.
The turning point in the organisation
of these castes was in 1977 when Karpuri
Thakur, the then chief minister introduc
ed reservations for backward castes in
government service. The forward castes
reacted vigorously against this decision as
a consequence of which the process of
backward caste solidarity gained momen
tum. Since then politics in Bihar has been
characterised by a fourfold division—
forward castes, backward castes, Harijan
and regional (tribal) politics.
The Congress Party relies on the
forward castes in the State as seen by the
fact that the Congress(l) in 1989 Lok
Sabha elections, awarded more than 70
per cent of its tickets to forward castes for
the general seats. The Janata Dal awarded
more than 80 per cent of its tickets to non
forward castes at the behest of Laloo
Prasad Yadav. The distribution of Lok
Sabha tickets by different political parties
suggests that the Yadavas, Koeries, Kurmis
and Banias enjoy considerable political in
fluence in the State due to their numerical
strength and growing militancy.
It is clear that Yadavas are the political
elite among the backward castes. Ram
Lak han Singh Yadav emerged as caste
leader in 1960s under the patronage of
chief minister. K B Sahay and until recent
ly was considered the sole Yadav leader.
The other Yadav leaders like B P Mandal
and Daroga Prasad Rai were not recognis
ed as caste leaders at the State level. After
the death of K B Sahaya and the pheno
menal rise of Brahmins in Bihar politics.
The backwaul castes constitute nearly
60 per cent of (he total voters in Bihar.
Table : Castes
Castes
'i
JD
BJP
Brahmin
■ Bhumihar
Rajput
Kayastha
Yidav
OBC (Koeri, Kurmi. Vaisya
and others)
1 (3.3)
2 (6.5)
6 (19.3)
2 (6.5)
7 (22.5)
1 (11-1)
2 (22.3)
5 (16.1)
2 (22.2)
a Muslims
2 (6.5)
6 (19.3)
1 (ll.D
'
ST** Dusadh’ Dhobi
H-Rxa)
■V
■
and
. No,e
----------- -Tk(W000)
Parties
in
IX Lok Sabha
Congress
not lose the leadership of his caste
gradually lost his state level political
significance. The emergence of backward
caste politics led by Karpoori Thakur also
weakened his hold in the political arena.
Due to the vacuum in backward caste
politics in Bihar created by the death of
Karpuri Thakur, some new faces emerged.
Important among them are Laloo Prasad
Yadav, Nitish Kumar and Jai Prakash
Yadav.
It is important to note that the Yadavs
have cornered the largest number of seats
won by any single caste—Laloo Prasad
Yadav (Chapra), Hukumdeo Narain Yadav
(Sitamarhi), Devendra Prasad Yadav
(Jhanjharpur), R K Yadav (Madhepura),
Chunchun Yadav (Bhagalpur), Ramsharan
Yadav (Khagaria), Surya Narain Yadav
(Saharsa), all from the Janata Dal,
Janardan Yadav (Godda) of BJP and
Ramashray Prasad Singh (Jehanabad) and
Tej Narain Yadav (Buxar) of Communist
Party of India. The CPI allotted four
tickets to Yadavs while the BJP and IPF
allotted three each. Besides the nine seats
won by Yadavas eight yadavs finished
second. This caste has thus emerged
politically as the strongest single caste.
During 1989 Lok Sabha election,
backward castes other than Yadavs bag
ged 17 seats which is 31 per cent of the
total seats. If we add the number of
Yadavs, the percentage of seats won, is
over 48 per cent.
Scheduled
The scheduled castes in Bihar according
to the 1981 census constitute 14.45 per
cent of the total population. In terms of
growth, we find that the population ratio
has been increasing from one census to the
next. The percentage of scheduled caste
in Bihar in 1951 was 12.67, 14.07 in 1961,
14.11 in 1971 and 14.45 in 1981. The
numerical strength of the scheduled castes
is 101.42 lakh. Districtwise their popula
tion percentage ranges from 9.8 per cent
to 24.4 per cent.. Palamau district has the
Election
Political Parties
CPI
JMM
Others
2 (50.0)
1 (25.0)
1 (25.0)
1 (33.3)
1 (25.0)
2 (50.0)
4 (100 00)
2 (66.7)
IPF+MCC
1 (33.3)
CPM
4 noo.ooi
Total
3 (5.5)
4 (7.2)
6 (11.1)
3 (5.5)
10 (18.6)
1 (25.0)
1 (ll.D
1 (11-1)
1 (HD
1_(1004)0).
Castes
2 (66.7)
3 (KHi.tn
3 (100.00)
12 (22.3)
3 (5.5)
8 (15.0)
5 (9.3)
54 (100.0)
: Figures in brackets show the percentage.
Econoinic and Political Weekly
May 4, 1991
1143
•
j
-■o
Is
i OgaS>c
S/';8«Ssfe
independents. The number increased to 40
Palamau, Giridih and Rohtas have also a
by the 1971 parliamentary elections of
highest concentration with a total strength sizeable strength amounting to 18.3 per
which the Congress(R) fielded three
of 4,78,225. The districts with sparse :cent, 13 per cent and 11.4 per cent
Bharatiya Jana Sangh one, PSP one, CP
scheduled caste population are Singbhum,
one Jharkhand Party combine nine and
Ranchi, Santhal Pargana and Bhagalpur. respectively.
The important tribes in Bihar are
independents 22. The picture in 1977 was
The major constituents of the schedul Mundas, Oraons, Ho, Bhumij, Khana,
different judged by the fact that there were
ed castes ^re Chamar, Dusadh, Dhobi,
Paharia, Thhana, etc. To these are added
only 28 contestants out of whom 18 were
Dorn Pasi and Musahar. Although there Santhals who reside mainly in Santhal
independents. In 1980 there were M con
are 23 castes under this category the most
Parganas administratively controlled by
testants from the Jharkhand area com
conspicuous in numerical terms are tn6
the districts- of Bhagalpur, Santhal
pared to 55 in 1984.
above five castes (71 per cent) The
Pargana, Deoghar, etc. Exclusion of a
There were six constituencies reserved
political consciousness of the scheduled
large part of the tribal population from
for scheduled tribes in Bihar in 1952 but
castes have no doubt been increasing since the benefits of economic and social pro
from 1957 and onwards this went down
the introduction of general elections. If
gress and the marginalisation of their
to five namely, Rajmahal, Dumka,
we take the number of contestants from
culture has led to the demand for a
Singbhum, Khunti, and Lohardagga. In
these castes in the Lok Sabha election we
separate State. The Jharkhand movement
the 1989 Lok Sabha elections the
find that there has been a phenomenal
was started in the 1950s and since then has
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and Congress
rise The scheduled caste contestants
had fluctuating fortunes. Up to 1969 the
won two seats each and the BJP one.
numbered 35 in 1967, 52 in 1971 40 in
most influential leader was Jaipal Singh
Simon Marandi from Rajmahal, Shibu
1977, 56 in 1980, 66 in 1984 and 70 in
who formed the Adivasi Mahasabha in
Soren from Dumka were JMM can
1989 Interestingly, none of the nationa
1946 and later the Jharkhand Party in
didates. Bagun Sumbrui from Singbhum
parties have so far fielded scheduled caste
1950s which merged with the Congress
and Sumati Oraon from Lohardagga were
candidates from the 41 general seats in the
Party before the 1967 elections. Soon
from the Congress(l). Karia Munda from
State in the last 40 years.
every tribal, organisation bore^he,nkam^
Khunti belongs to the BJP. The important
The important scheduled caste leaders
‘Jharkhand’, such as All India Jharkhand
Jharkhand candidates who lost in 1989
from Bihar are Ram Bilas Paswan, Meera
Partv, Hui Jharkhand Party, Bihar Pram
were Krishna Marandi and N E Horo.
Kumar, Mahabir Paswan, Dumar Lal
Hui Jharkhand and so on. Of all the
The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha fought
Beitha and others. Jagjivan Ram was the
Jharkhand parlies the most forceful, is
from non-reserved constituencies also out
first scheduled caste leader from Bihar,
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha born towards
of which one seai-Jamshedpur-was
who emerged at the national level. In the
the end of 1972.
won bv JMM candidate. Shailendra
1989 Lok Sabha general elections the
In the 1967 Lok Sabha elections the
Mahto.The other notable fact is that the
national parties such as Janata Dal, BJP,
total number of contestants from tribal
BJP has shown great interest in tribal
Congress(l), CPI, etc, fielded candidates
constituencies was 32-of which the Con
politics and was able to bag one reserved
belonging to the Past, Dhobi, Dusadh and
gress fielded five, Swatantra Party three
seat on the slogan of a separate ‘VananChamar castes. The Congress(I) fielded
Bharativa Jana Sangh five, SSP one, CP
eight candidates, Janata Dal six
one and PSP one, the remaining 16 being_ chal’ State.
Bharatiya Janata Party three and CPI and
CPI(M) from one each.
Mahendra Baitha (Bagaha), Ram
Bilash Paswan (Hajipur), Dasai
Choudhary (Rosera), Sukhdeo Paswan
(Araria), Chhedi Paswan (Sasaram) and
Jorawar Ram (Palamau) belong to the
Janata Dal. Prem Pradeep (Nawada) and
development
and underdevelopment
Ishwari Choudhary (Gaya) belong to the
The History, Economics and Politics of North-South Relations
CP1(M) and Bharatiya Janata Party
HARTMUT ELSENHANS
respectively. Prominent losers among
scheduled castes contestants, contesting
on the Congress(I) ticket, were Mahavir
Paswan (Hajipur), Ram Bhagat Paswan
XloBBA’bTre^K 'r.heBu’Auiauon of
(Rosera), B L Baitha (Araria), Meera
XX X ?n?he=Ot,hXhX'np8uU Of exports and the Inflow of export
Kumar (Sasaram), Kuer Ram (Nawada),
Ram Swaroop Ram (Gaya) and Kamala
Kumari (Palamau). The BJP’s scheduled
caste candidates who lost were Kameshwar
Paswan (Nawada) Ramdeo Ram
(Palamau) and the only CPI loser was
Janaki Paswan (Gaya). The losers also
belonged to Dhobi, Chamar, Pasi and
If the economies of the South resulted in a specific class structure and mod o
Dusadh castes.
production dominated by state-classes. It will be valuable reading f°r
Others interested in the economics and htstorv of North-South relations,
Scheduled
Tribes
development economics and international relations.
176 pages • 220 x 140 mm • Rs. 160 (hb) • Rs 80 (pb) • 1991
The scheduled tribe population in Bihar
numbers 58,10,867 according to 1981
census which constitutes 8.3 per cent of
the total population. The highest concen
PUBLICATIONS INDIA PRIVATE LIMITED
tration of scheduled tribes are in the
districts of Ranchi (54.4 per cent),
Post Box 4215, New Delhi 110048
-Singbhum (44.1-per cent) and Sa_nthal__
Pargana (36.5 per cent). The districts of
I
oY^SAGEEi"''
B
SAGE
Economic and Political Weekly
1144
■
' ''
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■'ii
i: ' l i
May 4, 1991
2
Sevartham
Editorial
I
As the third millennium of Christianity is about to unfold, the teach
ing authority of the Church has exhorted all believers to enter into dialogue,
acknowledge, preserve and promote the spiritual and moral goods found in
other religions, and values in other societies and cultures. In the context of
rich ethnic, cultural and religious pluralism that marks the Indian society
today, dialogue seeks to bring out the liberating aspects of all religions and
cultures. Affirming "dialogue as an activity with its own guiding principles,
requirements and dignity", we need to relate positively to believers of other
religions. It should never be employed to elicit conversions or to impose
one's religion and culture on others. Often religious sentiments and struc
tures are manipulated by political, economic, cultural or ethnic power
groups in order to safeguard their vested interests. Such activities are
detrimental not only to the followers of other religions and cultures but they
also dehumanize the agents themselves.
The present issue of Sevartham in the Indian context of religious
pluralism focuses on some of the dialogical processes and problems. In the
past there have been misinterpretations in trying to analyse some particular
ethnic group, religion, culture and value system. Such intolerant attitudes
give rise to the hurt feelings expressed in some pages. But at the same time
some genuine interpretations of religion and culture are also offered for future
reference and scholarship.
Missionary activities in India and particularly in Chotanagpur are
briefly summarized, and the scope of evangelization which is to create a
better world of justice, peace and love is highlighted. Current issue-based
problems, their analysis and remedial suggestions form a substantial part of
the issue. Finally, book reviews and abstracts of M. Th. dissertations provide
the reader with some valuable information.
— Editor
Sevartham
22(1997)
THEOLOGIZING IN THE JH
The word "theologizing" in strict sens
or a belief system rationally and systematically
out one's faith in daily life, it goes beyond the
man and a believer theologizing is really livi
this standpoint theologizing may be understoo
living relationship between a believer and the
between the believer and the world beyond,
therefore a concrete realization of the power
the believer for a meaningful and harmonio
thing is explained rationally it is a scientifi
when practised it is a lived reality. Living
context refers primarily to this aspect of his l
The above mentioned relationship is
narratives, stories, myths and symbols of a p
same relationship is established in concrete m
it is called rituals. These three levels of natural
experience are present in the everyday life of
A believer expresses faith in his life
particular context. This context for us here is
the Jharkhand. Further theologizing in a con
faith in daily practice in the Jharkhand area
academic sense is certainly not the scope of
the next question, namely, the proper unders
Jharkhand as the Context
The word has three principal comp
cultural and political. For the last fifty years
primarily with the political overtone. This re
of the term. The comprehensive meaning i
components are treated simultaneously.
i) Geographical : The geographical
refers to its physical confines. It is a territo
3
4
■
I
!
ll
■t
HI
Sevartham
population, located in the southern part of the State of Bihar. The concept
of the greater Jharkhand includes some parts of Madhya Pradesh, West
Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa. But the present concept takes 16 districts
of Bihar only. Because of its special topography this region is called
Jharkhand which literally means the forest tract. Such a name was also
given to this tract as Khokhra as far back as during the Moghul period. The
presence of the Moghul empire was extended to this region already from
1585. The emperors had heard about precious diamond and elephants
available in the forest tract of this region.
ii) Socio-cultural : The main tribes inhabiting this region are the
Santals, Oraons, Mundas, Kharias and Hos. Although the period of their
settling down varies from one tradition to another, they have all lived in the
region together for the greater part of the time, and thus have evolved more
or less a common composite culture as a result. In the very beginning most
of these tribes were like the nomads, but over the period some of them
became settled agriculturists, while others practised jhum cultivation, which
is also known as slash and burn method of agriculture. Some of them still
remained forest dwellers and living on the minor forest produce. The
society was organized on the basis of clan, with a very wide ranging network
of strong kinship system.
There is another group of people in the Jharkhand region which is
known as the Sadans. The group includes the Nagbansis, Rawatias and a
number of socio-economically backward castes and communities whose
destinies are also very much like those of the tribals. This group emerged in
close social association with the tribals as they were part of the same villages
where the former dwelt. They emerged out of the social contacts of tribals
with the rajas and jamindars and their lower officers in the time of the
jamindari system. Some minor communities like the Lohars, Telis, Mahalis,
Kumhars and Dhobis also belong to this social group. Among the Muslims
some groups like the Ansaries, Darjis and Julahas, who settled down here
during the Mughal period also form the inhabitants of Jharkhand. No
wonder why the claim to be Jharkhandis is made by almost all the big and
small groups which are mentioned above. The heterogeneity of the popula
tion composition reflects a wide range not to mention the late comers from
North Bihar. That is why the tribal population of the present Jharkhand
region has been diluted to mere 32 per cent.
What has been said above should not mislead the reader concluding
that therefore there is not homogeneity of culture in Jharkhand region. The
Theologizing in the Jharkhand Context
!
j
truth is far form it. Inspite of the changes whic
social and cultural life there is still a persiste
region. For this reason the land is still kn
Afterall nearly 92 percent of the total number
in the Jharkhand land, and only the remaining
in some of the districts of North Bihar. Ap
pockets of tribal concentration going even to
cent percent. The phenomenon is particularly
sub-Division. The same may be said about the
Chainpur and Dumri with a lesser percenta
languages, their customs and culture are also
these areas. Sadri is a non-tribal language wh
in the region.
By living together in the plateau of J
developed similar socio-economic, political a
of life. The tribal society was, however, distin
tion which is based on the clan system.
ownership of property, prevalence of cooperati
city, honesty, hardwork, love for music and
characteristic features of the tribal society.
flourished in nature and in consonance with t
(iii) Political : It may be recalled tha
Jharkhand needs little explanation more speci
Jharkhand as a socio-cultural movement had
although with a different name. At that sta
hundred percent in the hands of the tribals. B
independence movement of India was intensi
visualize their separate political identity.
in 1938 under the name of Adivasi Mahas
Mr. Jaipal Singh Munda. The same Mahasab
political party in 1950 as the Jharkhand Party
Today this party has been divided int
given up its claim for a separate Jharkhand
achieve the dream of a separate state inspite o
the grounds of strategy and operation. Jharkh
entity which encompasses social and cultural
body residing in this area calls himself a Jhar
the same sentiments of the Adivasis of the reg
6
i
Theologizing in the Jharkhand Context
Sevartham
difference of opinions and positions taken with regard to some of
the regional issues the most critical among them being the question of
displacement. As a matter of fact this serves as the touchstone of a real
Jharkhandi.
Whether or not one is a real Jharkhandi at heart, almost every section
of the society, including the immigrants, have joined in the rat race for
power in the region. The sole objective of various factions either under the
flag of Jharkhand or Vananchal is to capture power structure. The local
Adivasis, also known as the indigenous people, the real sons of the soil,
however, are struggling to gain control over local resources. The tug of war
is going on for several decades between the local people and the govern
ment. The creation of the Jharkhand Autonomous Area Council does not
empower very much for the development of the people in this region. .It is
still kept very much under the control of the State Government. It is likened
to a tiger without its teeth. Bargaining is again on for a greater share of
power for Autonomous Council. In the meantime demand for a status of full
Statehood by many political groups goes on ceaselessly.
I
i
Living One's Faith in the Context
After having described the context we are now in a better position to
understand what it means to live one's faith in daily life. The faith life of a
person is a continuous process of experience and expressions of the relation
with the universe and the supernatural.
Jharkhand as the Home of Tribals
Traditions hold that after meandering for hundreds of years like the
Israelites of the Old Testament, the Adivasis finally found their home in the
forest and hilly region of the Jharkhand. Going by some of their oral
traditions, songs and dances it can be said quite convincingly that the
Adivasis considered this final settlement as their promised land given in gift.
The Israelites built the temple of Jerusalem as an abode for Yahweh, the
Adivasis homed their ancestral spirits and other benevolent spirits in sacred
groves. It could have been compared to the Garden of Eden before the fall.
Everything worked harmoniously; the land was flowing with milk and
honey. Oral tradition contain narratives of lavish feasting on the occasion of
Sarhul while at Rohtasgarh which may well be taken as indication of life in
plenty. Seasonal songs often soar high to recount their nostalgic memories
of such blissful times.
■
1
I
I
However, this state of "Paradise Gained
dise Lost". A systematic disintegration of
sixteenth century onwards, the time of Moghu
economic degradation of the tribal society r
colonial rule of the British under the jamind
massive land alienation from the hands of the
much unwanted class of jamindars and other c
alien to the land. Systematic oppressions, inc
thousands of Adivasis out of Jharkhand into
Bengal and even the terrain of Bhutan.
That was about the past. But today much
in the land. Their home is being attacked thr
The question of displacement has come as a m
this region. Their home is posed for annihilati
great their anxiety is faced with such threats.
Social and Cultural Disintegration
Once upon a time the homogeneous t
geneous because of the heavy influx of immigr
of social groups settled down in the region. T
the time of Maharaja Durjan Sal after his r
Gwalior around 1628. Apart from the jagi
imposed on the tribal society, the growth of in
tion accelerated the process of new influx in t
Trade and commerce expanded in the region
and urbanization. This attracted aliens from ou
the same time drove out many local people o
more tribals lost their land, became poor and
making room for their more enterprising bu
came into the land as managers, engineers, t
nurses and doctors to fill the post in newly e
tional institutions, courts and hospitals. Th
configuration of the population composition in
with such situations the tribal society entered
cultural decadence never to recover fully ag
section of the same society took to formal edu
social and economic fronts. Today one can
number of tribals forming a higher middle cla
8
Sevarthani
has also led them and other lower middle class into alienation from tribal
culture and their native villages. When this process is taken as social
mobility in the real sense of the term, it may be quite a different experience
for the unskilled and less educated. This is because mobility is always
understood in the positive sense in that it should lead to positive conse
quences. Mere change from one place to another or from one occupation to
another may not necessarily result into improvement in the standard of life.
As a matter of fact many move into towns and cities residing in slum-like
situations. This is far from giving them a higher status of life by any
1^
standard.
Situations in the rural areas are no better. By and large poverty and
backwardness still remain with the rural farmers. Systematic exploitation by
the money market does not help them improve their economic conditions.
Rains play truant; irrigation facilities are next to nil (less than 5%). Agri
culture practice remains still very much traditional. Poverty alleviation
programmes have made little difference in the conditions of the people.
Political patronage, bureaucratic approach to development and police
harassments often do not motivate villagers to take part in the development
work. As a result there is a dichotomy created in the very structure of
development administration. Most of these offices and positions are occu
pied by non-tribals or non-local persons in whom the people of this region
harbour many suspicions. The obvious social incompatibility is haidly
conducive to a united effort for friendly and collaborative action. Govern
ment development programmes have helped those who have grown awaie and
powerful to encounter the subtle ways of exploiters. But the percentage of
such people is very low. The greater number are in the rural areas exposed to
various kinds of exploitations and threats by the vested interest groups.
The Latest Issues : The conditions of the people of this region, espe
cially of the poor and the tribals, have been described vividly. This group still
remains the most exploited, illiterate, poor and backward. Only a very small
margin of the people have managed to rise higher in society. Their land,
forests, resources on the surface and beneath the ground are constantly being
exploited by outsiders and contractors in the name of the national interests.
The social and economic condition of the local people grows worse day by
day. This is the real irony of the whole plan of development and industrializa
tion of this region. They are exposed to all kinds of exploitation and
humiliation by the dominant sections.
A very subtle strategy is often adopted as a matter of policy by
Theologizing in the Jharkhand Context
oppressors. It lies in keeping them ign
backward, so that they can be subjected
tion. Although there has been a rapid sp
region taking the line from the time of the
half of the population still remains illite
lowest with 38 percent, and economical
lowest in terms of per capita income wi
people under the poverty line are draw
weaker sections.
The few who are educated do no
position in society either. There is tough
result of this the greater number of the ed
the rank and file of the numerous unemplo
good many young men take to anti-social
own communities. Such activities lead to
an irony I
It is very true that many agencies,
are active in this region engaging in de
larger majority of the area remain poo
worse. The point is that one should tr
which really intend to put the poor and t
Do they truly want their progress and em
really the well-wishers of the local peop
Such are some of the questions which
inspite of so much investment in variou
poverty alleviation programmes the con
significantly. Besides, regional issues
and migration, came up like adding fu
stances the people feel hopeless and utte
There is a deliberate but hidden
customs, religion and society by domin
saving their culture they are destroying
strategy is often adopted to create a vot
Faith Response : The question a
respond to this situation. Should he take
fate ? Does his faith prompt him to ta
remain inactive ? I am spontaneously le
bush in the Bible. Moses is placed face t
10
Sevartham
his own kith and kin. Yahweh challenged him to respond to this grim situatin
which involved lot of risks. To take his people out of the slavery of Egypt was
not an easy task. Yet he did it. That was the kind of faith response Moses
gave in that situation. He actualized his faith in his Yahweh.
Similar examples can be given from the life and teaching of Jesus in the
New Testament. Jesus showed compassion to the poor, the suffering and
the marginalized on several occasions. He healed the sick, forgave sins,
drove out evil spirits, and in this way emancipated the entire person in order
to predispose him to live up to his faith actively without any impediment.
This was in fact the ultimate goal of his healing ministry much misunder
stood today under the charismatic spirituality.
Every Christian gets the gift of faith in baptism. Faith is professed in
this God. And he lives by faith. But what is this faith if it is devoid of
charity, and does not inspire concern for his brother ? What is this faith if it
does not sensitize you to the sufferings of your brothers and sisters, and fails
to move you to act ? What is this faith if it does not put fire in you in the face
of injustice ? What is this faith if it alienates you from your context ? What
is this faith if it does not prompt you to endeavor for change and make things
better ? Faith remains at rituals and ceremonies if it does not move you to
action in the given situation and in accordance with the situation.
Living one's faith in a context calls upon individuals, collectivity and
institutions. At all these three levels faith demands actions, for actions
speak louder than words. Only then our celebrations and observances find
their meaning and bear fruit. If Moses and Jesus had remained passive
believers today the history of the world would have been written differently.
But it is not so. The believers are called for in the like manner to be actors in
their social, and cultural context to create history by taking up challenges to
change things for better and ever better. This is a call for every baptized
person, and a duty of every citizen in society.
References
1. Kolvenbach, Peter-Hans, New vigor For the Church : Conversatiion on the Global
Challenges or Our Time, Compass : Jesuit Journal, Toronto, 1993.
2. Minj, Nirmal, A Responsible Christian Task for Lok Mukti in Chotanagpur, Ranchi: G.
E. L. Church Press, 1988.
3. JEPASA, Report of the Assistancy JEPASA during 1993-94.
4. Munda, Ram Dayal, Adivasi Asmita : Sankat Aur Samadhan, 12-13 April, Prabhat
Khabar, 1997.
Sevartham
22 (1997)
REWRITING
In the past anthropologists took s
made scholarly studies about them, wh
and unimportant in the political map of
ever, for their own ends, took trouble
various aspects of the tribal people. The
theses, anthropological journals and b
efforts, some information concerning th
of future generations. Tribal groups have
for keeping something in memory is or
bound to undergo changes or fade away
of the people. Therefore anthropologists
people by storing up tribal culture and c
As far as collecting and recordi
praiseworthy. But as far as the interpr
evaluation is concerned, these authors
Their interpretation may be true for som
parts of the world, but according to my
their interpretations do not apply to the tr
were foreigners, either Europeans or Am
stick to measure tribal culture as well. In
behaviour of the tribals did not come up
from their own then tribal behaviour w
or immoral or superstitious. The sam
authors, who were equally foreigners to t
in India, culturally and socially they r
tribals.
In the present times, too, many
market with books on tribal life. These a
earlier authors and some roadside interv
enter into the feeling and values of the tr
At present some tribals are study
authors, these have lived and experie
11
r
58
Sevartham
History of the Mission of Chotanagpur
promote faith and justice. The present and future challenges in this
field cannot be ignored. There is a need for formal education,
In fact industrialization has made the Trib
of Hatia, Bokaro, Patratu and the Dam
destitute. Now the displaced persons ar
pullers, porters and even beggars. All larg
no doubt. Our educational institutes should increase the level of
literacy particularly among the Tribals so as to bring them at par with
other ethnic groups and communities at regional andunational level.
These institutes should also aim at providing educational facilities
o i ar are situated in its Jharkhand are
industnal development has been inadequ
within manageable distance to the economically weaker sections of
ation programmes. The continuing oppos
the society.
range and the Koel Karo project provides
ness. The Koel Karo project was suppose
the cost of 45.000 acres of agricultural and
Sasandin") and the means of livelihood
In most cases it is now syllabus-and-examination
oriented; it should become more vocational and more job oriented.
In the educational field the Church has to move ahead with the
1
the problems of rapid urbanization. The education imparted by our i
institutions does not prepare present day youth to meet challenges I
times. The Church had been for the most part unable to grapple with
of industrialization. The tribal community has very few doctors,
engineers, administrators and the professionals. Therefore in the
villages. The peasants, aware of their hu
opposed this project. In the past, in many
have broken the promises, no adequate co
industrial and administrative sectors employment opportunities have
been by and large parcelled out among the non-Tribals.
ousands of Tribals were displaced to b
unskilled workers, migrants, rickshaw-pulle
reduced beggars. The economic super-exp
urban and industrial areas, such as Ranc
Mission schools are known for regular teaching, maintenance
and discipline, yet almost all the schools work under great financial
and Dhanbad justified and re-enforced by s
nation is supported by violence.
constraints and pressure. The Catholic schools are discriminated
against in more than one way, be it for recognition of a new school,
payment of teachers, grants of scholarship, new appointments and
evaluation of final results.
B The industrialization of South Bihar has changed the character
of Chotanagpur, and the city of Ranchi, once a town with a tribal
National r-----resources are extracted fro
and absorbed by, the
; more developed urban
I
plains. A few Tribals benefit fnom urban-ind
in fact most of them have been adversely aff
is one in which some of the immigrants ten
development in Jharkhand, while the Trib
majority, now finds itself in a small minority. The decline of the
Jharkhand have largely remained unskilled
tribal population in urban areas of Chotanagpur is due to the
The large industrial projects in S. Chotanag
lower employment opportunities for the Tribals in growing towns
and cities.
Engineering Corporation (HEC) in Ranchi, th
In Chotanagpur social degradation is directly translated into
economic exploitation, the outcome of development for the Tribals.
the Thermal Power Station at Patratu and the
Valley Corporation have employed large
migrants. The sons of the soil have not be
industrial projects. In part the Tribals themse
Sevartham
60
for their miseries. The majority of the Tribals continue to pursue |
their traditional occupation because they have been unable to enjoy |
the fruits of modern development partly due to discrimination in
employment by the “outsiders” and partly because their low level of
History of the Mission of Chotahagpur
under Jaipal Singh the “Adivasi Ma
non-denominational association was
non-Catholics alike. The Jharkhand
the political wing of the Adivasi Maha
education does not qualify them for skilled jobs and because of their
lack of awareness. They are considered by the “outsiders” as unreli
able and lazy, as people unfit for the regular work needed by modern
economy. In the eyes of industry, they make a undisciplined labour
force. They are unskilled workers and seem unable to become
skilled. They get drunk and do not come to work. The Tribals are not
suited for modern economy. It is true that the educational institutions
the Tribals of Chotanagpur and Santa
,
|
organization to fight for a separate S
post independence elections the part
I
I
a threat to the Congress Party in C
entered the Jharkhand Party and in S
|
the ruling Congress. This caused the
Party under the leadership of N. E. H
have raised the standard of the Tribals and people of Chotanagpur.
But the tribal society is still facing lots of problems, particularly of
exploitation. The tribal society lacks men and women to enter into
speaking the Catholics have no stan
the Protestants have associated th
Catholics still keep a safe distance fr
the sectors of trade and commerce.
Major mining operations in the State are located in the tribal
districts of South Bihar. Employment opportunities are not only
|
|
why among the politicians, the major
understood the importance of Chris
want their voice to be heard in the m
prepared to take risks. Past electio
limited, but unscrupulous contracts in mining areas go on exploiting |
the workers. The worst victims of this exploitation are the tribal girls |
confusion and disarray among the C
|
political policies and lack of unity and
who work at construction sites, in the mining areas and kilns.
In the urban areas there occurs a break-up of the tribal society
and with the influx of the non-tribal population "sanskritization" of the
area and as a consequence communal disharmony is ever on the increase. This “internal colonialism” has caused not only excessive
economic and social control, but also it has brought Hindu funda
mentalism into the social, political and religious life of the areas. The
Christians perceive Hinduism and Hinduization as the greatest threat
to tribal society. The Tribals must be liberated from this cultural
domination if they want to be recognized as masters and free agents
of history.
Political freedom and development are inter-connected with
socio-economic development. This was the reason why in 1939
In short, the central problem of t
crisis of leadership. There is a lack
and dedicated leadership. The lack o
is the biggest weak point for the failur
The Jharkhandis do not find support,
to develop their initial zeal. As a resu
the wrong people who misguide th
elections by giving money, position
instances in the recent past of total f
blockades for human rights and just c
great enthusiasm and when the goa
ended in total disarray. The Jharkha
has been formed in 1995, but so far it
||
History of the ^..ssion of Chotanagpu
62
|
since the enemies of the Council, the "outsiders” who neither have I
family of God’s people. The Chu
sympathy for the local people nor do they have knowledge of local
a great influx of migrants causing
political imbalance. The Tribals h
Sevartham
challenged because of the rapid in
culture and customs, do not support financially for the development
of this area so that they can go on exploiting the people of
Chotanagpur economically, socially, culturally and territorially.
B
I*
. . .
|
The Church in Chotanagpur should help to organize integral r
human development and liberation from all that limits man from self
fulfilment. There is a need for a macro-ethic that influences the
decisions made at the centres of power at State or Central level.
they are reduced to a minority in
rarely strikes the Tribals because
position. But the times are chang
survival of the tribes are at stake.
IV1
Decisions made at these centres ignore integral human develop
ment. Church’s task should not be limited to the temporal liberation,
though this is very important. Genuine humanization includes
Finally, the leaders of the Ch
| with their institutions, schools, colle
tions should strive after the wholene
I individual point of view: embracin
P ;■
material and spiritual dimensions. Development which is merely
economic is incapable of setting man free; on the contrary, it will end
by enslaving him further. Development that does not include the |
cultural transcendence and religious dimension of' man and society I
It Is true that one I
is even less conducive to authentic liberation,
cannot stop at sociopolitical liberation which is obviously a limited i •
but essential view. Nevertheless one has to remember that the |-
logical dimensions; second, from
embracing the socio-economic, p
third, from the point of view of
embracing the eternal and end
Chotanagpur takes all this overall
her service and other activities natu
and liberative enough to face all
challenges.
Kingdom of God is not restricted to the economic, political, social or
even to ideological emancipation but neither can it be realized with
out them. Therefore, though they are limited, they are not outside the
not the whole, they are essential |
Kingdom of God; though they are
and real.
Conclusion
The Catholic Church in Chotanagpur has been firmly estab
lished among the Tribals. She is identified as a Tribal one and she
'
i
I
Notes and References
1. Walter Steins was born in Amsterd
•of Jesus on December 16,1832, and joined th
Vicar Apostolic of Bombay. On April 14, 1867
‘ September 7, 1881 in Sidney. The territory o
missionaries. It was Msgr Steins who mad
Chotanagpur in 1869.
I .
2. Augustus Stockman was born at
| entered the Society of Jesus on April 8,1847
I Khunti on April 23, 1897.
enjoys living her Faith in her own cultural milieu. More than a K
3. P. Ponette, The Dawn of Ranchi M
hundred years ago the missionaries courageously stood by the
4. The four mission posts, Sarwada w
Tribals in the face of social, economic and cultural exploitation and
substation Burudi came to be known to missi
through their evangelization they are now incorporated into the!
Conclusions
cassettes with culturally appropriate program
mes that can be shown on community televi
sion sets.
well-managed, rigorous family welfare pro
gramme.
X
Achievement of Programme Objectives
Status of Women
• Although there has been some progress in
education in recent years, the literacy rate and
educational attainment of women age 13-49
is still low, with more than three-quarters of
them illiterate. The education of women can
play a major role in shaping the attitudes and
behaviour of women. Educational attainment
is strongly associated with every important
variable considered in the NFHS. including
age at marriage, fertility behaviour, current
use of family planning, demand for family
planning, ideal number of children, wanted
fertility rate, utilization of antenatal care
services, receipt of tetanus toxoid injections
and iron and folic acid tablets, delivery in
a health facility, delivery by trained attendants,
vaccination of children against six serious but
preventable diseases, knowledge and ever use
of ORS packets, infant and child mortality and
the nutritional status of children. The status
of women in Bihar is quite low and there
is ample evidence of discrimination against
women in several respects such as lower
female literacy, lower school attendance rate
for girls age 6-14, sex ratio unfavourable to
women, low level of female employment,
relatively low age at marriage, higher female
child mortality rates, and lower vaccination
rates for female children. Thus programmes
to elevate the status of women in Bihar are
needed. In particular, increasing the school
enrollment and educational levels of girls and
young women is important for reducing
fertility, increasing family planning use and
improving maternal and child health. The
spread of education is, however, a slow
process and there is clearly the need for a
• Major national objectives of the CSSM
programme adopted in the Eighth Five Year
Plan (1992-97) are to achieve an infant
mortality rate of 50 per 1,000 live births (the
infant mortality rate in Bihar during 1988-92
was 89 per 1,000 live births); an under-five
mortality rate of 70 (under-five mortality in
Bihar during 1988-92 was 128); a crude death
rate of 9 per 1,000 population (the crude
death rate during 1991-92 in Bihar was 11.5);
and a crude birth rate of 26 per 1,000
population (the crude birth rate for Bihar
during 1990-92 was 32.3).
The national
targets for service coverage include 100 percent
coverage of antenatal care (women in
Bihar received antenatal care for only 37
percent of births during 1989-92); 100 percent
deliveries by trained birth attendants (only 19
percent of deliveries were attended by a
doctor or a nurse/midwife during 1989-92);
and a couple protection rate of 75 percent
among couples in the reproductive ages (in
Bihar it was only 25 percent during 1992).
• Although all of these comparisons indicate
great challenges ahead for Bihar, some
progress has been made toward lowering
fertility and mortality rates.
With its
population of 86.4 million in 1991, Bihar
accounts for 10 percent of the total population
of India and exercises great influence on the
demographic parameters of the country. If
the national population growth goal of
replacement fertility is to be achieved even
by 2011-2016, it is necessary to increase efforts
to manage the demographic situation of Bihar.
,
--^3
.: ...
Table 4.9 Money spent for daughter's marriage
distribution of ever-^rried
by the ^‘^r|“*rSP^3fOr 3
Percent
including dowry) by background characteristics, Bihar,
marriage (not
Money spent on marriage (in rupees)
Background
characteristic
Don't
15000 25000
5000
10000
know
<24999
<49999
50000+
None <5000 <10000 <14999
Total
Percent
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
0.2
0.2
6.2
11.3
13.2
9.7
20.1
23.1
14.1
20.3
20.2
13.6
13.9
12.6
15.5
10.5
10.4
10.0
9.8
9.1
13.8
10.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
Education
Illiterate
Lit. < mid. complete
Middle school complete
High school and above
0.1
0.4
0.8
0.2
12.5
4.7
2.4
2.2
21.7
9.0
10.0
3.9
21.3
13.8
12.9
10.1
13.3
18.4
17.0
11.5
9.3
18.5
19.0
17.8
7.1
28.3
33.8
44.1
14.6
6.9
4.1
10.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
0.2
2.1
11.5
5.4
12.0
18.7
17.1
24.7
18.3
25.0
17.8
12.9
18.7
12.1
11.3
11.3
7.9
14.1
8.5
9.0
12.9
14.1
14.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste
Scheduled tribe
Other
0.8
0.1
22.7
18.9
8.3
23.4
27.3
17.1
18.4
20.5
19.4
8.9
7.6
15.0
6.1
3.5
12.6
5.7
3.1
15.0
14.8
18.3
12.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
0.2
10.6
18.6
19.4
13.8
11.2
13.1
13.1
100.0
Total
Religion
Hindu
Muslim
Other
-- Less than 0.05 percent
Table 4.9 also presents the distribution of ever-mamed women4>y the amount ^pemon
marriage of daughters than others.
cash is generally given as a dowry
Rs. lM00,A37^cXa«R’11
&
,
32 percent gave less than
“ 21'"’ “n<l 31 pera!"t 6aVe RS' 25,000 " mOre'
"is given ^aTrural'and ^u^—
Xo-e S "1} to mport L more than Rs. 25,000 in cash is given as dowry tn
a daughter’s marriage.
i
In addition to cash, it is also customary to present various commodities to
“
part of Ute dowry. Table 4.11 shows the percentage of ever-mamed women by the ttems
66
i
Table 4.10
Cash paid as dowry
Percent distribution of ever-married women by the amount of cash generally paid as daughter's
dowry by background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Cash paid as dowry (in rupees)
Background
characteristic
No
dowry <5000
5000
<10000
10000 15000
<14999 <24999
25000
Don't Total
<49999 50000+ know Percent
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
13.4
11.0
4.1
4.5
10.2
9.5
8.1
16.2
18.5
9.1
16.8
18.4
11.8
13.1
15.0
13.2
9.0
12.4
32.2
10.6
12.8
13.0
9.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
Education
Illiterate
11.5
Lit., < middle complete 8.8
Middle school complete 10.3
High school and above 14.4
11.3
2.9
1.1
3.0
18.1
5.9
3.5
1.7
17.1
13.0
15.7
4.6
13.3
13.4
14.2
8.3
8.1
18.4
12.2
12.3
7.2
30.0
38.5
46.1
13.5
7.6
4.4
9.5
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Religion
Hindu
MusIi m
Other
9.5
15.0
65.3
10.0
6.9
2.6
14.8
17.3
5.2
15.2
19.2
5.4
12.9
14.2
3.8
10.0
8.3
2.9
15.6
4.6
6.4
11.9
14.5
8.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste
Scheduled tribe
Other
4.5
62.7
7.1
17.9
8.7
8.4
23.4
7.5
14.8
16.9
3.5
16.7
11.8
3.3
14.0
6.5
1.7
10.8
3.4
3.3
16.0
15.6
9.4
12.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
Total
11.4
9.4
15.0
15.6
12.9
9.6
13.7
12.2
100.0
generally given as dowry to the daughter at the time of marriage. The most common items
given are radios or transistors (66 percent), cycles (65 percent) and utensils (64 percent).
Twenty-nine percent said that generally in their families furniture such as cots, chairs, sofa sets,
dining tables, and cupboards are given to daughters at marriage. Twelve percent said that items
such as televisions, VCRs or VCPs are given and 11 percent stated that cars, scooters or
motorbikes are given. Less than 50 grams of gold are given as dowry according to 37 percent
of women and only 4 percent reported that 50 grams or more of gold are given as dowry. The
figures for silver are similar to those for gold.
The families in urban areas are more likely to give gold, silver, cars, scooters or
motorbikes, televisions, VCRs or VCPs, and furniture; and those in rural areas are more likely
to give cycles, radios or transistors and utensils. The families of literate women are more likely
than others to give expensive items such as gold and silver, cars, scooters or motorbikes,
televisions, and VCRs or VCPs. Compared with Hindus, the Muslims are more likely to give
less expensive items. Among scheduled caste households, cycles, radios and utensils are the
most common items given. Thirty-two percent of women belonging to scheduled tribes report
that no items are given as a dowry.
Table 4.12 shows the percentage of women who approve and disapprove of the dowry
system. Overall, 63 percent of ever-married women disapprove of the dowry system. However,
a significant minority (37 percent) approve of the dowry system. The differentials by
background characteristics indicate that illiterate women (40 per cent), Hindus (37 per cent) and
67
■ W
'
Table 4.11
Items given as dowry
Percent distribution of ever-married women according to items given at the time of a daughter's marriage
by background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Items given as dowry
Background
characteristic
Gold
Si Iver
Car,
Land,
FurTV,
house scooter VCR
nior flat or bike or VCP ture
<50g 50g* <50g
50g+
52.2
34.7
3.5 51.4
4.3 35.6
3.5
4.5
2.1
0.4
22.4
8.8
27.6
9.1
43.5
4.0
45.7
4.9
1.1
5.7
32.7
3.9 34.0
4.2
0.4
55.1
55.1
4.7 55.1
5.1 51.2
4.3
3.7
51.8
6.0 48.5
36.9
41.4
20.8
Radio
Uten- or tran- Cy-
Oth
er
None
sils
sister
cle
35.1
27.5
57.7
65.6
49.8
68.9
41.7 22.3
68.4 45.9
7.4
4.0
8.4
22.6
72.6
69.1
69.6
1.Q
5.7
5.9
25.6
65.1
70.4
70.9 45.8
4.4
1.1
0.2
23.5
27.5
28.3
32.3
39.8
37.6
68.4
61.7
56.6
55.7
48.5 36.8
46.5 35.0
1.8
2.6
5.9
3.2
36.6
40.0
39.8
54.1
41.8
30.2
20.3
10.3
4.1 37.6
5.1 41.0
3.0 25.5
4.1
5.6
3.0
0.7
0.7
1.0
11.6
7.1
5.6
12.7
7.7
4.5
29.0
28.3
11.4
65.8
60.6
33.9
65.7
72.6
31.3
63.5
73.5
32.8
41.6 4.2
50.6 2.0
11.0 42.7
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste 20.1
Scheduled tribe
9.5
Other
42.1
2.7 21.7
0.9 12.7
4.7 42.4
3.6
1.2
4.7
0.3
0.8
7.2
3.0
12.0
6.5
1.4
13.5
24.4
13.6
30.6
67.9
49.8
65.5
72.4
48.7
67.1
73.7 48.4
1.3
50.6 20.7 32.0
64.8 43.9 2.2
Total
4.2
4.4
0.7
10.8
11.8
28.6
64.4
66.2
64.5
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward
districts
Education
11 literate
Lit., < middle
complete
Middle complete
High school
and above
Religion
Hindu
MusIi m
Other
41.2
i
37.3
37.9
42.5
4.5
Note: Total percent will not add to 100.0 due to multiple response.
•• Less than 0.05 percent
scheduled caste women (41 percent) are more likely to approve of the dowry system than others,
and that urban women (77 percent) and those who have
least: aa high
school education
high school
------ at
------education
(83 percent) are more likely to disapprove of the dowry system than others. The
reasons
The reasons
underlying the approval or disapproval of the dowry system need to be examined through further
analysis of the open-ended responses, but such analysis is not attempted here.
68
Table 8.2
Crude death rates and age-sex specific death rates
Crude death rates (CDR) and age-sex specific death rates, Bihar, 1991-92
SRS (1991)
NFHS (1991-92)
Death rate
Death rate
Nunber of usual residents
Age
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
0 - 4
5 -14
15-49
50
28.2
3.5
4.0
35.5
27.7
3.0
4.1
43.0
28.0
3.3
4.0
38.9
2021
4317
6821
1973
1983
4033
6777
1672
4003
8350
13598
3644
20.9
2.5
3.5
33.5
24.8
3.2
4.3
29.8
22.8
CDR
11.3
11.7
11.5
15131
14464
29596
9.4
10.3
9.8
2.9
3.9
31.7
Note: Crude death rate and age-sex specific death rates from the NFHS are based on the annual
number of deaths reported for the de jure population during the two years prior to the survey.
The SRS rates are also de jure, based on deaths during 1990.
Source of SRS data: Office of the Registrar General (1993a).
of 2.08 percent, which matches well with SRS estimate of 2.05 for 1990 (Office of the Registrar
General, 1993b).
The age-specific death rates for broad age groups shown in Table 8.2 can be compared
directly with the SRS rates. Although the SRS does not report the death rates for all of the
specific age groups shown in’ Table 8.2, these rates are estimated based on the SRS age
distribution. The age pattern of mortality as revealed by the NFHS and SRS data indicates an
expected typical U-shaped pattern with very high death rates at very young and very old ages
and the lowest rate at age 5-14. The NFHS and SRS age-specific death rates are very close at
ages 5-14 and 15-49, but the NFHS rates are higher at ages 0-4 and 50+. This perhaps
indicates underreporting of deaths in the SRS and better reporting in the survey.
In most countries, male death rates are higher than female death rates at almost all ages.
South Asia has generally been an exception in this respect, with higher death rates for females
over much of the age span (Ghosh, 1987; Preston, 1990). The overall death rate is higher for
females than males in both the NFHS and SRS (the ratio of female to male death rate is 1.04
in the NFHS and 1.10 in the SRS 1991), an expected phenomenon for Bihar. However, age-sex
patterns of mortality for the NFHS and SRS 1991 show some important inconsistencies. For
age 0-4, the female death rate, as expected, is higher than the male death rate in the SRS (the
ratio is 1.19), but lower than the male death rate in the NFHS (the ratio is 0.98). The lower
female death rate relative to the male death rate at ages 0-4 and 5-14 found in the NFHS is
unusual given the opposite findings of the SRS in many states of India.
The SRS data on age-sex death rates over a long period of time also show female death
rates higher than male death rates in the reproductive age groups in several states. The NFHS
and the 1991 SRS reveal the expected pattern of higher female than male death rates in the
reproductive age group of 15-49 (ratios for the NFHS and the 1991 SRS are 1.03 and 1.23,
respectively).
149
'W'
'
V-
-^5^
—
In the oldest age group of 50 years and over, the ratio of female to male death rates is
1.21 from the NFHS and 0.89 from the SRS. The higher ratio from the NFHS is unexpected.
It should be mentioned again that the information on deaths in the household was obtained
from either the head of the household or some responsible member and the possibility of
underreporting of deaths of females cannot be ruled out. Also, females who died in the
reproductive years may have been reported as deaths of females age 50 and over.
8.3
Infant and Child Mortality
i
i
Definitions of Infant and Child Mortality
In the NFHS, ever-married women age 13-49 were asked to give a complete history of
their births, including the sex, date of birth, survival status, and age at the time of the survey
or age at death for each live birth. For children who had died, age at death was recorded in
days for children dying in the first month of life, in months for children dying before their
second birthday, and in years for children dying at later ages. This information was used to
calculate the following direct estimates of infant and child mortality:1
Neonatal mortality
Postneonatal mortality
Infant mortality (^q )
Child mortality Qq,)
Under-five mortality
the probability of dying in the first month of life;
the difference between infant and neonatal mortality;
the probability of dying before the first birthday;
the probability of dying between the first and fifth birthday;
the probability of dying before the fifth birthday.
Assessment of Data Quality
The reliability of mortality estimates calculated from retrospective birth histories depends
the
completeness with which deaths of children are reported and the extent to which birth
upon
dates and ages at deaths are accurately reported and recorded. Estimated rates of infant and
child mortality are subject to both sampling and nonsampling errors. While the sampling errors
for various mortality estimates are provided in Appendix A, this section describes the results of
various checks for nonsampling errors -- in particular, underreporting of deaths in early
childhood (which would result in an underestimate of mortality) and misreporting the date of
birth or age at death (which could distort the age pattern of under-five mortality). Both
problems are likely to be more pronounced for children bom long before the survey than for
1 A detailed description of the method for calculating the probabilities presented here is given in Rutstein
(1984). The mortality estimates are not rates, but are true probabilities, calculated according to the conventional
life table approach. For any calendar period, deaths and exposure in that period are first tabulated for the age
intervals 0, 1-2, 3-5, 6-11, 12-23, 24-35, 36-47, and 48-59 months. Then age interval specific probabilities of
survival are calculated. Finally, probabilities of mortality for larger age segments are produced by multiplying the
relevant age interval survival probabilities together and subtracting the product from one:
5'--’
i
150
1
I
I 1
;
Conclusions
CONCLUSIONS
Fertility and Family Planning
• Although there is evidence of a slight decline
in the total fertility rate in Bihar in recent
years, the TER remains high at 4 children per
Thus Bihar is still far from the
woman.
achievement of replacement level fertility (2.1
children per woman). Only 23 percent of
currently married women are using a
contraceptive. If all women who say they
want to space or limit their births were to
use family planning the contraceptive prevalence
rate could increase from 23 percent to 48
percent of married women.
A sizeable
percentage of women who intend to use
contraception in the future prefer to use
modem spacing methods. This indicates that
the potential demand for modern spacing
methods is quite strong and suggests that
increasing attention should be paid to effective
spacing methods as part of a balanced
programme to satisfy the contraceptive needs
of women in Bihar.
• Two-thirds of currently married nonusers say
they do not intend to use contraception in the
future. The lack of intentions to use family
planning is a matter of great concern and
suggests that it will be difficult for the family
planning programme to be successful without
a strong Information, Education and
Communication (IEC) component to motivate
couples to use contraception.
The ideal
family size is 3.4 children which is larger by
1.4 children than the two-child family
advocated by the Family Welfare Programme.
To bring about a change in the popular norms
about family size, a strong and well directed
IEC is needed. The accessibility and quality
of services need to be improved to attract new
contraceptors as well as to encourage
continued use among current contraceptive
acceptors.
Maternal and Child Health
• Various indicators of maternal and child
health show that in almost every respect Bihar
is not faring well. Despite the decline in
infant mortality (18 percent over a 10-year
period), 1 in every 8 children still die before
reaching age 5. Most babies (87 percent) are
delivered at home and a sizeable proportion
of deliveries are conducted by untrained
personnel.
A very small percentage of
children age 12-23 months are fully
vaccinated and 54 percent have not received
any vaccination. Over three-fifths of all
young children are underweight and over
three-fifths are stunted.
• The improvement of services is crucial to the
success of the Child Survival and Safe
Motherhood (CSSM) programme. The
importance of a strong IEC package in the
CSSM programme cannot be overemphasized.
Such a package is necessary to inform couples
about the importance of antenatal care and
safe delivery conducted under hygienic
conditions, the advantages of giving colostrum
to babies, the correct timing of introducing
supplementary food to a child’s diet, the
importance of immunization against
preventable diseases, the use of oral
rehydration therapy for children suffering
from diarrhoea, the advantages of a small
family and the disadvantages of early
childbearing and inadequate childspacing.
The lack of exposure of most women to
electronic mass media and their inability to
read, however, indicate that alternative
communication strategies will have to be
employed, such as distribution of video
L
Percent of currently married women currently using:
Pill..................................................................
IUD .....................................................................
Injection...............................................................
Condom ...............................................................
Female sterilization.............................................
Male sterilization.................................................
Periodic abstinence.............................................
Withdrawal...........................................................
Other methods.....................................................
FACT SHEET-BIHAR
1991 Population Data
Office of the Registrar General and Census
Commissioner
Total population (millions)........................
Percent urban...........................................
Percent scheduled caste...........................
Percent scheduled tribe ...........................
Decadal population growth rate (1981-91)
Crude birth rate (per 1,000 population).. .
Crude death rate (per 1.000 population) . .
Life expectancy at birth (years)1:
Male ..................................................
Female................................................
86.4
13.1
14.6
7.7
23.5
32.2
10.9
55.7
53.6
National Family Health Survey, 1993
Sample Population
Ever-married women age 13-49
5.949
Background Characteristics of Women Interviewed
Percent urban .................................................................... 14.6
Percent illiterate ................................................................ 78.3
8.1
Percent attended high school or higher...........................
Percent Hindu.................................................................. 82.6
Percent Muslim................................................................. 15.6
Percent working............................................................... 24.9
Marriage and Other Fertility Determinants
Percent of women age 15-49 currently married ................ 82.9
Percent of women age 15-49 ever married........................ 86.7
Singulate mean age at marriage for females (in years). . . . 18.0
Singulate mean age at marriage for males (in years)........ 23.2
Percent of women married to first cousins2........................ 4.4
Median age at marriage among women age 25-49 ............ 14.7
Median months of breastfeeding3....................................... 26.5
Median months of postpartum amenorrhoea3 .................... 9.9
Median months of postpartum abstinence3 ........................ 2.9
Fertility
Total fertility rate4................................................................. 4.0
Mean number of children ever bom to women age 40-49 .. 5.2
Desire for Children
Percent of currently married women who:
Want no more children or are sterilized........
Want to delay their next birth at least 2 years
Mean ideal number of children5.........................
Percent of births in the last 4 years which were:
Unwanted.......................................................
Mistimed.......................................................
42.7
24.0
3.4
9.3
14.2
Knowledge and Use of Family Planning
Percent of currently married women:
94.9
Knowing any method ...........................
94.9
Knowing a modem method....................
88.5
Knowing a source for a modem method
26.2
Ever used any method............................
Currently using any method........................ 23.1
1.1
0.5
0.0
1.3
17.3
1.3
0.9
0.5
0.1
Mortality and Health
Infant mortality rate6........................................................... 89.2
Under-five mortality rate6................................................. 127.5
Percent of births7 whose mothers:
Received antenatal care from a doctor
26.5
or other health professional.....................................
Received 2 or more tetanus toxoid injections................ 30.7
Percent of births7 whose mothers were assisted at delivery by:
12.7
Doctor .....................................................................
Nurse/midwife............................................................... 6.2
Traditional birth attendant............................................. 58.4
Percent of children 0-1 month who are breastfed............. 97.7
Percent of children 12-13 months who are breastfed........ 91.2
Percent of children 12-23 months who received8 :
BCG.............................................................................. 33.9
DPT (three doses)......................................................... 29.1
Polio (three doses)......................................................... 31.6
Measles ......................................................................... 14.6
All vaccinations............................................................. 10.7
Percent of children under 4 years9 who:
Had diarrhoea in the 2 weeks preceding the survey.... 13.7
Had a cough accompanied by rapid breathing
4.3
in the 2 weeks preceding the survey........................
Had a fever in the 2 weeks preceding the survey ........ 21.1
Are chronically undernourished (stunted)10.................. 60.9
Are acutely undernourished (wasted)10.......................... 21.8
1986-90
Based on ever-married women
3 Current status estimate based on births during the 36 months
preceding the survey (48 months for breastfeeding)
4
Based on births to women age 15-49 during the 3 years preceding
the survey
5 Based on ever-married women age 13-49, excluding women
giving non-numeric responses
6 For the 5 years preceding the survey (1988-92)
7 For births in the period 1-47 months preceding the survey
8 Based on information from vaccination cards and mothers' reports
9 Children born 1-47 months preceding the survey
10
Stunting assessed by height-for-age, wasting assessed by weightfor-height; undernourished children are those more than 2
standard deviations below the median of the international
reference population, recommended by the World Health
Organization.
i-
2
1
I
Table 9.4
Place of delivery
Percent distribution of live births during the four years preceding the survey by place of
delivery, according to selected background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Place of delivery
Background
characteristic
Health facility/
i nst i tut i on
Home
Own Parents'
home home
Other
Don't
Number
know/
Total
of live
missing percent births’
Public
Private
Mother's age at birth
< 20
20-34
35+
5.3
6.3
2.6
4.6
7.2
2.1
69.1
76.4
93.6
19.6
9.6
1.2
0.7
0.4
0.4
0.7
0.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
760
2556
245
Birth order
1
2-3
4-5
6+
8.9
7.0
3.3
2.3
10.3
7.1
3.2
3.1
61.1
72.9
85.6
91.6
18.7
12.2
7.3
2.8
0.6
0.5
0.5
0.1
0.4
0.3
0.1
0.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
842
1316
860
544
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
18.1
4.0
5.8
23.3
3.7
2.7
49.6
80.0
75.5
8.0
11.6
15.3
0.5
0.5
0.4
0.4
0.2
0.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
470
3092
540
Education
Illiterate
Lit., < middle complete
Middle school complete
High school and above
2.6
15.6
18.0
21.3
2.1
12.2
19.3
36.2
84.0
58.2
49.3
28.0
10.7
13.3
11.8
12.9
0.4
0.4
1.5
0.8
0.2
0.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
2822
359
98
283
Religion
Hindu
Muslim
Other
6.6
2.7
7.7
7.1
3.1
7.7
74.1
83.5
76.9
11.4
10.2
7.7
0.5
0.3
0.3
0.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
2792
703
68
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste
Scheduled tribe
Other
4.1
2.5
6.4
3.3
1.4
7.1
77.1
83.2
75.2
14.4
12.9
10.6
0.1
1.0
0.5
0.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
357
272
2934
Antenatal care visits
None
1-3 visits
4+ visits
1.8
9.8
22.7
1.4
9.5
32.9
84.9
68.0
36.5
11.2
11.9
7.2
0.3
0.7
0.8
0.4
0.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
2227
1035
290
Total1
5.8
6.3
76.0
11.1
0.5
0.2
100.0
3562
0.8
-- Less than 0.05 percent
’Births in the period 1-47 months prior to the survey. Total includes 19 births for whom the
information about antenatal care visits is missing, which are not shown separately.
As expected, a higher proportion of deliveries were attended by doctors in urban areas
(40 percent) than in rural areas and backward districts (9 percent each). Among the deliveries
which took place in private health institutions, 87 percent are attended by doctors and 12 percent
by nurse/midwives, whereas among deliveries in public health institutions, 75 percent are
attended by doctors and 21 percent by nurse/midwives. Among deliveries taking place in the
respondent’s home, two-thirds (66 percent) are attended by traditional birth attendants (TBA),
one-fourth (26 percent) by relatives or others, and only 3 percent by doctors. Assistance at
delivery by medical professionals and nurses is also uncommon for births to women in thenparents’ home, where 86 percent of deliveries are attended by TBA’s or other nonmedical
174
Table 9.11
Prevalence of acute respiratory infection
I
fever and diarrhoea
Among all children under four years of age, the percentage who were ill with a cough accompanied by fast
breathing, fever and diarrhoea during the two weeks before the survey, and the percentage with diarrhoea
in the 24 hours before the survey, according to selected background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Percentage of children suffering in previous two
weeks from:
Background
characteristic
Cough
accompanied
by fast
breathing
Fever
Any
Child's age
< 6 months
6-11 months
12-23 months
24-35 months
36-47 months
3.8
5.5
6.5
2.9
2.8
15.5
28.5
27.4
17.7
16.2
Sex
Male
Female
4.9
3.7
Birth order
1
2-3
4-5
6+
Bloody
Any diarrhoea
in previous
24 hours2
Number
of
chiIdren
12.0
23.3
17.3
12.0
7.4
0.1
1.2
1.6
2.3
1.3
6.7
13.4
7.4
5.0
2.5
405
430
875
695
847
23.0
19.1
13.8
13.6
1.4
1.5
6.2
6.4
1648
1603
4.2
5.1
3.4
3.8
21.3
19.2
23.7
21.1
14.0
13.2
14.7
12.9
1.8
1.3
1.4
1.3
6.4
6.2
6.6
6.1
755
1216
800
481
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
3.6
4.4
5.9
19.6
21.3
24.9
9.6
14.3
15.1
0.8
1.5
2.0
4.3
6.6
440
2811
487
Mother's education
Illiterate
Lit.,< middle complete
Middle school complete
High school and above
4.3
4.1
4.3
4.0
22.0
17.5
24.8
15.5
13.7
15.4
10.3
13.1
1.4
1.4
0.6
2.4
6.4
6.0
2.2
7.5
2558
331
93
269
Religion
Hindu
MusIi m
Other
4.2
4.7
2.6
21.1
20.2
30.6
13.6
14.5
8.9
1.4
1.7
6.2
7.6
2562
631
58
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste
Scheduled tribe
Other
5.6
1.2
4.4
22.2
21.0
20.9
15.8
5.3
14.2
2.2
0.6
1.4
6.7
2.4
6.7
314
255
2682
Source of drinking water
Piped water
Ground water
Well water
Other
U
U
U
U
U
U
U
U
10.9
14.8
12.0
(24.8)
1.0
1.9
0.8
(1.5)
3.8
7.3
5.1
(1.9)
211
1899
1079
35
Total
4.3
21.1
13.7
1.4
6.3
3251
Diarrhoea1
I
Mote: Figures are for children born in the period 1-47 months prior to the survey. Total includes 27
children for whom the source of drinking water is surface water, which are not shown separately.
U: Not available
() Based on 25-49 unweighted cases
-- Less than 0.05 percent
’includes diarrhoea in the past 24 hours
includes diarrhoea with blood
188
I
..
.w
Table 9.12
Treatment of acute respiratory infection
Among all children under four years of age who had cough accompanied by fast breathing during the two weeks
before the survey, the percentage taken to a health facility or provider and percentage given treatment,
according to selected background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Among children with cough and fast breathing
Percentage treated with
Background
characteristic
Percentage
taken to
Anti
a health
biotic
facility
pill or
or provider1 syrup
Cough
Injection syrup
Child's age
< 12 months
12-23 months
24+ months
(65.6)
82.3
67.4
(55.5)
51.2
36.3
(40.9)
37.9
20.4
(44.7)
39.0
28.6
(--)
2.7
(15.6) (14.1)
24.4
7.0
30.0
18.2
4.7
39
57
44
Sex
Male
Female
77.3
66.9
54.1
39.1
35.3
30.6
33.8
42.1
2.6
24.0
23.3
8.9
17.4
3.5
81
59
(87.5)
68.7
(57.1)
45.0
(51.3)
27.9
(46.5)
34.6
(--)
1.4
(11.7)
27.3
(3.9)
15.1
(6.4)
32
108
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
(82.6)
71.7
57.9
(44.7)
48.2
48.3
(35.3)
33.0
40.9
(54.1)
35.2
29.2
(--)
1.2
(41.7)
21.4
10.3
(5.9)
13.4
29.2
(--)
1.7
1.9
16
124
29
Mother's education
Illiterate
Literate
70.4
(83.0)
41.8
(71.1)
32.2
(37.6)
39.8
(27.8)
(5.3)
26.1
(14.4)
15.4
(1.3)
0.5
(5.3)
111
28
Religion
Hindu
Mus I i m
75.2
(63.1)
49.4
(44.1)
34.0
(32.3)
41.8
(17.5)
(5.1)
25.3
9.7
(14.0) (23.6)
0.5
(5.1)
109
29
Total
72.9
47.8
33.3
37.3
1.1
23.7
1.5
140
Birth order
1
2+ ■
Home
remedy/
herbal
medicine
Other None
12.5
OK/ Number
miss- of
ing chiIdren
(--)
Note: Total includes 2 children belonging to other religions, who are not shown separately.
() Based on 25-49 unweighted cases
-- Less than 0.05 percent
’includes government/municipal hospital, private hospital/clinic. Primary Health Centre, sub-centre, doctor
or other health professional.
Treatment of Fever
Table 9.13 shows treatment patterns for children suffering from fever during the two
weeks before the survey. Nearly 60 percent of the children had been taken to a health facility
or provider for the treatment of fever. Almost half of the children (48 percent) were treated
with antibiotics in the form of pills or syrup and 18 percent were given injections. A smaller
proportion were given antimalarial medication (11 percent) or home remedies (3 percent).
Differentials in the treatment of fever reveal that children age 6-11 months were most likely to
be taken to a health facility or provider. Male children, those of lower birth order, urban
children, those of educated mothers and scheduled caste children were more likely to be taken
to a health facility or provider than others.
189
(
L
" 1
niHH
■■HU
Table 9.13
Treatment of fever
Among all children under four years of age suffering from fever during the two weeks before the survey, the
percentage taken to the health facility or provider and type of treatment given, according to selected
background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Among children with fever
Background
characteristic
Per
Percentage treated with
centage
taken to
Home
Antibiotic
remedy/
a health
Injecpill or
herbal
facility or Antiprovider1
malarial syrup
tion
medicine Other
Child's age
< 6 months
6-11 months
12-23 months
24-35 months
36-47 months
45.7
66.2
61.5
58.7
58.2
1.8
12.4
12.1
10.8
11.4
45.1
59.6
47.7
47.2
40.8
14.9
21.4
19.3
13.3
19.1
5.7
1.9
3.8
0.6
1.4
Sex
Male
Female
64.3
54.0
11.1
10.4
51.1
44.4
17.1
19.5
Birth order
1
2-3
4-5
6*
64.6
63.1
54.5
53.9
13.8
11.9
9.4
6.3
50.7
52.0
40.6
49.3
Residence
Urban
Rural
Backward districts
70.7
58.1
58.3
14.0
10.4
9.6
Mother's education
Illiterate
Literate, < primary
High school and above
57.0
63.4
75.0
Religion
Hindu
Hus Ii m
Don't
know/
miss
None ing
Number
of
chil
dren
1.2
1.2
0.0
1.2
0.4
63
123
239
123
137
27.0
1.4
379
306
17.1
20.5
1.3
0.6
0.4
161
233
189
102
15.7
25.5
25.7
0.9
0.6
0.4
86
599
121
25.6
24.1
36.1
27.3
14.3
9.8
0.1
5.2
0.0
562
58
42
2.7
1.2
26.7
20.6
24.2
25.5
0.5
1.2
540
127
20.9
(5.6)
19.0
(8.5)
2.3
22.8
23.9
(26.7) (31.0)
26.2
23.7
(-)
0.8
70
54
562
18.1
2.6
25.9
0.6
685
18.6
23.8
35.5
15.2
21.0
27.0
30.4
2.1
27.6
23.8
22.0
3.1
19.9
17.0
18.5
17.4
1.5
2.5
4.2
1.5
28.8
24.9
28.0
19.6
35.4
46.0
48.4
46.9
12.9
18.9
25.4
0.9
2.8
2.0
40.1
23.8
27.5
11.5
2.8
8.5
45.8
54.5
61.7
19.1
20.4
9.1
2.8
3.4
60.0
59.1
9.7
15.5
48.7
45.9
17.1
24.7
Caste/tribe
Scheduled caste
Scheduled tribe
Other
68.1
(53.5)
59.3
16.1
(5.6)
10.7
52.3
(47.9)
47.7
Total
59.7
10.8
48.1
32.0
25.0
21.2
29.0
24.3
Note: Total includes 23 children with mother's education middle school complete and 18 children belonging
to other religions, who are not shown separately.
() Based on 25-49 unweighted cases
-- Less than 0.05 percent
’includes government/municipal hospital, private hospital/clinic, Primary Health Centre, sub-centre,
doctor, or other health professional.
190
I
/
CHAPTER 8
MORBIDITY AND MORTALITY
■<
This chapter presents data on the prevalence of certain diseases as well as mortality rates,
especially for infants and young children. This type of information is relevant both to the
demographic assessment of the population and to health policies and programmes. The mortality
estimates are also useful for projecting the future size of the population. More detailed
information on the mortality of children can be used to identify sectors of the population which
are at high risk and in need of health services.
The National Family Health Survey collected information on mortality and on morbidity
from both the Woman’s and Household Questionnaires. The Household Questionnaire has
questions on individuals in the household suffering from blindness, tuberculosis, leprosy,
physical impairment of the limbs and malaria, as well as a question on deaths occurring in the
household during the past two years. The Household Questionnaire also includes a question on
deaths occurring in the household during the past two years and the Woman s Questionnaire
collects, information on the survival status of all births, the age at death if the child died, and the
prevalence of common childhood diseases for children under four years of age. The prevalence
and treatment of childhood diseases are discussed in Chapter 9.
8.1
Morbidity
Because demographic sample surveys generally do not include questions on the
prevalence of diseases, there is not much experience with the results of such questions. The
patterns shown by the morbidity data analyzed in this section are generally plausible, suggesting
that the questions have provided useful information. At the same time, there is little to indicate
whether the overall prevalence levels are correct. It is certainly possible that the results of the
survey substantially understate the prevalence of these conditions because some survey
respondents fail to report them.
It is worth noting some of the considerations that might be made in assessing the validity
of these prevalence figures. Conditions carrying a stigma, such as leprosy, may be
underreported due to intentional concealment by respondents or embarrassment on the part of
interviewers about asking these questions. Respondents will be aware of certain conditions, such
as blindness and physical impairment, but may be unaware of others unless they have been
diagnosed by medical personnel. Moreover, given the linguistic diversity in India, local as well
as national, respondents may know that a household member suffers from a given condition but
fail to report it because they do not recognize the words used by the enumerator in asking the
q"esti“- h
L Table'll shows the prevalence of the five health conditions among the household
population living in each place of residence by age and by sex. Partial or complete blindness,
with the highest incidence, affects 28 per 1,000 population. Malaria follows next, afflicting 14
per 1,000 population during the three months prior to the survey. Physical impairment of the
limbs affects 7 per 1,000, 6 per 1,000 have tuberculosis and 1 per 1,000 have’leprosy.
p•
Table 8.1
Morbidi ty
‘
Member of persons per 1,000 usual residents i
suf/erin9
fr«" blindness, tuberculosis,
tuberculosis,
leprosy, physical impairment of the limbs and malaria
to
.
i.
ma a-,a according
-age, sex ar^ residence, Bihar, 1993
Number of persons per 1,000 suffering from:
81i ndness
Demographic
characteristic
Partial
Complete
Tuber
culosis
Leprosy
Physical
impairment
of limbs
Malaria
during the
last three
months
Number
of
usual
residents
URBAN
Age
0 -14
15-59
60+
2.3
19.4
150.8
13.1
2.2
15.7
2.8
5.3
9.5
0.4
1.7
2.6
6.6
5.6
21.1
9.6
6.5
2.6
Sex
Male
Female
1718
2565
279
16.3
26.3
9.0
5.0
4.2
5.1
1.6
0.9
7.5
6.3
Total
5.6
9.4
21.0
2410
2152
7.1
4.7
1.3
6.9
7.4
4562
RURAL
Age
0 -14
15-59
60+
3.1
20.2
159.0
6.2
1.5
13.3
1.7
8.8
14.5
0.4
1.5
3.7
7.2
5.9
15.6
Sex
Male
Female
12.0
17.5
23.0
10636
12576
1822
21.5
24.6
4.0
4.7
7.1
5.2
1.8
0.6
8.5
5.7
Total
16.4
14.6
23.0
12721
12312
4.4
6.2
1.2
7.2
15.5
25033
TOTAL
Age
0 -14
15-59
60+
3.0
20.0
157.9
7.2
1.6
13.7
1.8
8.2
13.8
0.4
1.6
3.6
7.1
5.8
16.3
Sex
Male
Female
11.6
15.6
20.3
12354
15140
2102
20.6
24.9
4.8
4.8
6.6
5.2
1.8
0.7
8.4
5.8
Total
14.7
13.8
22.7
15131
14464
4.8
5.9
1.2
7.1
14.3
29596
BACKWARD DISTRICTS
Age
0 -14
15-59
60+
4.1
21.9
181.4
4.5
2.7
14.6
1.7
14.3
13.3
0.8
2.9
7.0
8.6
8.6
15.8
Sex
Male
Female
12.2
18.8
27.1
1868
2250
325
20.9
31.6
5.7
2.9
10.6
7.2
2.9
1.7
10.5
Total
26.1
17.4
15.8
4.3
2277
2166
8.9
2.3
9.1
16.6
4443
146
Hr
Iff .Jp
Partial and Complete Blindness
The overall prevalence of partial blindness is 23 per 1,000 population (Table 8.1), with
slight variation by place of residence. Partial blindness increases sharply with age from 3 per
1,000 persons age 0-14 to 20 per 1,000 persons age 15-59 and 158 per 1,000 persons age 60
and over. The high prevalence among older persons, by far the largest differential displayed
for any of these morbidity data, is particularly striking. Overall, females are substantially more
prone to partial blindness than males despite the fact that there are proportionally more males
than females in the older age groups where the prevalence of partial blindness is the highest.
Overall, the prevalence for females is 25 per 1,000 compared with 21 per 1,000 for males.
The overall level of complete blindness is 5 per 1,000. The NFHS estimate of total
blindness is considerably higher than the 1981 Census estimate of 0.1 percent (Office of the
Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1983), which is probably indicative of relatively
high underenumeration in the census rather than a substantial increase in blindness in Bihar
between 1981 and 1993.
The prevalence of complete blindness is reported to be higher among urban residents (7
per 1,000) than rural residents (4 per 1,000). Females are slightly more prone to complete
blindness than males in rural areas and less prone than males in urban areas. Complete
blindness is more than eight times as prevalent among persons over age 60 as among persons
age 15-59. Complete blindness is higher among persons age 0-14 than among persons age 1559, and the difference is significant. The overall prevalence of partial blindness in backward
districts is the highest among all areas (26 per 1,000), but the age-sex differentials are similar
to those of the state as a whole.
Malaria
The overall level of malaria in the three months prior to the survey was 14 per 1,000.
The prevalence is substantially lower in urban areas (7 per 1,000) than in rural areas (16 per
1,000). In urban areas the prevalence of malaria is higher for females (9 per 1,000) than for
males (6 per 1,000 ) whereas slightly the opposite is true in rural areas (16 per 1,000 for males
compared with 15 per 1,000 for females). The overall level of malaria in backward districts is
17 per 1,000.
There are more substantial but still rather small differences in prevalence among age
groups. The prevalence of malaria is highest for those age 60 an over (20 per 1,000) and lowest
for those age 0-14 (12 per 1,000). Since the prevalence of malaria is known to vary
considerably by season, the NFHS estimates should not be taken to represent the typical level
throughout the year. The fieldwork
field work was conducted during the dry season when malaria rates
are expected to be relatively low.
Tuberculosis
The overall prevalence of tuberculosis is 6 per 1,000, with some variation by place of
residence and sex. Age differences are marked, with values of 2 per 1,000 for persons age 014, 8 per 1,000 for those age 15-59, and 14 per 1,000 for those age 60 and over. In backward
147
districts the overall prevalence of tuberculosis is higher at 9 per 1,000 than in the country as a
whole.
Leprosy
The reported prevalence of leprosy is only 1 per 1,000. The prevalence is more than
twice as high among males as among females and is higher among persons age 60 and over than
among others.
Physical Impairment of the Limbs
The overall prevalence of persons with physically impaired limbs is 7 per 1,000. Female
prevalence is 6 per 1,000 in all residence groups. Males have slightly higher prevalence, 8 per
1,000. There is little difference in prevalence by age under age 60, but those age 60 and over
are more than twice as likely to have physically impaired limbs as others.
8.2
Crude Death Rates and Age-Specific Death Rates
Crude death rates (CDR) and age-specific death rates by sex for the usual resident
population in Bihar from the NFHS and the SRS are shown in Table 8.2. The crude death rate
from the NFHS is based on deaths occurring to usual residents of the household during the two
years preceding the survey as obtained in the Household Questionnaire, whereas the SRS
estimates are based on deaths during a one-year period. The NFHS CDR is calculated as the
annual number of deaths in the two-year period before the date of interview per 1,000 usual
residents. The denominator of this measure is calculated by projecting the number of usual
residents at the time of the survey backwards to the mid-point of the time period on the basis
of the intercensal population growth rate in the state. The intercensal growth rate is assumed
to be the same for all age and sex groups.
Questions on the number of deaths occurring to usual residents in each household during
a particular time period have been included in demographic surveys in many countries and have
generally resulted in a substantial understatement of deaths. We, therefore, begin by considering
the evidence on the completeness of reporting of deaths. The Sample Registration System
(SRS), maintained by the Office of the Registrar General, provides the most useful comparison.
The most recent report on mortality estimates by age for Bihar is for 1991 (Office of the
Registrar General, 1993a). The rates for ages 0-4, 5-14, and 50+ are taken directly from the
published data whereas the rate for age 15-49 is estimated from the published data.
Table 8.2 shows an average annual crude death rate for the usual resident population of
Bihar of 11.5 per 1,000 for the two years before the NFHS survey (roughly 1991-92). The SRS
crude death rate for the state is 9.8 per 1,000 for 1991 and 10.9 per 1,000 for 1992 (Office of
the Registrar General, 1993a, 1994a). The NFHS estimate of CDR is relatively higher than the
SRS estimates. The NFHS estimate of the crude death rate may be subtracted from the earlier
estimate of the crude birth rate (see Table 5.1) to calculate the rate of natural increase of the
population of Bihar. The rate of natural increase is estimated to be 20.8 per 1,000 population
per year for the two-year period before the survey. This translates into an annual growth rate
148
CHAPTER 11
^7
VILLAGE PROFILE
6
i
The use of family planning methods, health services and educational facilities often
depends as much on the supply of such services and facilities as on the demand. The NFHS
included a Village Questionnaire to assess the availability, or supply, of family planning and
other health and educational services in rural areas.
Information was obtained on the quality of roads that connect the village to other places,
and the distance to transportation depots such as railway stations and bus stands, the nearest
town, and block and tehsil headquarters. A series of questions was included on the availability
and distance to various types of educational institutions and programmes, as well as health
personnel and facilities. The existence of important support services and facilities in the village
(including banks, cooperative societies, post offices, markets and shops) was also determined
because they contribute to the quality of life in the village and can serve as one indicator of the
degree of isolation of the village.
’ The supervisor of each interviewing team was responsible for locating key informants in
the village who were knowledgeable about village facilities and infrastructure. The village
headman (Sarpanch) would usually be contacted by the supervisor to obtain an overview of the
village and names of other persons who could provide more specific information. For example,
a teacher or school principal might be asked about available schools and educational services,
a doctor or health practitioner could be questioned about health facilities, the village land record
keeper (Pat^ari) could provide information about heavy equipment and other capital goods used
for farming, and the village extension worker (Gram Sevak) might be asked about the availability
of electricity, irrigation and other production infrastructure. Based upon the responses from
these informants, the supervisor filled in the questionnaire during the fieldwork in each village.
The information in this chapter is based on questionnaires completed for 137 villages in the
NFHS sample.
11.1
Distance from the Nearest Town and Transportation Facility
Table 11.1 presents the distribution of sample villages according to the distance from the
nearest town, railway station and bus stand. Only 25 percent of the villages are within 5 km
of the nearest town and 54 percent are 10 or more km away. The median distance to the nearest
town is 11 km. The majority of villages (60 percent) are 10 or more km from the nearest
railway station, and the median distance is 12 km. Bus service is somewhat more accessible to
the villages in Bihar. Fifty-six percent of the villages are less than 5 km from the nearest bus
stand, and only 15 percent are 10 or more km away from one. The median distance to the
nearest bus stand is about 5 km.
! ■ 11.2
Availability of Educational Facilities
As indicated in previous chapters of this report,ythe availability of education is very
important for the improvement of health and family welfare. Women with a high school
education have fewer and healthier children than illiterate women.
4
i"
s
JU
1
o
&
Table 11.1
Distance from nearest town and transportation
facility
Percent distribution of villages according to distance
from the nearest town, railway station and bus stand,
Bihar, 1993
Nearest
raiIway
station
Nearest
bus
stand
Distance
Nearest
town
< 5 km
5-9 km
10+ km
Don't know/missing
25.2
20.4
53.9
0.4
17.8
22.6
59.6
56.0
26.0
15.1
2.9
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median distance
11.3
11.8
4.5
-- Less than 0.05 percent
Most of the sample villages in Bihar have access to some form of educational facility (see
Table 11.2). The majority of villages (69 percent) have a primary school located within the
village, and three-fourths (78 percent) of the villages have a middle school either within the
village’or within 5 km of the village. The median distance of villages from a secondary school
is 4 km and from a higher secondary school is 6 km. However, colleges are located quite far
from the villages, at a median distance of almost 13 km. Fifty-six percent of the villages are
10 or more km from the nearest college.
Table 11.2
Distance from nearest educational facility
Percent distribution of villages according to distance from nearest educational
facility, Bihar, 1993
Educational facility
Higher
secondary
school
College
7.8
48.9
34.2
9.1
2.6
26.3
25.8
28.5
13.8
29.6
13.6
56.3
0.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
2.5
3.9
5.9
12.8
Primary
school
Middle
school
Secondary
school
Wi thin vi11 age
< 5 km
5-9 km
10+ km
Don't know/missing
69.2
22.5
8.2
0.1
31.3
46.6
20.2
0.3
1.6
Total percent
100.0
Median distance
0.0
Distance
-- Less than 0.05 percent
210
Figure 3.3
Percentage Literate by Age and Sex
Percentage Literate
100
80
*
60
40
6-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50 +
Age
Male *• Female
NFHS, Bihar, 1993
' Table 3.7 and-Figure 3.4 show school attendance rates for the school-age household
population, by age, sex and residence. The table focuses on children age 6-14, because the
Indian Constitution established a goal of providing free and compulsory education for children
through age 14. In the state as a whole, only 51 percent of children age 6-14 attend school.
In backward districts, the school attendance rate is only 1 percentege point below that for the
state as a whole. As expected, the school attendance rate is much higher for males than for
females (Figure 3.4). School attendance rates by sex in the state as a whole are 64 percent for
males and 38 percent for females age 6-14. School attendance is also higher in urban areas (77
percent) than in rural areas (47 percent) and backward districts (50 percent)). The gap between
Table 3.7 School attendance
Percentage of the de facto household population age 6-14 years attending school by age, sex and
residence, Bihar, 1993
Male
Total
Female
Backward
districts Urban Rural
Total
Backward
districts
76.5
77.1
45.7
49.1
49.9
53.8
49.3
51.7
76.7
46.9
51.3
50.1
Backward
districts Urban Rural
Total
69.3
65.6
34.0
33.0
38.5
37.9
39.7
36.6
67.8
33.6
38.3
38.6
Age
Urban
Rural
Total
6 -10
11-14
83.0
86.2
57.0
64.9
60.6
68.8
58.0
65.1
6 -14
84.3
59.8
63.6
60.5
39
Table 3.1
Household population by age and sex
Percent distribution of the de facto household population by age, according to sex and residence,
Bihar, 1993
Urban
Rural
Total
Backward districts
Age
Male
Female Total
Male
Female Total
Male
Female Total
Male
Female Total
< 1
1 - 4
5 - 9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80+
2.5
9.1
12.7
14.0
11.0
8.8
6.9
7.2
5.6
5.2
4.4
3.4
2.8
2.5
1.6
1.4
0.3
0.6
2.5
10.2
13.7
12.0
11.3
10.2
8.1
6.5
6.1
4.8
4.3
2.0
2.8
2.3
1.4
0.7
0.6
0.5
2.5
9.6
13.2
13.0
11.1
9.5
7.5
6.9
5.9
5.0
4.4
2.7
2.8
2.4
1.5
1.0
0.4
0.6
3.1
11.6
16.2
13.2
8.5
7.3
7.5
6.1
6.0
4.1
3.4
2.9
2.4
2.8
1.9
1.7
0.6
0.9
2.9
11.1
15.4
12.5
10.1
9.3
8.0
6.6
4.8
3.9
3.9
1.9
2.8
2.6
1.6
1.2
0.6
0.6
3.0
11.4
15.8
12.8
9.3
8.3
7.8
6.3
5.4
4.0
3.6
2.4
2.6
2.7
1.7
1.4
0.6
0.7
3.0
11.2
15.6
13.3
8.9
7.6
7.4
6.3
5.9
4.3
3.6
3.0
2.5
2.7
1.8
1.6
0.5
0.8
2.9
11.0
15.2
12.4
10.3
9.5
8.0
6.6
5.0
4.0
4.0
1.9
2.8
2.6
1.6
1.1
0.6
0.6
2.9
11.1
15.4
12.9
9.6
8.5
3.0
11.2
14.8
12.3
11.2
9.4
6.4
5.5
4.1
3.8
2.4
2.6
2.6
1.7
1.4
0.6
0.7
3.1
11.2
16.3
13.5
8.5
7.5
7.2
6.2
6.0
3.9
3.4
2.6
2.8
2.9
1.5
1.7
0.6
0.9
6.3
4.4
3.9
3.5
2.0
3.4
2.5
1.8
1.2
0.6
0.8
3.0
11.2
15.6
12.9
9.9
8.4
7.4
6.3
5.2
3.9
3.5
2.3
3.1
2.7
1.7
1.4
0.6
0.8
Total
percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Number
2396
2200
4596
12439
12422
24861
14835
14622
29456
2197
2159
4356
NA
NA
918
NA
NA
999
NA
NA
986
NA
NA
983
Sex ratio
NA: Not applicable
Woman’s Questionnaire, the age reported by the woman herself replaces the age reported in the
Household Questionnaire if there is a discrepancy. Her age on the Woman’s Questionnaire is
based on her month and year of birth, if known, or on her reported age otherwise. A variety
of probing techniques were used to elicit accurate age information from the respondent. The
data suggest that probing and other elaborate measures used for arriving at the age of the eligible
women helped in reducing the biases in age reporting due to digit preference.
The distribution by five-year age groups is shown in the population pyramid in
Figure 3.2. The irregular dip in the proportion of women at age 50-54 is indicative of a
possible shifting of the age of women from age 50-54 to age 45-49 and age 55-59. This is an
unusual phenomenon because in DHS surveys, it is generally found that there is a slight
tendency to displace the age of women from age group 45-49 to 50-54, presumably to reduce
the work load of the interviewer (Rutstein and Bicego, 1990). Perhaps, interviewers in the
NFHS in Bihar were overcompensating because of warnings that questionnaires would be
carefully scrutinized in the case of women recorded as age 50. However, the impact of this
apparent shifting of age on the quality of data is minimal because the shifting is not pronounced.
26
Figure 3.1
Number of Persons Reported at Each Age
by Sex
Number of Persons
700 -----------------------------------600
500
400
300
200
100
0
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
60
65
70
Age
^Male “Female
NFHS, Bihar, 1993
Figure 3.2
Population Pyramid of Bihar
Age
80 +
75-79
70-74
65-69
60-64
55-59
Male
50-54
Female
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15-19
10-14
5-9
I
0-4
10
8
6
4
2
0
2
4
6
8
10
Percent
NFHS, Bihar, 1993
27
The de facto population sex ratio (females per 1,000 males) is 918 in urban areas, 999
in rural areas, 986 for the state as a whole and 983 in backward districts. Roughly comparable
figures from the 1991 Census are 844 in urban areas, 921 in rural areas and 911 in the state as
a whole (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1991b). The discrepancy
between the two sources is 7 percentage points (74 per 1,000) in urban areas, 8 percentage
points (78 per 1,000) in rural areas and 8 percentage points (75 per 1,000) for the state as a
whole, with the sex ratio consistently higher in the NFHS. Possible reasons for this pattern of
differences are discussed later.
Table 3.2 compares the age distributions by sex from the NFHS de jure sample with the
1991 Sample Registration System (SRS). The SRS baseline survey counts all usual residents of
the sample area (Office of the Registrar General, India, 1993a). By and large, the age
distributions by sex are quite similar for the 1991 SRS and the NFHS.
Table 3.2 also provides information on sex ratios by age for the NFHS. The Sample
Registration System (SRS) publishes percentage age distributions for the sample registration
areas but not absolute numbers of population, so no population sex ratios can be computed from
the SRS publication. The total population sex ratio for Bihar was 946 in the 1981 Census, 911
in the 1991 Census and 956 in the NFHS de jure sample. The NFHS de jure value is almost
5 percentage points (45 per 1,000) higher than the 1991 Census estimate (Office of the Registrar
General and Census Commissioner, 1991b).
One difference between the two sources of data is the population coverage. The Census
includes the institutional population, which is overwhelmingly male, whereas the NFHS excludes
the institutional population. Aside from the difference in the coverage, the discrepancies in
population sex ratios between the NFHS and the 1991 Census in Bihar could occur if the NFHS
missed more males than females, or if the Census missed more females than males, or if both
of these errors occurred. Sampling error in the NFHS does not account for such a large
Table 3.2 Population by age and sex from SRS and NFHS
Percent distribution of the de jure population by age
and sex from SRS and NFHS, Bihar, 1991-93
SRS (1991)
NFHS (1993)
Age
Kale
Female
0 - 4
5 -14
15-29
30-49
50-64
65+
15.7
25.1
3.6
15.5
24.7
25.8
21.8
8.1
4.0
Total
100.0
100.0
U
U
Median age
27.3
20.4
7.9
Kale
Female
Sex
ratio
4.0
981
934
1043
935
879
792
100.0
100.0
956
19.3
19.2
NA
13.4
28.5
24.5
20.6
8.2
4.8
13.7
27.9
26.7
20.2
7.6
NA: Not applicable
U: Not available
Source for SRS: Office of the Registrar General (1993a).
28
-
0
livestock and durable goods
Table 3.9 Household ownership of land
Percentage of households owning agricultural land, livestock and various
consumer durable goods according to residence, Bihar, 1993
Residence
Urban
Rural
Total
Backward
districts
Mo land
71.7
40.7
45.4
47.3
Irrigated land only
< 1 Acre
1-5 Acres
6+ Acres
4.0
3.3
2.7
11.7
8.9
1.9
10.5
8.1
2.0
10.2
8.8
2.1
Non-irrigated land only
< 1 Acre
1-5 Acres
6+ Acres
3.1
5.8
2.3
8.3
12.0
2.7
7.5
11.1
2.6
5.8
5.9
0.7
Irrigated and non-irrigated land
1.2
< 1 Acre
3.1
1-5 Acres
2.8
6* Acres
5.1
5.7
3.0
4.5
5.3
3.0
6.7
8.7
3.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
6.8
12.3
5.5
7.9
33.9
29.2
18.8
19.9
0.6
29.8
26.6
16.8
18.1
0.5
1.2
76.7
2.4
36.2
2.2
42.3
30.7
30.0
22.3
18.5
0.7
0.1
3.2
38.0
Consuaer durable goods
Sewing machine
Clock/watch
Radio
Television
Refrigerator
Bicycle
Hotorcycle/scooter
Car
Bullock cart
Thresher
Tractor
Water pcnp
35.8
79.2
56.5
48.5
18.6
55.0
25.2
5.4
1.1
1.2
1.0
2.8
5.5
35.3
21.6
3.7
0.7
34.6
2.8
0.1
3.0
2.3
0.5
5.1
10.1
42.0
26.9
10.6
3.4
37.7
6.2
0.9
2.7
2.1
0.6
4.8
6.1
38.7
23.9
5.0
1.1
30.8
2.5
Humber of households
723
4025
4748
686
Item owned
Agricultural land
I
Total percent
■
Livestock
Bullock
Cow
Buffalo
Goat
Sheep
Camel
Other
No livestock
1
-- Less than 0.05 percent
45
0.7
2.6
0.3
8.1
11.3
Availability of Health Facilities
The availability of health facilities either within or close to a village is critical to the
health and well-being of village mothers and their children. Table 11.3 shows the distance of
villages from the nearest health facility as well as the percentage of ever-married women in rural
areas who have access to the facilities. Nearly 42 percent of all sample villages in Bihar have
some form of health facility within the village. Eighteen percent have a sub-centre within the
village, the same percentage as have a hospital. Fifteen percent have a dispensary/clinic, but
only 4 percent of villages have a Primary Health Centre within the village and 31 percent have
the nearest one located at a distance of at least 10 km. Seventy-three percent of the villages
have a sub-centre within the village or within 5 km of the village. Forty-two percent of villages
have the nearest hospital located 10 or more km away.
The median distance of villages to a sub-centre is almost 3 km, while the median distance
to a Primary Health Centre is 7 km. The median distance of villages from a hospital is 7 km.
The percent distribution of ever-married women according to the distance to the nearest
health facility mirrors the distribution of villages. Sixty-two percent of ever-married women
have access to a health facility within their village and the most common facility is a sub-centre
(43 percent). Most women (52 percent) would have to travel 10 or more km to a hospital.
Table 11.3
Distance from nearest health facility
Percent distribution of villages and ever-married women age 13-49, according to distance from
nearest health facility, Bihar, 1993
Health facility
Distance
Primary
Health
Centre
Sub
centre
Either
PHC/Subcentre
Hospital
Any
Dispensary/ health
clinic
facility
VILLAGES
Wi thin vi11 age
< 5 km
5-9 km
10+ km
Don't know/missing
3.7
35.2
29.7
30.9
0.4
17.7
55.1
20.9
3.4
2.9
18.5
57.6
22.2
1.7
18.6
26.6
13.3
41.5
14.8
44.2
19.1
12.3
9.5
41.9
35.5
21.8
0.8
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median distance
7.3
2.5
2.4
7.2
2.9
1.5
EVER-MARRIED UOMEM
Wi thin vi11 age
< 5 km
5-9 km
10+ km
Don't know/missing
6.4
26.7
34.2
32.8
43.3
38.4
14.7
2.8
0.8
44.3
39.8
14.7
1.1
11.8
16.6
20.1
51.5
27.7
28.2
20.6
17.9
5.7
62.0
24.3
12.7
1.0
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median distance
7.5
1.2
1.1
10.4
3.1
0.8
-- Less than 0.05 percent
211
11.4
Availability of Other Facilities and Services
Health personnel are also very important for the provision of health services to mothers
and their children. Table 11.4 indicates the availability of health personnel within the villages.
Only 18 percent of the villages have a village health guide, only 15 percent have a trained birth
attendant, and less than 2 percent have a mobile health unit or have been visited by a mobile
health unit.
Table 11.4 also details the availability of various other facilities and services in the
villages. About one third of all the villages (32 percent) are electrified. Among the government
rural development programmes in India, the most important is the Integrated Rural Development
Programme, but it exists in only 35 percent of the villages in Bihar. Only 6 percent of the
villages have National Rural Employment Programme (NREP), 5 percent have Training the
Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM), and 2 percent have the Employment Guarantee Scheme
(EGS). One in seven villages have an Anganwadi centre (a preschool child care centre under
the Integrated Child Development Scheme), 9 percent have adult education classes, 8 percent
have Jana Shikshana Nilayam (post-literacy adult education centre) and 6 percent have youth
clubs. Only 1 percent of them have Mahila Mandal (women’s club). One-fourth of the villages
have some type of cooperative society. Shops or markets are more common, but are not
available in most villages. A little less than one-fifth of villages (19 percent) have a fair price
shop and 24 percent have a market or other type of shop. Only 10 percent have a bank and 25
percent have a post office.
Table 11.4
Availability of facilities and services
Percentage of villages having selected facilities and services
Bihar, 1993
FaciIi ty/service
Percentage
Anganwadi
Adult education classes
Jana Shikshana Nilayam
13.6
8.7
7.6
Vi Ilage health guide
Trained birth attendant
Mobile health unit
18.3
15.3
1.6
Electricity
Bank
Post office
Market/shop
Fair price shop
31.8
10.2
10.9
12.5
1.7
24.7
24.2
19.2
Mahila Mandal
Youth club
1.2
5.8
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
National Rural Employment Programme (NREP)
Training the Youth for Self-employment (TRYSEM)
Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS)
34.9
6.3
4.7
2.0
Cooperative society
Agriculture cooperative society
Milk cooperative society
.XI
J
212
f(<2^1u
c£3v-»-h— C—<2—
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1
Background of the Survey
The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Government of India, has
sponsored the development of 18 Population Research Centres (PRCs) located in universities and
institutes of national repute throughout India. In 1991, the MOHFW initiated the Project to
Strengthen the Survey Research Capabilities of the PRCs (PRC Project) with financial support
from tiie United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The National Family
Health Survey (NFHS) is being undertaken as one important component of the PRC Project.
The NFHS covers the population in 24 states and the National Capital Territory of Delhi,
(the erstwhile Union Territory of Delhi) which contain 99 percent of the population of India.
The NFHS is a household survey with an overall sample size of 89,777 ever-mamed women in
the a^e group 13-49. Because of the scale of this undertaking, the data collection under the
NFHS .was carried out in three phases in 1992 and 1993. Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal were the states covered in the first phase. The
states covered in the second phase of the NFHS were Assam, Goa, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala,
Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. In the third phase of the NFHS, Arunachal Pradesh,
Bihar, Gujarat, the Jammu Region of Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram,
Nagaland, Orissa, Punjab, Tripura and the National Capital Territory of Delhi were covered.
The NFHS is a collaborative project of the MOHFW, Government of India, New Delhi;
the International Institute for Population Sciences (UPS), Bombay; several Consulting
Organizations (COs); all the PRCs; USAID, New Delhi; and the East-West Center/Macro
International. The MOHFW designated UPS, Bombay, as the nodal organization, responsible
for providing coordination and technical guidance for the NFHS. The PRCs participated in all
stages of survey implementation for the states in which they are located. HPS and the PRCs
collaborated with a number of COs in India for survey implementation Each CO was
responsible for facilitating survey activities in one or more states covered by the NFHS.
Technical assistance for the NFHS was provided by the East-West Center/Macro International.
In the state of Bihar, the survey was conducted by the Population Research Centre
(PRC) Patna University in close collaboration with the Centre for Development Research and
Training (CFDRT), a private research organization in Madras. The CFDRT Madras acted as
a Consulting Organisation (CO) for the NFHS in Bihar.
1.2
I
-1
-'
'^1
Origin of the State
The origin of Bihar state can be traced back to the Vedic period. Bihar is mentioned in
the Vedas, Puranas and epics. Bihar formed a part of Bengal presidency until a new province
of Bihar and Orissa (combined) was created on 12 December 1911. Between 1931 and 1941
there was yet another partition and Bihar and Orissa became two separate provinces. Some
portions of Bihar were ceded to West Bengal as a result of the Bihar and West Bengal (Transfer
of Territories) Act, 1956 (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1967).
'
a-13
Geographic Features
Physical Characteristics
Bihar is a land-locked state lying between 2r58'10" and 27°31'15'' north latitudes, and
83° 19'50" and 88°17'40'' east longitudes. It is bounded on the north by Nepal, on the east by
West Bengal, on the west by Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh and on the south by Orissa.
According to the 1981 Census, Bihar is divided on the basis of physical features into
three regions, namely the Himalayan Foothills, the Bihar Plain and the Bihar Plateau. The
Himalayan Foothills are located in the northern part of Paschim Champaran district. This region
comprises the Dun and Sumeshwar ranges of the Siwalik hills which is a part of the Himalayan
system. The Dun range is about 32 km in length and the Sumeshwar range is 72 km long with
an altitude of 450 metres.
The Bihar plain is part of the Indo-Ganga plain which is Terai flat. The monotony is
broken in the southern part of this region by an extension of the plateau margins. This plain is
further divided into two micro-regions, i.e., North Bihar plain and South Bihar plain. The
North Bihar plain is a riverine plain which extends from the Tarai of Nepal in the north to the
northern bank of Ganga in the south. This plain is very fertile and densely populated. The
general slope is towards the southeast, and the area is known for floods and frequent shifts in
the channels of the Kosi river. The South Bihar plain extends roughly from 150 metres contour
in the south to the bank of the Ganga river in the north. The general slope of the region is
northeast with numerous isolated hills, including the Barabar, Rajgir and Kharagpur hills. Due
to the intrusion of the Kharagpur hills toward the north, the Ganga takes a sharp bend near
Munger district.
The Bihar plateau is more popularly known as the Chotanagpur plateau and consists of
a series of plateaus of different elevations. The entire Chotanagpur plateau is very rich in
mineral deposits. The Ranchi plateau is the highest, with an elevation of about 1,100 metres
(also known as the ‘Pat’ lands), and consists of Deccan lava. The area east of the Ranchi
ateau is the Hazaribagh plateau which extends to the Rajmahal hills with an average height of
000 metres above sea level. It is formed by the debris of the streams descending down the hills.
The southern part of this region, known as the Singhbhum plateau, has an altitude of 150 metres
with many hill rocks of 300 metres or more. Dalma and Baghmundi are the main ranges in this
plateau. The region slopes towards the southeast direction (Director of Census Operations,
Bihar, 1981).
The life line of this state is the Ganga river which enters the state from the west and
flows towards the east. A large number of rivers join the Ganga from the north and south.
Ghaghara, Gandak and Kosi are the main tributaries of the Ganga. Kosi, called "the sorrow of
Bihar", is the widest river and frequently changes its course causing devastation. The Son,
Punpun, Mohane and Gumani rivers are the right-bank tributaries of the Ganga. Other rivers
that form the southern drainage system in Bihar are the South Koel, Subamarekha, Damodar and
Barkar.
2
few
Forests in the state are mainly confined to the Chotanagpur plateau. The total area under
forests in the state was 29,226.09 km2 during 1985-86, which accounts for 16.8 percent of the
total area of the state.
Climate, Rainfall and Seasons
The year in Bihar may be divided into three distinct seasons - winter from October to
February, summer from March to mid-June and the monsoon from mid-June to September. Hot
westerly winds begin in March and last until May. The temperature begins to rise in March,
and the months of April and May are characterised by great heat and dryness. The monsoon
sets in by around the middle of June, bringing in its wake a quick fall in the temperature and
widespread rains ending in September. The cold season starts in November when both day and
night temperatures drop rapidly. January is usually the coldest month (Office of Registrar
General and Census Commissioner, 1967).
The temperature varies from region to region. The lowest temperature varies from 0 C
to 4°C in Chotanagpur to 8°C to 11 °C in other parts of the state. The mean maximum
temperature in May varies between 35°C and 38°C in North Bihar and between 37°C and 41°C
in South Bihar. Gaya is the hottest district in the state as well as in the country. The elevated
portion of the Chotanagpur plateau has a relatively mild summer.
The state receives most of its rainfall from the southwest monsoon from June to
September. The average rainfall is 1,200 mm and ranges from 1,000 mm to 2,000 mm.
1.4
Area and People
Area and Administrative Divisions
The state of Bihar is 173,847 km2 in area and ranks ninth among the states and Union
Territories of India. Bihar is densely populated with only 5.3 percent of the area of the country
and 10.58 percent of its people. Patna, the capital of Bihar, is situated on the bank of the Ganga
river. The state was divided into 7 administrative divisions and 31 districts in 1981. The
numbers rose to 10 and 42, respectively, in 1991. There were 587 community development
blocks (C.D. Blocks) in 1981.
People, Culture, Religion and Language
Bihar has a glorious history which can be traced to Aryans who settled along the IndoGangetic plains. For over a thousand years, from the sixth century B.C. to the fifth century
A D the history of India was much the history of Bihar (Diwakar, 1959). This period
witnessed the rise and fall of the famous Maurya and Gupta empires in Bihar. The renowned
ancient kingdoms of Videha, Magadha, and Anga were parts of Bihar. Pataliputra (present
Patna) was the capital of Magadha for a long time and is best known in connection with the
Maurya kings Chandragupta and Ashoka. Mithila, which was an important centre for Sanskrit
learning as early as 1000 B.C., comprised three districts of Bihar, namely Darbhanga,
Champaran and Muzaffarpur (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908). Vaisali which was part
of south Muzaffarpur district was a small kingdom known as the first republic, not only in India,
3
'j
>
T-
but also in the world. The famous treatise on statecraft, namely Anhasastra, is attributed to
Kautilya (or Chanakya), who was Chandragupta Maurya’s able minister (Smith, 1919).
Bihar was ruled by kings of the Gupta dynasty during the fourth and fifth centuries A.D.
and flourished in several walks of life. It was a period known for economic prosperity, and for
advancement in science, music, fine arts and literature. Architecture, sculpture and painting
attained a high level of excellence during the Gupta rule. The Gupta regime was famous for its
noninterfering, benevolent governance which provided health services, good roads and rest
houses to pilgrims. The sciences of mathematics, astronomy and astrology were cultivated with
much success during the Gupta period. Aryabhata and Varahmihir, two famous scientists,
flourished in the Gupta regime. The reign of various kings of the Gupta dynasty from A.D. 320
to 480 is known in Indian history as the "Golden Age" (Smith, 1919).
Bihar is the land of Gautama Buddha and Mahavir Jain. Mahavir Jain founded the
cognate creed of the Jains in Bihar and Gautama Buddha developed his religion in Magadha.
i fact Bihar derives its name from the town of Vihar which means a Buddhist monastery
(Imperial Gazetteer, 1908). Bihar-Shariff, considered to be the second Mecca by many
Muslims, and Gaya, with the temple of Vishnupada, considered to be one of the holiest places,
are situated within 200 km of Patna. Patna, the birth place of Guru Govind Singh, is very
sacred to the Sikhs (Srinivasan et al., 1982).
In ancient times, Bihar was very famous for its various seats of learning. The
universities of Nalanda, Vikram Shila (now Bhagalpur) and Udaatpuri (now Bihar-Shariff) were
highly regarded centres of higher learning, which students and scholars from India and various
other countries visited. Unfortunately, despite its glorious past history of learning, Bihar is now
one of the most illiterate states in India.
Bihar is also a land of many freedom fighters such as Veer Kaur Singh, Birsamunda,
Tilka Manjhi, Maulana Mazharul Haque, and Abdul Bari. Mahatma Gandhi started his
"Freedom Movement" from Champaran in Bihar.
According to the 1981 Census, 83 and 14 percent of the population of Bihar are Hindus
and Muslims, respectively (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1984a).
The main language of the people is Hindi which is also the official language of the state.
Besides Hindi a large percentage of Muslims speak Urdu. Bhojpuri, Magahi and Maithili are
among the local dialects of the state.
1.5
I
Economy
Bihar is predominantly an agricultural state with about 87 percent of the population living
in rural areas according to the 1991 Census. Agriculture is the single largest sector of the
economy employing about 81 percent of the work force, 43.6 percent as cultivators and 37.1
percent as agricultural labourers (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner,
1991a). Agriculture accounts for 40 percent of the state’s income (averaging over the period
1986-89 at current prices). Bihar grows kharif and rabi crops and the major agricultural
products include rice, bajra, maize, jowar, sugarcane, tur, potato and pulses. The main cash
crops are sugarcane, potato, tobacco, oilseeds, onion, jute and mesta. Kharif and rabi food
4
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... ................................................. .................................................. ........................................................................................ ....................................................................................... ...........
"
grains constitute 64 and 36 percent of the total production of food grains in the state,
respectively. They constitute 8.1 and 5.9 percent of the total production of kharif and rabi food
grains in India (Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy, 1991).
Coal, bauxite, copper ore, gold, iron, silver, lime stone, mica, manganese, cromite,
sulphur pyrites, graphite, vanadium, appellate, barytes, asbestos and dolomite are the principal
minerals of the state. The state reserves 32.3 percent of the mineral resources of the country
(the highest) and contributes 35 percent to the all-India production. The state’s share of the
national income from the mining sector was about 35 percent during 1960-61, and declined to
about 25 percent during 1980-89. Although Bihar is rich in mineral resources, it is industrially
not well developed. The state has a few industries, including manufacture of cement, fertilizer,
caustic soda, alloy steel and steel rope. In the core sector, the state has steel plants at Bokaro
and Jamshedpur, a sponge iron project at Chaudil, a copper complex at Ghatsila, coal mining
industries, heavy engineering and forging plants at Ranchi, a caustic soda plant at Garhwa road
(Palamu), a fertilizer factory at Sindri, an oil refinery at Barauni and an alloy steel plant at
Patratu and Adityapur.
1.6
Basic Demographic Indicators
The basic demographic indicators for the state and for India are given in Table 1.1.
Bihar is the second most populous state (after Uttar Pradesh) with a population of 86 million.
The decadal population growth rate in the state during 1981-91 was almost the same as that for
the nation as a whole (24 percent). The population density (per km2) in 1991 was 497 for the
state compared to 273 for India. There is a large variation in the population density among the
districts of the state, ranging from 127 in the newly created district of Gumla to 1,130 in the
Patna district.
Eighty-seven percent of the population of Bihar live in rural areas compared to 74 percent
in India. The sex ratio of the population (number of females per 1,000 males) is 911 in Bihar
and 927 for all India. The percentage of the population age 0-14 years (41 percent) is
considerably higher than in the country (36 percent), reflecting a higher fertility rate in the state.
However, about 4 percent of the population in the state, as well as the country, is age 65 years
or older. The percentage of children age 0-4 years has declined slightly during 1981-91 both
at the state and country level, but the percentage of old persons (age 65+) has remained the
same. In 1991, persons belonging to scheduled castes1 and scheduled tribes2, constituted 14.6
1 The Government of India has identified certain castes as socially and economically backward and recognizing
the need to protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation, the constitution of India has conferred
on them special protection. The term "Scheduled caste" was used for these caste groups for the first time in India
in the Government of India Act of 1935 (Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1984b). The
list of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes used in the 1981 Census was based on the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Act of 1976 (Central Act 108 of 1976). Scheduled castes refer to such caste
races or tribes or parts of groups, within such castes, races or tribes as are declared to be scheduled castes by the
President of India by public notification.
Scheduled tribes refer to such tribe or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal
communities as are declared to be scheduled tribes by the president of India by public notification (Office of the
Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1984b).
5
and 7.7 percent of the population of Bihar compared with 16.7 and 8.0 percent of India,
respectively.
Bihar is known as one of the most educationally backward states in India. The literacy
rate among the population age 7 years and above, according to the 1991 Census, was 38.5 and .
52.2 percent for the state and the country, respectively. The literacy rates for males and females
of the state were 52.5 and 22.9 percent compared with 64.1 and 39.3 percent, respectively, for
the country.
1 The crude birth rate of 32.3 per 1,000 population and the crude death rate of 10.9 per
1,000 population are higher than 4he|all-India crude birth rate of 29.2 and crude death rate of
10.1 as estimated by the Sample Registration System (SRS) in 1992. The total fertility rate of
4.4 children per woman in Bihar is also higher than the all-India fertility rate of 3.6 children per
woman in 1991. The annual exponential growth rate for Bihar was 2.11 percent compared with
2.14 percent for the country during 1981-91.
Table 1.1 also indicates that the infant mortality rate is lower in the state than in the
country. The infant mortality rate estimated by the SRS was 73 per 1,000 live births in Bihar
compared to 79 in India for the year 1992. The life expectancy for males in the state (58.2
years) and the country (58.1 years) are the same, whereas for females it is lower in the state
(57.0 years) than in the country (59.1 years). The couple protection rate (defined as the
percentage of eligible couples effectively protected against pregnancy) was 25 percent in Bihar
compared with 44 percent in India for the year 1992.
Major demographic trends in the state are displayed in Table 1.2. The total population
of the state was 56.4 million in 1971, 69.9 million in 1981 and 86.4 million in 1991. As such,
there was an addition of 30 million persons during the last twenty years. The decadal growth
rate increased from 21.3 percent for the period 1961-71 to 24.1 percent for 1971-81 and then
declined slightly to 23.5 percent during 1981-91. The density of population (per km2) rose from
324 in 1971 to 405 in 1981 and 497 in 1991, indicating rising pressure of population on the
land.
The percentage of urban population in Bihar increased from 10 percent in 1971 to 12.5
percent in 1981 and finally to 13.1 percent in 1991. The sex ratio declined from 954 in 1971
to 946 in 1981 and 911 in 1991. The percentage of the population age 0-14 declined by only
2 percentage points from 1971 to 1991 and the population age 65 years and above increased by
less than 1 percentage point during the same period. The percentage of the population belonging
to scheduled castes increased from 14.1 in 1971 to 14.6 in 1991, whereas the percentage
belonging to scheduled tribes decreased from 8.8 to 7.7 percent during the same period.
Although the level of literacy during the period 1971-91 has increased, the literacy rate
of females in Bihar is still very low. The percentage of males age 5 years and above who are
literate increased by 7.5 percentage points compared with a 4.9 percentage point increase in
female literacy during 1971-81, and increased 14.4 percentage points compared with 9.3 for
females during 1981-91. According to the 1991 census, the literacy rate for males age 7 and
above (53 percent) is more than double the literacy rate for females (23 percent).
6
.......”
I
Table 1.1 Basic dewgraphic indicators
Basic demographic indicators for Bihar and India, 1981-1992
Bihar
India
86,374,465
Population (1991)
23.5
Percent population increase (1981-91)
497
Density (Population/km2) (1991)
13.1
Percent urban (1991)
911
Sex ratio (1991)
41.7
Percent 0-14 years old (1981)
40.6
(1991)
3.7
Percent 65+ years old (1981)
3.8
(1991)
14.6
Percent scheduled caste (1991)
7.7
Percent scheduled tribe (1991)
846,302,688
23.9
273
26.1
927
39.6
36.3
3.8
3.8
16.7
8.0
Index
Percent literate (1991)’
Male
Female
Total
52.5
22.9
38.5
64.1
39.3
52.2
Crude birth rate (1992)
Crude death rate (1992)
Exponential growth rate (1981-91)
32.3
10.9
2.11
29.2
10.1
2.14
Total fertility rate (1991)
Infant mortality rate (1992)
Life expectancy (1986-90)
Male
Female
4.4
73
3.6
79
55.7
53.6
57.7
58.1
Couple protection rate (1992)
24.7
43.5
'Based on the population age 7 and above.
Source: Office of the Registrar General (1992, 1993a, 1994a,
1994b); Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner
(1987); Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (1991, 1992).
The crude birth rate in the state declined from 39.1 per 1,000 population in 1981 to 30.7
in 1991. The total fertility rate declined from 5.7 children per woman in 1981 to 4.8 children
per woman in 1991. The crude death rate declined from 13.9 per 1,000 population in 1981 to
9.8 per 1,000 population in 1991.
The exponential rate of growth of the population of Bihar increased from 1.93 during
1961-71 to 2.16 during 1971-81 and then declined slightly to 2.11 during 1981-91. It is
remarkable to note that Bihar experienced a rapid decline in infant mortality from the level of
118 per 1,000 live births in 1981 to 69 in 1991. The life expectancy has increased considerably,
by 3 years for males and 4 years for females from 1981-86 to 1986-91. However, life
expectancy for females remained considerably lower than life expectancy for males during the
same periods, contrary to the pattern observed in most other Indian states and other countries.
Government statistics reveal that the percentage of couples effectively protected by various
methods of family planning in Bihar rose steadily from 5.5 in 1971 to 12.3 in 1981 and finally
to 24.7 in 1992.
7
Table 1.2
Trends in basic demographic indicators
Trends in basic demographic indicators, Bihar, 1971-91
1971
1981
1991
Population
56,353,369
Percent population increase
21.3
(previous decade)
324
Density (population/km2)
10.0
Percent urban
954
Sex ratio
69,914,734
86,374,465
23.5
497
13.1
911
40.6
3.8
14.6
7.7
Index
Percent 0-14 years old
Percent 65+ years old
Percent scheduled caste
Percent scheduled tribe
42.6
3.2
14.1
8.8
24.1
405
12.5
946
41.7
3.7
14.5
8.3
Percent literate’
Male
Female
Total
30.6
8.7
19.9
38.1
13.6
26.2
52.5
22.9
38.5
Crude birth rate
Crude death rate
Exponential growth rate
U
U
1.93
39.1
13.9
2.16
30.7
9.8
2.11
Total fertility rate
Infant mortality rate
Life expectancy
Male
Female
U
u
5.7
118
4.4
69
u
u
55.2b
52.9b
55. T
53.6e
Couple protection rate
5.5
12.3
24. r
U: Not available
“Based on the population age 5 and above for 1971 and 1981 and population
age 7 and above for 1991.
b1981-86
c1986-90
“1992
Source: Office of the Registrar General (1982, 1985, 1992, 1993a, 1994a,
1994b)- Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner (1974, 1976,
1984b,’1987); Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (1989, 1991, 1992).
1.7
Population and Family Welfare Policies and Programmes
Health and family planning services in Bihar, as in other states, are provided through a
network of sub-centres, Primary Health Centres, Community Health Centres, Postpartum
Centres, Voluntary Organizations and other facilities according to the national family welfare
policy and guidelines provided under the family welfare programmes of the country. The
clinical approach of the programme was followed by the extension education approach which
was introduced in 1963-64. Mass vasectomy camps were organised during 1970-73. During
the seventies, a community-oriented service network was developed in which family planning
services were offered as part of the overall package of health services. This integrated and
coordinated approach was implemented during the period 1974-77. The mother and child care
approach, which commenced in 1977-78, is still continuing. The Expanded Programme on
Immunization (EPI) was introduced in 1978 with the sole objective of reducing mortality and
disabilities due to various diseases like diphtheria, tetanus, tuberculosis, typhoid and
poliomyelitis by providing free vaccination services easily available to all eligible children and
8
expectant mothers. In order to speed up the pace of immunization the Universal Immunization
Programme (UIP) was introduced during 1985-86 and is being implemented through the existing
network of the Primary Health Care System.
The Area Project in Bihar was carried out in 11 districts of Bihar during 1981-87 with
the financial assistance of UNFPA. The objective of the project was to make available
integrated services for health and family welfare to the people and reduce maternal and child
mortality and morbidity. The project also focused on increasing and satisfying the demand for
contraceptive services, increasing the availability of trained manpower in the field, and providing
buildings for health centres and residential purposes (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,
1992). The multipurpose workers scheme launched by the government of India in 1974 included
Bihar. The chief objective of the scheme was to establish a health delivery system in the rural
areas through a team of multipurpose workers, including one male and one female for every
5,000 rural population. Implementation of the scheme involved training all existing health
workers at different levels in multipurpose functions.
An Information Education and Communication (IEC) Training Programme was launched
during 1987-88. The chief objective of the programme was to restructure the working pattern
of the health personnel with regular supportive training and supervision, with a view to making
the health infrastructure more responsive to people’s needs. Districts and PHC-level training
teams were formed in all districts and regular training programmes were started. A series of
need assessments and situational materials were developed. The scheme seeks to promote
voluntary community participation in health and family welfare by persons in the village at the
rate of one person for 20 households. Further, it enhances mobility of grassroots workers by
providing teams with bicycles, mopeds and motorcycles (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,
1990). This scheme in Bihar has continued under the IPP-7 programme since 1987. The Child
Survival and Safe Motherhood (CSSM) programme was recently started in Bihar (Ministry of
Health and Family Welfare, 1993). The chief objective of this programme is to ensure survival
of children and safe motherhood through different measures adopted by the government.
1.8
Health Priorities and Programmes
Health conditions in Bihar are poor. The rapidly growing population is adversely
affecting health and quality of life. Delivery of health services is mainly governed by the
National Health Policy which was approved by Parliament in 1983. Although the National
Health Policy places a major emphasis on ensuring primary health care to all by the year 2000,
it identifies certain areas which need special attention. These areas are: (1) nutrition for all
segments of population, (2) the immunization programme, (3) maternal and child health care,
(4) prevention of food adulteration and maintenance of quality of drugs, (5) water supply and
sanitation, (6) environmental protection, (7) school health programmes, (8) occupational health
services and (9) prevention and control of locally endemic diseases. Moreover, active
community participation is one of the most important ingredients in the successful
implementation of health programmes.
After India became a signatory to the Alma Ata Declaration of 1978 by committing itself
to the goal of ’’Health for AH" by 2000 A.D., the government concentrated on the development
of rural health infrastructure so as to provide health care services to the rural population which
9
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2-1
SOCIO-ECONOMIC, POLITICAL,
CULTURAL AND HEALTH
A dossier compiled by the Community Health Cell
from Secondary Sources
for the
Health Policy Workshop
for
South Bihar,
3rd - 4th March, 1999
Ranchi, Bihar
CONTENTS
SL No.
T“
1
2
3
4
5
6
Particulars
GENERAL INFORMATION
Origin of State
Page No.
2
2
3
4
4
4
5
6
14
15
16
17
People, Culture, Religion and Language
Geographical Features- Physical Characteristics
Climate, Rainfall and Seasons
Area and Administrative Divisions
Economy
a) Agriculture
b) Industries and Minerals
Irrigation and Power
Transport
Basic Demographic Indicators
Caste And Bihar Politics
Kayasthas
Brahmins
Bhumihars
Rajputs
Backward Castes
Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Tribes
JITARKHAND
Geographical, Socio-Cultural and Political Components of
Jharkhand
Issues of Jharkhand
State-backed Caste-based Senas in Bihar
Political analysis and Election trends of Bihar
General Elections, 1996
PRESENT POLITICAL SITUATION IN BIHAR
Availability of Educational Facilities
Availability of Health Facilities
Availability of other facilities and services
Morbidity-
18
Status of Women
37
APPENDIX - A: BIHAR - A PROFILE ON HEALTH
43
7
8
9
10
11
1171
11.2
13”
~T
7
8
15
15
16
16
16
16
17
17
18
19
23
25
30
30
3l
33
34
LIST OF TABLES
SI. No.
Tables
Page No.
1.
Household ownership of land, livestock and durable goods
6
2.
Distance from nearest town and transportation facility
8
3.
Basic Demographic indicators for Bihar and India, 1981-92
10
4.
Population (millions) - Bihar More Rural than Most
10
5.
Life Expectancy (1988-92)
10
6.
IMR, Death and Birth Rate
10
7.
SC/ST population in Rural Areas - 1991 (in lakhs)
11
8.
Trends in Basic Demographic Indicators, Bihar, 1971-91
12
9.
Population of Southern Districts of Bihar, 1998
12
10.
Population - Based on Projections for India and States (1996-2016)
13
11.
Selected Socio-Economic Indicators of India and Bihar
14
12.
Population below the poverty line (%)
14
13.
Estimate of Housing Shortage in Rural Areas
15
14.
Households having electricity, safe drinking water and toilet facilities
- 1991 (% household having) in Bihar
15
15.
Per Capita Income
15
16.
Chronology of Massacres in Bhojpur District
25
17.
Distance from nearest educational facility
31
18.
School attendance
79?
31
Female Literacy Rate
31
20.
Medical Practitioners Registered - 1992
32
21.
Medical Facilities - 1991-92
32
22.
Rural Primary Health Care Infrastructure & Average Population
Covered
32
23.
Number of Training Schools
32
24.
Number of Hospitals and Beds to rural and urban areas, 1993
33
25.
Hospitals run by Private
Government Hospitals
26.
Distance from nearest health facility
33
27.
Availability of facilities and services
34
28.
Morbidity
29?
35
Money spent for daughter’s marriage
37
30.
Cash paid as dowry
39
3L
Items given as dowry
40
32?
Place of delivery
41
and
Voluntary Organizations
and
33
I. GENERAL INFORMATION
1. ORIGIN OF THE STATE
The origin of Bihar State can be traced back to the Vedic period. Bihar is mentioned
in the Vedas, Puranas and epics. Bihar formed a part of Bengal presidency until a
new province of Bihar and Orissa (combined) was created on 12th December, 1911.
Between 1931 and 1941, there was yet another partition and Bihar and Orissa
became two separate provinces. Some portions of Bihar were ceded to West Bengal
as a result of the Bihar and West Bengal (Transfer of Territories) Act, 1956 (Office of
the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1967).
2. PEOPLE, CULTURE, RELIGION AND LANGUAGE
Bihar has a glorious history which can be traced to Aryans who settled along the
Indo-Gangetic plains. For over a thousand years, from the sixth century B.C. to the
fifth century A.D., the history of India was much the history of Bihar (Diwakar,
1959). This period witnessed the rise and fall of the famous Maurya and Gupta
empires in Bihar. The renowned ancient kingdoms of Videha, Magadha, and Anga
were parts of Bihar. Pataliputra (present Patna) was the capital of Magadha for a
long time and is best known in connection with the Maurya kings, Chandragupta and
Ashoka. Mithila, which wras an important centre for Sanskrit learning as early as
1,000 B.C., comprised three districts of Bihar, namely Darbhanga, Champaran and
Muzaffarpur (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908). Vaisali which was part of
south Muzaffarpur district was a small kingdom known as the first republic, not only
in India, but also in the world. The famous treatise, namely Arthasastra, is attributed
to Kautilya (or Chanakya), who was Chandragupta Maurya's able minister (Smith,
1919).
Bihar was ruled by kings of the Gupta dynasty during the fourth and fifth centuries
A.D. and flourished in several walks of life. It was a period known for economic
prosperity, and for advancement in science, music, fine arts and literature.
Architecture, sculpture and painting attained a high level of excellence during the
Gupta rule. The Gupta regime was famous for its non-interfering, benevolent
governance which provided health services, good roads and rest houses to pilgrims.
The sciences of Mathematics, Astronomy and Astrology were cultivated with much
success during the Gupta period. Aiyabhata and Varahamihir, two famous scientists,
worked during the Gupta regime. The reign of various kings of the Gupta dynasty
from A.D. 320 to 480 is known in Indian history as the "Golden Age" (Smith, 1919).
Bihar is the land of Gautama Buddha and Mahavir Jain. In fact, Bihar derives its
name from ‘Vihar ’ which means a Buddhist monastery (Imperial Gazetteer, 1908).
Bihar-Shariff, considered to be the second Mecca by many Muslims, and Gaya, with
the temple of Vishnupada, considered to be one of the holiest places, are situated
within 200 km of Patna. Patna, the birth place of Guru Govind Singh, is very sacred
to the Sikhs (Srinivasan et al., 1982).
During ancient times, Bihar was very famous for its various seats of learning. The
universities of Nalanda, Vikram Shila (now Bhagalpur) and Udaatpuri (now BiharShariff) were highly regarded centres of higher learning, which students and scholars
from India and various other countries visited. Unfortunately, despite its glorious
past history of learning, Bihar is now one of the most illiterate states of India.
1:12 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKl\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-1 .doc
2
Bihar is also a land of many freedom fighters such as Veer Kaur Singh, Birsamunda,
Tilka Manjhi, Maulana Mazharul Haque, and Abdul Bari. Mahatma Gandhi started
his "Freedom Movement" from Champaran in Bihar.
According to the 1981 Census, the percentage distribution of population by religion
is:
Hindus
Muslims
Christians
Sikhs
Buddhists
Jains
82.42%
14.81%
0.98%
0.09%
Negligible
0.03%
The main language of the people is Hindi which is also the official language of the
state. Besides Hindi, a large percentage of Muslims speak Urdu. Bhojpuri, Magahi
and Maithili are among the local dialects of the state.
3.
GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES - PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS
Bihar is a land-locked state lying between 21 degree 58' 10" and 27 degree 31'15"
north latitudes, and 83 degree 19'50" and 88 degree 17'40" east longitudes. It is
bounded on the north by Nepal, on the east by West Bengal, on the west by Uttar
Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh and on the south by Orissa.
According to the 1981 census, Bihar is divided on the basis of physical features into
three regions, namely the Himalayan Foothills, the Bihar Plains and the Bihar Plateau.
The Himalayan Foothills are located in the northern part of Paschim Champaran
district. This region comprises the Dun and Sumeshwar ranges of the Siwalik hills
which is a part of the Himalayan system. The Dun range is about 32 km in length
and Sumeshwar range is 72 km long with an altitude of 450 metres.
The Bihar plateau is more popularly known as the Chotanagpur plateau and consists
of a series of plateaus of different elevations. The entire Chotanagpur plateau is very
rich in mineral deposits. The Ranchi plateau is the highest, with an elevation of
about 1,100 metres (also known as the 'Pat' lands) and consists of Deccan lava. The
area east of the Ranchi plateau is the Hazaribagh plateau which extends to the
Rajmahal liills with an average height of 600 metres above sea level. It is formed by
the debris of the streams descending down the hills. The southern part of this
region, known as the Singhbhum plateau, has an altitude of 150 metres with many
hill rocks of 300 metres or more. Dalma and Baghmundi are the main ranges in this
plateau. The region slopes towards the southeast direction (Director of Census
Operations, Bihar, 1981).
The life line of this state is the Ganga river which enters the State from the west and
flows towards the east. A large number of rivers join the Ganga from the north and
south. Ghaghara, Gandak and Kosi are the main tributaries of the Ganga. Kosi,
called "the sorrow of Bihar", is the widest river and frequently changes its course
causing devastation. The Son, Punpun, Mohane and Gumani rivers are the right
bank tributaries of the Ganga. Other rivers that form the southern drainage system
in Bihar are the South Koel, Subarnarekha, Damodar and Barkar.
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Forests in the state are mainly confined to the Chotanagpur plateau. The total area
under forests in the state was 29,226.09 km2 during 1985-86, which accounts for 16.8
percent of the total area of the State.
4. CLIMATE, RAINFALL AND SEASONS
The year is Bihar may be divided into three distinct seasons - winter from October to
February, summer from March to mid-June and the monsoon from mid-June to
September. Hot westerly winds begin in March and last until May. The temperature
begins to rise in March, and the months of April and May are characterised by great
heat and dryness. The monsoon sets in by around the middle of June, bringing in its
wake a quick fall in the temperature and widespread rains ending in September. The
cold season starts in November when both day and night temperatures drop rapidly.
January is usually the coldest month (Office of Registrar General and Census
Commissioner, 1967).
The temperature varies from region to region. The lowest temperatures are from 0
degree C to 4 degree C in Chotanagpur to 8 degree C to 11 degree C in other parts of
the State. The mean maximum temperature in May varies between 35 degree C and
38 degree C in North Bihar and between 37 degree C and 41 degree C in South
Bihar. Gaya is the hottest district in the State as well as in the country. The elevated
portion of the Chotanagpur plateau has a relatively mild summer.
The state receives most of its rainfall from the southwest monsoon from June to
September. The average rainfall is 1,200 mm and ranges from 1,000 mm to 2,000
mm.
5. AREA AND ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
The state of Bihar is 163,847 km2 in area and ranks ninth among the States and
Union Territories of India. Bihar is densely populated with only 5.3 percent of the
area of the country and 10.58 percent of its people. Patna, the capital of Bihar, is
situated on the bank of the Ganga river.
The state was divided into 7
administrative divisions and 31 districts in 1981. The numbers rose to 10 and
55, respectively, in 1998. There were 587 community development blocks (C.D.
Blocks) in 1981.
6. ECONOMY
‘
'y an agricultural state with about 87 percent of the
Bihar is predominantly
population living in rural areas according to the 1991 Census. Agriculture is the
single largest sector of the economy employing about 81 percent of the work force,
43.6 percent as cultivators and 37.1 percent as agricultural labourers (Office of the
Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1991a). Agriculture accounts for 40
percent of the State ’s income.
The state has 32.3 percent of the mineral resources of the country (the
highest) and contributes 35 percent to the all-India production. The state’s
share of the national income from the mining sector was about 35 percent during
1960-61, and declined to about 25 percent during 1980-89. Although Bihar is rich in
mineral resources, it is industrially not well developed. The state has a few
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industries, including manufacture of cement, fertilizer, caustic soda, alloy steel and
steel rope. In the core sector, the State has steel plants at Bokaro and Jamshedpur, a
sponge iron project at Chaudil, a copper complex at Ghatsila, coal mining industries,
heavy engineering and forging plants at Ranchi, a caustic soda plant at Garwha road
(Palamu), a fertilizer factory at Sindri, an oil refinery at Barauni and an alloy steel
plant at Patratu and Adityapur.
a) Agriculture
Bihar has a total geographical area of about 173.30 lakh hectare, out of which
only 72.67 lakh hectare is the net cultivated area and gross cultivated area being
about 94.97 lakh hectare. About 34.53 lakh hectare net area and 42.11 lakh
hectare gross area receive irrigation from different sources. Principal foodgrain
crops are paddy, wheat, maize, and pulses. Main cash crops are sugarcane,
potato, tobacco, oilseeds, onion, chillies, jute and mesta. Forests cover
about 29 lakh hectare which is almost 17 percent of the geographical area
(1993-94).
*
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Table 1: Household ownership of land, livestock and durable goods
Percentage of households owning agricultural land, livestock and various consumer durable goods according to residence, Bihar, 1993
Residence
Urban
Rural [ Total |
Backward districts
Item owned
Agricultural land
71.7
[ 40.7
45.4
47.3
No land_____________________
Irrigated land only
4.0
10.2
11.7
10.5
< 1 acre_____________________
3.3
8.9
8.1
8.8
1 - 5 acres___________________
2.1
2.7
1.9
2.0
6 acres_____________________
Non-irrigated land only_______
3.1
8.3
7.5
5.8
< 1 acre_____________________
11.1
5.8
12.0
5.9
1 - 5 acres___________________
2.3
2.7
0.7
2.6
6 acres_____________________
Irrigated and non-irrigated land
6.7
1.2
5.1
4.5
< 1 acre_____________________
3.1
5.7
8.7
5.3
1 - 5 acres
2.8
3.0
3.0
3.9
6’ acres
Total percent
Livestock
Bullock
Cow________________
Buffalo_____________
Goat ____________
Sheep______________
Camel
Other
No livestock
Consumer durables
Sewing machine
Clock/watch
Radio_______________
Television___________
Refrigerator
Bicycle
Motorcycle/scooter
Car_________________
Bullock cart
Thresher
Tractor_____________
Water pump
Number of households
” Less than 0.05 percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
6.8
33.9
29.2
18.8
19.9
0.6
29.8
26.6
16.8
18.1
0.5
2.4
36.2
2.2
42.3
30.7
30.0
22.3
18.5
0.7
0.1
3.2
38.0
5.5
35.3
10.1
42.0
26.9
10.6
3.4
12.3
5.5
7.9
1.2
76.7
35.8
79.2
56.5
48.5
18.6
55.0
25.2
5.4
1.1
1.2
1.0’
2.8
723
21.6
3.7
0.7
34.6
2.8
0.1 ’
3.0
2.3
0.5
5.1
4025
37.7
6.2
0.9
2.7
2.1
0.6
4.8
4748
6.1
38.7
23.9
5.0
1.1
30.8
2.5
0.7
2.6
0.3
8.1
686
Source: National Family Health Survey - Bihar -1998
b) Industries & Minerals
Major industries are: two integrated steel plants, namely, Bokaro Steel and Tata
Iron and Steel and a number of secondary steel making units with total
established annual capacity of around 7.20 million tonnes, largest coal-based
sponge iron plant at Chandil; area's largest rope making complex of Usha Matin
Industries at Ranchi; India's largest heavy vehicles plant of Tata Engineering and
Locomotives Company, Jamshedpur; heavy plant building complex of Heavy
Engineering Corporation at Ranchi; taper bearing plant of Tata Tenkin at
Jamshedpur; Ilumina Plant of India Aluminium Company at Muri; railway
wagons plants at Bharat Wagon Limited at Muzaffarpur and Mokama; copper
smelter complex at Hindustan Copper Corporation, Chatshila; uranium complex
of Uranium Corporation of India at Jadugora; zinc smelter of Hindustan Zink
Limited, Dhanbad; oil refinery of Indian Oil Corporation at Barauni; three
fertilizers manufacturing plants of HFCL at Barauni, FCI at Sindri and PPCL at
Anjhore; cement plants at Banjari, Jamshedpur, Sindri and Chaibasa with installed
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capacity of around three million tonnes annually; communication cables unit of
Usha Belton at Ranchi, and power cables unit of India Cable Company at
Jamshedpur; largest steel glass unit of Indo-Asahi Pataratu and five large cotton
spinning mills at Siwan, Pandaul, Bhagalpur, Mokama and Gaya. Besides, there
are 13 sugar mills in private sector and 15 in public sector located in North
Central Bihar with a total crushing capacity of 46,000 TPD, and a number of
distilleries, tanning and leather finishing industries in north and central region of
the State and three large jute mills at Katihar and Samastipur. New projects with
approximate investment of Rs. 15,000 crore include zinc oxide and zinc ingots,
expansion and modernisation of Bokaro Steel Limited, modernisation and
expansion of TISCO, industrial alcohol and paper plants, copper concentrate,
granite cutting and polishing, steel blast furnace crystal class, steel polling mill,
cold rolled steel complex, coal washeries, slag cement, alumina plants etc.
Bihar is renowned for its rich mineral resources. The mineral products are coal,
iron ore, bauxite, lime stone, mica, pyrite, graphite, copper ore, gold, silver,
mangariese, chromite, sulphur pyrites, vanadium, appellate, barytes, asbestos and
dolomite. Bihar has a monopoly in the production of uranium and pyrite.
7. IRRIGATION AND POWER
Bihar has an irrigation potential of 122.98 lakh hectare as estimated by the second
Bihar State Irrigation Commission 1994. By the year 1994-95, the total area
under irrigation through medium and major schemes was 27.46 lakh hectare.
About 56.68 lakh hectare area is irrigated through minor irrigation schemes
(including surface and ground water).
Major power projects under the state sector are Pataratu Thermal Power Station
(840 MW), Barauni Thermal Power Station (320 MW), Muzzaffarpur Thermal
Power Station (220 MW), Subarnrekha Hydel Power Station (130 MW), Kosi
Hydel Power (19.2 MW), under the Bihar State Electricity Board and Tenughat
Power Station under Tenughat Vidyut Nigam Limited. Under the Central sector,
the major power stations are Bokaro Thermal Power Station (830 MW),
Chandrapura Thermal Power Station (750 MW) along with Tilaiya Hydel Power
Station (4 MW), Maithon Hydel Power Station (60 MW), Panchet Hydel Power
Station (80 MW) under the Damodar Valley Corporation and Kahalgaon Super
Thermal Power Corporation. Besides this, Bihar receives its share of power from
Farakka Super Thermal Power Station and Tacher Super Thermal Power Project
under the National Thermal Power Corporation, Durgapur Thermal Power
Station under DVC and Chukka Hydel Power Station under National Hydro
electric Power Corporation.
8. TRANSPORT
Roads - Upto March 1995, Bihar had 19,095 km of metalled road including
2,118 km of national highways, 4,192 of state highways and 12, 785 km of other
PWD road (MDR/ODR).
Railways - Bihar has a fairly good railway network. Cbmrnunication in north
Bihar is difficult as there is only one railway bridge at Mokamah. A few railway
routes connecting important places like Muzaffarnagar, Samastipur-BarauiniKatihar and Muzaffarnagar-Chapra-Siwan have been converted into broad gauge.
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The main rail junctions are at Patna, Dhanbad, Gaya, Muzaffarnagar, Katihar,
Samastipur etc.
Aviation - There are airports at Patna, Ranchi, Jamshedpur and Gaya.
Table 2 : Distance from Nearest Town and Transportation Facility
Percent distribution of villages according to distance from the nearest town, railway
station and bus stand, Bihar, 1993.
Distance
Nearest town
Nearest bus
stand
171
Nearest railway
station
561
< 5 km
252
5-9 km__________
20.4
53.9
0.4
22.6
10+ km
Don't know/missing
59.6
26.0
15.1
2.9
Total percent
Median distance
100.0
11.3
100.0
11.8
100.0
4.5
Less than 0.05 percent
Source : National Family Health Survey - Bihar - 1998
Given the known urban rural district-wise bias of services, this table indicates
difficulties in access to services due to distance.
9. BASIC DEMOGRAPHIC INDICATORS
The basic demographic indicators for the state and for India are given in Table 3.
Bihar is the second most populous state (after Uttar Pradesh) with a
population of 86 million. The decadal population growth rate in the state during
1981-91 was almost the same as that for the nation as a whole (24 percent). The
population density (per sq. km.) in 1991 was 497 for the state compared to 273
for India. There is a large variation in the population density among the districts of
the state, ranging from 127 in the newly created district of Gumla to 1,130 in the
Patna district.
Eighty-seven percent of the population of Bihar live in rural areas compared to 74
percent in India. The gender ratio of the population (number of females per 1,000
males) is 911 in Bihar and 927 for all India. The percentage of the population age 014 years (41 percent) is considerably higher than in the country (36 percent), reflecting
a higher fertility rate in the state. In 1991, persons belonging to scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes, constituted 14.6 and 7.7 percent of the population of Bihar,
compared with 16.7 and 8.0 percent of India, respectively.
Bihar is known as one of the most educationally backward states in India. The
literacy rate among the population are higher than the all-India crude birth rate of 29.2
and crude death rate of 10.1 as estimated by the Sample Registration System (SRS) in
1992. The total fertility rate of 4.4 children per woman in Bihar is also higher than the
all-India ferriliry rate of 3.6 children per woman in 1991. The annual exponential
growth rate for Bihar was 2.11 percent compared with 2.14 percent for the country
during 1981-1991.
Table 3 also indicates that the infant mortality rate is lower in the state than in the
country. The infant mortality rate estimated by the SRS was 73 per 1,000 live births in
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compared to 79 in India for the year 1992. The life expectancy for males in
Bihar
the state (58.2 years) and the countiy (58.1 years) are the same, whereas for females it
is lower in the state (57.0 years) than in the countiy (59.1 years). The couple
protection rate (defined as the percentage of eligible couples effectively protected
against pregnancy) was 25 percent in Bihar compared with 44 percent in India for the
year 1992.
Major demographic trends in the state are displayed in Table 4. The total population
of the state was 56.4 million in 1971, 69.9 million in 1981 and 86.4 million in 1991. As
such, there was an addition of 30 million persons during the last twenty years. The
decadal growth rate increased from 21.3 percent for the period 1961-71 to 24.1
percent for 1971-81 and then declined slightly to 23.5 percent during 1981-91. The
density of population (per sq. km.) rose from 324 in 1971 to 405 in 1981 and 497 in
1991, indicating rising pressure of population on the land.
The percentage of urban population in Bihar increased from 10 percent in 1971 to
12.5 percent in 1981 and finally to 13.1 percent in 1991. The gender ratio declined
from 954 in 1971 to 946 in 1981 and 991 in 1991. The gender ratio has declined
greatly during the decade and is below the national level. This calls for intensified
efforts to comprehensively improve women’s health, including their access to care and
to address gender inequalities. The percentage of the population age 0-14 declined by
only 2 percentage points from 1971 to 1991 and the population age 65 years and
above increased by less than 1 percentage point during the same period. The
percentage of the population belonging to scheduled castes increased for 14.1 in 1971
to 14.6 in 1991, whereas the percentage belonging to scheduled tribes decreased from
8.8 to 7.7 percent during the same period.
Although the level of literacy during the period 1971-91 has increased, the literacy
rate of females in Bihar is still very low. The percentage of males age 5 years and
above who are literate increased by 7.5 percentage points compared with a 4.9
percentage point increase in female literacy during 1971-81, and increased 14.4
percentage points compared with 9.3 for females during 1981-91. According to the
1991 census, the literacy rate for males age 7 and above (53 percent) is more than
double the literacy rate for females (23 percent).
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9
Table 3 - Basic Demographic Indicators for Bihar and India, 1981-1992
Index
Population (1991)
Percent population increase (1981 -91)
Bihar
86,374,465
23.5
India
846,302,688
23.9
Density (Population/sq.km) (1991
497
273
Percent urban (1991)_______
Sex ratio (1991)
Percent 0-14 years old (1981)
13.1
911
41.7
40.6
26.1
927
39.6
36.3
3.8
3.8
__________________ (1991)
__________________ (1991)
Percent 65+years old (1981)
3.7
3.8
Percent literate (1991)*
Male
Female
Total
Crude birth rate (1992)
52.5
22.9
38.5
32.3
Crude death rate (1992)_________
Exponential growth rate (1981-91)
Total fertility rate (1991)
Infant mortality rate (1992)
Life expectancy (1986-90)
Male
Female
Couple protection rate (1992)
64.1
39.3
52.2
29.2
10.9
2.11
4.4
10.1
73
2.14
3.6
79
55.7
53.6
57.7
58.1
I 24.7
I 43.5
*Based on the population aged 7 and above.
Source: Office of the Registrar General (1992, 1993a, 1994a, 1994b); Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner
(1987); Ministry of Health & Family Welfare (1991, 1992)
The crude birth, rate in the state declined from 39.1 per 1,000 population in 1981 to 30.7
in 1991. The total fertility rate declined from 5.7 children per woman in 1981 to 4.8
children per woman in 1991. The crude death rate declined from 13.9 per 1,000
population in 1981 to 9.8 percent per 1,000 population in 1991. There appears to be an
acceleration in the improvement of demographic indicators during the past decade.
Table 4: Population (millions) - Bihar More Rural Than Most
Urban
Rural
% of Rural to Total
Total
India
628.46
217.09
845.55
Uttar Pradesh
111.50
27.60
139.10
80.16
Kerala
21.40
7.70
29.10
73.54
Bihar
75.00
11.40
86.40
86.81
74.33
Source: Registrar General of India, Census of India, 1991
Table 5: Life Expectancy (1988-92)
India
Kerala (H)
Assam (L)
Bihar
58.7
71.3
54.1
57.5
H: Highest; L: Lowest
Source: Economic Survey 1995-96
Table 6: IMR, Death & Birth Rate
India
Orissa (H)
Kerala (L)
Bihar
IMR per 1,000
73
Death rate
103
16
66
11.1
6
10.4
91
Birth rate
28.6
28
17.3
32.5
H: Highest; L: Lowest
Source: Economic Survey 1995 - 96
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Table 7: S C/ST Population in Rural Areas - 1991 (in lakhs)
State
SC Population
Number
%
ST Population
Number
%
Bihar
114.00
15.30
61.50
8.20
Tamil Nadu
84.30
22.90
5.10
1.40
Source: CMIE, 1996
The exponential rate of growth of the population of Bihar increased from 1.93 during
1961-71 to 2.16 during 1971-81 and then declined slightly to 2.11 during 1981-91. It is
remarkable to note that Bihar experienced a rapid decline in infant mortality from
the level of 118 per 1,000 live births in 1981 to 73 in 1991. The life expectancy has
increased considerably, by 3 years for males and 4 years for females from 1981-86 to
1986-91. However, life expectancy for females remained considerably lower than
life expectancy for males during the same periods, contrary to the pattern observed in
most other Indian states and other countries. Government statistics reveal that the
percentage of couples effectively protected by various methods of family planning in
Bihar rose steadily from 5.5 in 1971 to 12.3 in 1981 and finally to 24.7 in 1992.
{See also Appendix A}
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1]
Table 8 : Trends in Basic Demographic Indicators, Bihar, 1971-91
Index
____________
Population
Percent population increase (previous decade)
1971
56,353,369
21.3
1981
1991
69,914,734
24.1
86,374,465
23.5
Density (population per sq.km)
324
405
497
Percent urban________
Sex ratio
Percent 0-14 years old
Percent 65+ years old
Percent scheduled caste
Percent scheduled tribe
Percent literate
Male
Female
Total
10.0
954
42.6
3.2
14.1
12.5
946
41.7
3.7
13.1
911
40.6
3.8
14.6
8.7
19.9
38.1
13.6
26.2
52.5
22.9
38.5
Crude birth rate_______
Crude death rate
Exponential growth rate
U
U
1.93
39.1
13.9
2.16
30.7
9.8
Total fertility rate
Infant mortality rate
Life expectancy
Male____________
Female
U
5.7
U
118
4.4
69
U
55.2
52.9
55.2
53.6
| 12.3
| 24.7
14.5
8.3
8.8
30.6
Couple protection rate
7.7
2.11
U - Not available
Based on the population age 5 and above for 1971 and 1981 and population age 7 and above for 1991
1981-86
1986-90
1992
Source: Office of the Registrar General (1982, 1985, 1992, 1993a, 1994a, 1994b); Office of the Registrar General and Census
Commissioner (1974, 1976, 1984b, 1987); Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (1989, 1991, 1992)
Table 9 : Population of Southern Districts of Bihar, 1998
Sl.No
District
Area (in sq.km)
Population
1.
2.
Chatra
Deoghar
Dhanbad
3,706
2,479
2,086
5,158
3,533
4,941
2,110
9,077
5,049
2,410
1,491
8,705
7,698
1,600
9,907
1,805
6,12,713
9,33,113
3“
4.
57“
6.
~T7
T“
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
“157
16.
Dumka
East Singhbhum
Giridh
Godda
Gumla
Hazaribagh
Kodenna______
Lohardagga
Palamu
Ranchi
Sahebgunj
West Singhbhum
Pakur
19,49,526
14,95,709
16,13,088
14,96,189
Total
8,61,182
11,53,976
16,01,567
6,29,264
2,88,886
16,49,891
22,14,048
7,36,835
17,87,955
5,64,253
1,95,88,185
Source: INDIA 1998, Ministry of I&B, Govt, of India
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Table 10 : Population - Based on Projections for India and States (1996 - 2016)
1998
0-4
5-9
10- 14
15- 19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75-79
80+
All ages
Projected population by age and sex (in ‘000)
Males
Females
Total
12609
6377
7227
6816
14043
5809
12611
6802
4200
9378
5178
7400
3869
3531
3509
6922
3413
3313
6523
3211
2987
2889
5876
2395
5063
2668
1936
4205
2269
1505
3346
1842
1192
2585
1393
1114
1018
2132
743
1583
840
452
1015
563
220
488
268
354
593
238
49,996
96,371
50,374
Source: Extrapolations from data given by the Regional Census Office, GOI, Bangalore
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13
Table 11 : Selected Socio-Economic Indicators of India and Bihar
SI. No.
T
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
Bihar
Socio-Economic Indicators
T74
Geographical area (lakh km2)
497
Density of population (per km2)
Sex ratio_________________________________________ 911
22.22 (sc)
Percentage of scheduled caste and scheduled tribes to total
population___________ ____________________________ 24.56 (st)
Percentage of main workers to total population___________ 29.66
Percentage of agricultural workers to total population_____ 74.
Female workers* participation rate_____________________ 14.86
Literacy percentage
52.49
Males
22.89
Females
Total______________________________________ 38.48
13.14
Percentage of urban population to total population
10.30
Percentage of state population to all India population
Decimal growth rate of population %__________________ 23.54
Life expectancy at birth (in years)_____________________ 57.5
Birth rate ( 1996)__________________________________ 32.1
Death rate ( 1996)_______ __________________________ 10.2
Infant mortality rate (1996) _______________________ 72
139
No. of students in primary & secondary
schools/1,000 population (30.9.96)
Per capita income at current prices (Rs)- [1996]__________ 4097
0.7
Net area sown / cultivator (per hectare)[1996]___________
1548
Total cereals yield/hectare (in kg) [1996]_______________
Total pulses______________________________________ 729
1459
Total food grains_______
340
Cotton (lint)__________
Sugarcane_______________ ________________________ 42781
138.5
Food grain production /capita (kg)____________________
64.6
Consumption of fertilizers/hcctare of
cropped area (kg)[l 995)____________________________
41.0
Percentage of gross irrigated area to
gross cropped area (provisional)______________________
551
Primary agri.co-op credit societies
%age of borrowing members:total members[1995] _______
2059
Per capita gross output in industries (Rs) [1995]_________
Per capita value added in industries (Rs) [1995]__________ 473
8.9
Domestic consumption of electricity per capita (kw)[1996]
74.3
Industrial consumption of electricity per capita (kw)[1996]
1427
Motor vehicles/lakh of population (No.)[31.3.96]________
51
Total road length/100 km2 of area (km)[31.3.95]
57
Number of fair price/ration shops
per lakh of population[1993] _______________ _
5.2
No. of banking offices/lakh of population[31.3.97]_______
2238
Deposits per capita (Rs.) [31.3.97]____________________
Bank credit per capita (Rs.) [31.3.97]__________________ 682
404.43
Population below poverty line (lakh)__________________
12.79
Expenditure on medical care (as %age of total expenditure)
India
32.87
274
927
34.18
38.99
22.25
64.13
39.29
52.21
25.73
100.0
23.85
58.7
27.4
8.9
72
179
9578
1.3
1730
586
1516
249
68972
206.8
75.7
35.0
1059
5730
1200
57.1
114.5
3587
67
48
6.7
5175
2967
3,319.86
Source: Economic Survey of Maharashtra 1997-98,
State Planning Commission of Maharashtra
(NB: Statistics for Bihar and other states were given as a comparison)
Table 12 : Population below the poverty line (%)
Year
1973-74
1987-88
India
5434
39.04
Orissa (H)
66.24
55.61
Punjab (L)
287)8
12.70
Bihar
6L78'
53.37
H: Highest; L: Lowest
Source : CMIE, 1996.
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14
Table 13 : Estimate of housing shortage in rural areas - 1991
Residential / partly census houses
Households
Difference between households and residential
houses
Houseless households
Kutcha houses
Housing shortage number
% shortage
11132870
12255960
1123090
7000
4601126
4095740
3342
Source : CMIE, 1996.
Table 14 : Households having electricity, safe drinking water and toilet facilities 1991 (% household having) in Bihar
Electricity
Safe drinking
water
Toilet
T 12.57
R5.57
U 58.77
58.76
56.55
73.39
11.75
4.96
56.54
Electricity
and drinking
water
V94
3.30
46.14
Toilet water
Electricity
and toilet
8.78
3.31
44.87
9.30
2.91
51.43
All these
three
facilities
TT3
1.96
41.22
None of the
three
facilities
300
40.48
112.54
Source : CMIE, 1996.
Table 15 : Per Capita Income
India
330 USS
Rs. 10,560
Punjab (H)
544 USS
Rs. 17,408
Bihar (L)
161 USS
Rs.5,152
Orissa (SL)
213 USS
Rs.6,816
Source: Registrar General ofIndia, Census of India, 1991
10. CASTE AND BIHAR POLITICS
Extracts from Ravindra Kumar Verma ,EPW, , Vol XXVI No. 18, May 4, 1991; "Caste
and Bihar Politics", & May 21, 1991
“The strength of the total electorate in Bihar was 3,49,30842 which rose to 5.40 crores in
1989. Though the electorate may be classified on the basis of caste, religion, class, etc.,
caste considerations are of prime importance.
In Bihar, there are three basic caste groups which emerged after the introduction of
reservation - forward castes, backward castes, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.
The forward castes consist of Brahmins, Bhumihars, Rajput and Kayasthas. Land and
other resources such as official positions, literacy, better economic conditions and social
respect have been the privilege of the these castes which accounts for the political
dominance of these castes.
Kayasthas
The Kayasthas constitute only a small portion (1 percent) of the total population of the
State. Kayasthas acquired importance in Indian history since the Moghul period because
they learnt Urdu (and later English in the British period) faster than other castes and
were attached to rulers for assistance in governance. This caste has been politically
significant even prior to Independence. Many national leaders such as Sachchidanand
Sinha, Rajendra Prasad and Jai Prakash Narain belonged to this caste.
Since
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Independence, Kayasthas have played an active role, but, however, there has been a
sharp decline of role of this caste in Bihar politics. The other factor that is making it
politically defunct is that the majority of this caste is service oriented and is hence
politically unrecognized and they are also not competitive. Nevertheless, this caste
constitutes 5.5 percent of the representatives from Bihar in the ninth Lok Sabha.
Brahmins
Brahmins constitute nearly 7 percent of Bihar's total population. The Brahmins of Bihar
are categorised, in terms of politics, into two major groups - the Maithils and nonMaithils (Kankuliya, Sarijupari, etc). Some important Brahmin leaders like Kedar Pandey,
Ramanand Tewary, Jagnarain Trivedi, Bindeshwari Dubey, K.K. Tewari and Lal Muni
Choube emerged in politics and they could not ensure Brahminical dominance of Bihar
level politics.
The Maithil Brahmins power re-emerged in the early 70s with the rise of Lalit Narain
Mishra. However, the most important mass political leader who emerged in 1975 as
Chief Minister was Jagannath Mishra. When he assumed power in the State, the Maithil
Brahmins acquired important positions in the political system. With the death of veteran
socialist leader Karpoori Thakur, Raghunath Jha from the Non-Congress platform
emerged as a likely chief ministerial candidate. Brahmins have formed an important
part of the bureaucracy, judiciary and political life in the State. Nevertheless, of
representatives from Bihar in the ninth Lok Sabha, 5.5 percent were from this caste.
Bhumihars
Among the upper castes, the Bhumihars have considerable landed property. Important
among the leaders of the caste were Ganesh Dutta, Shri Krishna Sinha, Ram Dayal
Singh. This caste has provided some women leaders like Krishna Sahi, Tarakeshwari
Sinha and Usha Sinha. Shri Krishna Sinha remained in powrer for a considerable period
in Bihar who have generated the resentment of other caste/commumties against this
caste. After the death of Sri Krishna Sinha, the Bhumihars could not retain their hold on
Bihar politics to the same extent. However, in the Congress, Ramashraya Prasad Singh
and L.P. Shahi and in the BJP, Kailashapthi Mishra are considered pillars of their parties.
After the debacle of Congress in the 1989 general election, this caste's political hold has
declined. In the 1989 Lok Sabha elections, the caste bagged 3 seats which is in the fore
front of the anti-Mandal struggle.
Rajputs
The Rajputs have also been a land-owning community, active in Bihar politics. Anugrah
Narain Sinha was active in the Congress. Other important leaders of the caste have been
Nand Kumar Singh, S.N. Sinha, P.N. Singh, Deep Narain and Ambika Sharan Singh.
In the 1980s, the prominent Rajput leaders who emerged as significant leaders were Suraj
Narain Singh, Chandra Shekhar Singh, Ram Dulari Sinha, Bhishma Narain Singh, Kishori
Sinha and Manorama Singh. The caste bagged six seats in the 1989 Lok Sabha elections.
Backward Castes
The backward castes constitute nearly sixty percent of the total voters in Bihar.
Till the early part of 1970, these castes were politically not significant. In the late
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1930s, a Triveni Sangh was formed consisting of Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeries - the three
landed castes among the backward castes. The politically significant backward castes are
Yadavs, Kurmis, Koeries, Baniyas, Kahars, Dhanuks, Nonias, Telis, Suris, Kanus,
Lohars, Binds, Hajams, etc among which Yadavs, Kurmies and Koeries are in the
frontline. Yadavs are the political elite in the backward castes. Karpuri Thakur was a
Hajam (barber). He represented the whole backward caste community.
The turning point in the organisation of these castes was in 1977 when Karpuri Thakur,
the then Chief Minister, introduced reservations for backward castes in Government
services and so backward castes have gained in all the fields. After the death of Karpuri
Thakur, some new faces emerged. Important among them are Laloo Prasad Yadav,
Nitish Kumar and Jai Prakash Yadav. It is important to note that the Yadavs have
cornered the largest number of seats won by any single caste. During the 1989 Lok
Sabha election, backward castes other than Yadavs bagged 17 seats which is 31 percent
of the total seats. If we add the number of Yadavs, the percentage of seats won is over
48 percent.
Scheduled Castes
The scheduled castes in Bihar according to the 1991 census are 22.22 percent of the total
population. The districts with sparse scheduled caste population are Singhbhum, Ranchi,
Santhal Pargana and Bhagalpur. The major constituents of the scheduled castes are
Chamar, Dusadh, Dholi, Dom, Posi and Musahar. Although there are 23 castes under
this category, the most conspicuous in numerical terms are the above six castes (71
percent). The political consciousness of the scheduled castes have no doubt been
increasing since the introduction of general elections.
The important scheduled caste leaders from Bihar are Ram Vilas Paswan, Meira Kumar,
Mahabir Paswan, Dumar Lal Baitha and others. Jagjivan Ram was the first scheduled
caste leader from Bihar who emerged at the National level.
Scheduled Tribes
The scheduled tribe population in Bihar is 58,10,867 according to 1981 census which
constitutes 8.3 percent of the total population. The highest concentration of scheduled
tribes are in the districts of Ranchi (54.4 percent), Singhbhum (44.1 percent) and Santhal
Paragana (36.6 percent). The districts of Palamu, Giridh and Rohtas have also a sizeable
strength amounting to 18.3 percent, 13 percent and 11.4 percent respectively.
The important tribes in Bihar are Mundas, Oraons, Ho, Bhumij, Kharia, Paharia,
Thhana, etc. to these are added Santhals who reside mainly in Santhal Paraganas administratively controlled by the districts at Bhagalpur, Santhal Paraganas, Deoghar, etc.
Exclusion of a large part of the tribal population from the benefit of economic
and social progress and the marginalisation of their culture has led to the demand
for a separate state. The Jharkhand movement was started in the 1950s and since then
has had fluctuating fortunes. Upto 1969, the most influential leader was Jaipal Singh
who formed the Adivasi Mahasabha in 1946 and later the Jharkhand Party in 1950s
which merged with the Congress party before the 1967 elections. Soon every tribal,
organisation bore the name 'Jharkhand', such as the All India Jharkhand party, Hui
Jharkhand Party, Bihar Prant Hui Jharkhand and so on. Of all the Jharkhand parties, the
most forceful is Jharkhand Mukti Morcha born towards the end of 1972. There were
five constituencies reserved for scheduled tribes and more than 60 constituents were
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17
from the Jharkhand area from different political parties. BJP has shown great interest in
tribal pohtics and was able to bag one reserved seat on the slogan of a separate
“Vananchal state”.
11. JHARKHAND
11.1
GEOGRAPHICAL,
SOCIO-CULTURAL
COMPONENTS OF JHARKHAND
AND
POLITICAL
{Source: Sevartham 22 (1997), 'Theologising in the Jharkhand context by
Christopher Lakara sj & EPW, Vol XXXIII No.44, October 31 - November 6,
1998}
“Geographical
The geographical sense of the word Jharkhand refers to its physical confines. It is a
territory with some dimensions and populations, located in the southern part of the
state of Bihar. It includes 16 districts of south. Because of its special topography,
this region is called Jharkhand which literally means the forest tract. Such a name
was also given to this tract as Khokhra as far back as during the Moghul period. The
presence of the Moghul empire was extended to this region already from 1585. The
emperors had heard about precious diamonds and elephants available in the forest
tract of this region.
Socio-Cultural
The main tribes inhabiting this region are the Santhals, Oraons, Mundas, Kharias and
Hos.
There is another group of people in the Jharkhand region which is known as the
Sadans. The group includes the Nagbansis, Rawatias and a number of socio
economically backward castes and communities whose destinies are also very much
like those of the tribals.
In spite of the changes which have come in the Jharkhand social and cultural life,
there is still a persistence of the tribal culture in the region. For this reason, the land
is still known as the tribal heartland. After all, nearly 92 percent of the total number
of tribals of Bihar are residing in the Jharkhand land, and only the remaining 8
percent are found scattered in some of the districts of North Bihar.
Political
It may be recalled that this dimension of the word Jharkhand needs little explanation
more specially in the present day context. Jharkhand as a social-cultural movement
had its origin way back in 1915, although with a different name. At that stage of the
movement, this was hundred percent in the hands of the tribals, but as the time
passed and the independence movement in India was intensifying, the tribals also
began to visualise their separate political identity. It reached its highest zenith in
1938 under the name of Adivasi Mahasabha which turned into a full fledged political
party in 1950 as the Jharkhand party.
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Jg
Today, this party has been divided into many splinters, but has not given up its claim
for a separate Jharkhand state. The struggle is on to achieve the dream of a separate
state, in spite of the leaders being divided on the grounds of strategy and operation.
Jharkhand, in this sense, is a political entity which encompasses social and cultural
entity as well. Almost everybody residing in this area calls himself a Jharkhandi,
although not all show the same sentiments of the Adivasis in the region. This can be
seen in their difference of opinions and positions taken with regard to some of the
regional issues - the most critical among them being the question of displacement.
As a matter of fact, this serves as the touchstone of a real Jharkandi.
The creation of the Jharkhand Autonomous Area Council does not empower
very much for the development of the people in this region. It is still kept very much
under the control of the State Government. It is likened to a tiger without its teeth.
Bargaining is again on for a greater share of power for the Autonomous Council. In
the meantime, demand for a status of full Statehood by many political groups goes
on ceaslessly.
Background of Jharkhand
All that one knows about its leaders is that they want a Jharkhand state. Besides,
apart from the tribals, there are Sadan and other non-tribals who are among the
original inhabitants of the region. Political power has to be shared with them. The
economy is in the hands of outsiders”.
11.2 ISSUES OF JHARKHAND
{Source: Peter Tete, 1996, History of the Mission of Chhotanagpur - Facts and
Challenges for Today - Sevartham; E.P.W., Vol XXVI, No. 18, May 4, 1991 Probing the Jharkhand question - Arunabha Ghosh}
“Land and Forest
One of the great sufferings endured by the tribals in the region, for generations, has
been the alienation of their ancestral land of which they were masters from times
immemorial. Land, to them is a 'part of their socio-cultural heritage'.
Like land, forest is also intimately connected with tribals life. Forest provides the
tribals with food, fuel, fertilizer, fodder, farm implements and material equipment for
family use.
In a memorandum submitted to the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous
“land rights and
Populations in August 1987, Jharkhand leaders observed that
uwiershtp introduced by the British colonial power and adopted and implemented by the National
government after independence, the forest laws, making land andforests as commoditiesfor sale and
purchase under the money economy and marketing system have enabled outsiders, money lenders and
the Government, to grab adivasi land byfob andfoul means".
In fact, transference of tribal land in the hands of outsiders, especially money lenders
and absentee landlords, started much before the advent of the British into the region.
British colonial ruled further encouraged transfer of land from the original
inhabitants to the outsiders and also they used to auction landed property of the
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19
tribal chiefs for failing to pay their dues in time. Thus, gradually, most of the fertile
tribal lands were transferred to the 'diku' moneylenders and absentee
landlords.
With the opening up of the area to mining and industry, at the turn of the
nineteenth century, tribals were further displaced. Many of them became
landless 'coolie' labourers. Some even were driven to begging. The Tata Iron and
Steel company was set up at Jamshedpur and other industries like the Hindustan
Copper Mines, the Indian Aluminium Company, the National Coal Development
Corporation, and others, followed soon. Since Independence, with launching of the
Five Year Plans, both the Central and State Governments established heavy
industries in and around Ranchi, Rourkela, Bokaro and Hatia. Construction of
dams and hydroelectric power project engulfed thousands and thousands of
acres of land, without providing adequate compensation to the owners or
making arrangements for their proper rehabilitation. This resulted in many of
the former tribal landowners working as 'coolies' on their own land on poor wages.
Along with the big industries, ancillary industries also developed, taking away more
than 250 mines, situated in the Kolhan area of Singhbhum district, also caused largescale displacement of tribals from arable land.
Besides, both Governments have taken away sizeable portion of forest land
under the Indian Forest Act, in the name of scientific management of forests and
economic development of the nation. Such schemes are generally denounced by
tribal leaders as a part of the over-all policy to the Government to uproot the tribals
and peasants from their own land, forcing them to earn their livelihood in the urban
and industrial centres.
Immigration
The people of Chhotanagpur have witnessed steady flow of outsiders to the region
ever since the days of the Fourth Nagabanshi king, Pratap Rai, and subsequent rulers
of Mughal dynasty.
Rapid industrialisaton and development of surface
communication facilities under the British rule, further facilitated immigrants, in
increased volumes, to come and settle in the region.
This large scale influx of outsiders, mainly from north and central Bihar, not only
deprived the local people of the newly created job opportunities and training facilities
but also practically forced them to leave their own land in search of menial jobs in far
distant places like Punjab, Assam and others.
The steady influx of external population and gradual eviction of the local people
made the tribals minority in their own land. In 1891, there were only 1,00,000
outsiders and today immigrants from North and Central Bihar accounts for some 2.6
million people.
Since Independence, the Chhotanagpur area has been one of the fastest growing
area in the country in terms of population growth.
The industrial cities of Ranchi, Jamshedpur and Dhanbad and their peripheries have
simply exploded with population. The influx of outsiders has just reversed tribalnon-tribal population ratio in the region over a period of thirty years.
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The immigrants, accounting for not more than fifteen percent of the total population
of the region, thus, grabbed most of the lucrative jobs at the expense of the local
Jharkhandis. This disproportionate representation of the local people in the
industrial sector and their involvement in temporary, lowly paid and unskilled jobs
clearly proves that apart from their lack of required skill and perhaps a preference for
seasonal employment, tribals in general, were deprived of the educational and
training facilities, mostly cornered by the privileged sections of the society. They
were deliberately kept as a reserve work force of cheap, segregated, unorganised
labourers in the interest of the industrialists and business houses. De-reservation of
posts, on the plea of non-availability of qualified candidates, is a very common
occurences today, even when there are reservations for the tribals in training and jobs
under the public sector. Besides, outsider non-tribals very often deprive the genuine
scheduled tribe people by acquiring fake certificates through various unscrupulous
means.
Cultural identity
So long as the tribals maintain a safe distance from the people of the plains, they
retain their own identity and culture without much distortion. Thus, the Mundas in
Chhotapanagpur have been able to maintain their traditional social structure and
customs intact, as they are less accommodative in nature. But it is known that most
of the tribal societies, today, are neither isolated from the surrounding non-tribal
societies, nor are they free from influences of urban values and dominant religions.
Improvement in communication facilities has made tribal pockets more vulnerable to
outside influence. Such contacts with outside world have created a dilemma in the
tribal life and culture, resulting into an identity crisis for the Jharkhandis. Neither are
they able to acclimatise to the urban and alien values, nor are they in a position to
preserve and pursue their own traditional rites, rituals and customs. Thus, we find
the Oraons and Hos are gradually losing their identity because of their
accommodative nature and readiness to mix with outsiders. In the process, tribal
language, religion, customs and traditions are losing their purity and in some cases are
being submerged under the influence of forces of modernisation.
Jharkhandis, generally, are worshippers of nature. But a large-scale devastation of
forests owing to rapid industrialisation, urbanisation and unscientific mining and the
consequent social forestry schemes, planting mostly non-idigenous, quick growing
trees, have adversely affected their life pattern and religious beliefs. Traditional tribal
religions such as 'animism', 'sama dharam' nature worship are gradually being
replaced by Christianity, Hinduism and others. Changes in adivasi food habits and
festivals are also quite evident. Santhals, for instance, are abstaining from beef-eating
and seem to be less interested in celebrating 'Itesh Bapla', 'Njrbolok Bapla', 'Sanga
Bapla' and 'Bahador Bapla' as a result of their close proximity with the neighbouring
Hindu society. Possessing a very rich tradition of their own, they are thus, not only
denying themselves of a rich protein diet but also sacrificing their age old cultural
heritage. Besides, the adivasi society, traditionally known for its egalitarianism,
is being divided today on communal lines and even the hierarchical notions of
caste and class are creeping in. Agriculture is made subservient to business and
industry, literary and artistic pursuits are losing their participatory nature and
becoming more passive and observation oriented.
As a matter of fact, the tribals, unable to cope with the external pressures from all
sides, are a frustrated lot and as a natural consequence developing marks of a
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21
negative identity for themselves. They are being branded by the 'civilised' world as
'lazy bum', 'good for nothing', 'drunk' and 'criminal'. Some adivasis like the Lodhas
of Bengal and sections of the Gond in Madhya Pradesh are even described as
criminal tribes. Thus, the notions of a noble, savage and a healthy tribe are fast
becoming a myth. These signs of cultural degradation, sometimes, generate among
the tribals a common psychology of identity assertion, for their own survival.
The Jharkhand region abounds in minerals and provides a substantial portion of
India's total requirements in the field. Chhotanagpur and Santhal Parganas
though comprise only 2.5 percent of the total geographical area of our land,
nevertheless, account for more than twenty five percent of the mineral
production of the countiy. The Jharkhand region alone, comprises of onefifth of the public sector enterprises of the country. No less than 14 large-scale
industries, with investments of crores of rupees, are scattered around Singhbhum
district only. These industries produce iron and steel, copper, aluminium, uranium,
lead, mica, glass, cement and fertiliser which are essential as far as India's growth and
all round developments are concerned. But, if one looks at the development of this
region in particular, in respect of irrigation, rural electrification or road construction,
its backwardness is more than evident.
The people of this hilly terrain of south Bihar feel discriminated against the people of
the plains of northern parts of the state. The Chhotanagpur plateau, enriched
with mineral, forest and industrial resources, though contributes almost
seventy percent of the total revenue collection in Bihar, the expenditure of
revenue made in this region is a paltry 20 percent. Only five percent of the total
rural areas of south Bihar have electricity and only five kilometre road per thousand
kilometre is paved. Thus, perpetual neglect of the Chhotanagpur region by the
successive governments in Bihar, has led to mass discontent in the area.
The most disturbing feature of the development process in the region is that out of
the meagre amount of money allotted, only a small portion reaches the actually
needy. Thus, though the local people are known for their sincerity and hard work
they are sliding down below the poverty line day by day. Many of them who are
literally forced to leave the region in search for menial jobs, under the pressure of
large-scale influx of immigrant Job-seekers, nevertheless, find them in a precarious
situation as they are not treated as scheduled tribes, eligible for the developmental
benefits guaranteed under the Constitution of India. Thus, over a million tribal
people from Chhotanagpur, who had migrated to the north-eastern region of the
countiy and eventually settled there as tea plantation labourers, face an additional
discrimination. This discirmination, however, is caused by their local tribal brethren
who are not prepared to share the benefits granted to them, as scheduled tribes,
under the Constitution. Those who still remain in their ancestral lands, as unskilled
'coolie' labourers, are gradually being sandwiched into slum areas of newly developed
industrial and urban centres.
The Jharkhand movement is basically a protest movement against the exploitation of
the indigenous tribal people by the outsider 'dikus'. To quote the election manifesto
of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha in 1980, "we want Jharkhand free from exploitation;
a Jharkhand where those who work will eat and those who loot will go". The aim of
the leaders is to emancipate the area from the clutches of exploiters, moneylenders,
corrupt bureaucrats and vested interests. They describe the movement as a search
for national identity in an environment of extreme exploitation and demand "the
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22
collective right of self-determination for economic, social, cultural and political
identity of indigenous tribal people."
12. STATE-BACKED CASTE-BASED SENAS IN BIHAR
{Source: Sinha A. and Sinha I., 1996, Bihar State, Class and Sena Nexus, EPW,
XXX 1,44, 2}
" If someone is alive in Bihar, it is because nobody is interested in killing
him
-People Union for Civil Rights
“The collapse of the state and its administrative machinery has resulted in a
dual or parallel system in different spheres of Bihari social life. The collapse of
the state-run education system has led thousands of private educational institutions
to spring up throughout Bihar. Same is the fate of state-run hea’th care system.
The prime source of income for thousand ; of state employed doctors is their
private clinics and nursing homes. The state-run hospitals have become
death traps. Power supply in the state is equally ad hoc. Water of state-run water
supply system is so contaminated, especially during the monsoon that it
perpetually becomes a source of water-bcme diseases. Even the big police
force proves to be totally incapable of providing even the minh inm safety and
security to the citizens. Bihar tops in killings, kidnappings, custod al deaths in the
country. In most places, police is in connivanc e with the criminals, gangsters, and
mafia.
It is necessary to understand the twin formation of landlord's private senas and
people's self-defence guerilla squads against this background. The landlords have
been maintaining armed organisations since British days. The land owning classes
utilised their local powers in strengthening their clout in the legal constitutional
government and its administrative set-up after independence. This state of affairs
was relentlessly opposed by common people and organised left-democi atic forces in
the State.
A new development that took place in post-emergency Bihar, and in central Bihar* in
particular, was the rise of middle castes in socio-economic and politica hierarchy.
Middle castes were organised in a big way by the Samyukta Socialist Party (SSP).
Lohiaite ideology of caste-based reservations in education and government
employment was big attraction for them. They shared political power fc r the first
time in 1967 non-Congress government at the state le zel. It generated lust for more
power. They got a bigger opportunity in 1977 in Karpoori Thakur government.
The subsequent years saw tremendous consolidation uid rise of Yadav, Ktrmi, and
Koieri castes. This newly emerged power elite was aggressive against the upper
castes as well as against dalits and other underprivileged groups. Because of this,
they came into direct confrontation with the rising movement of landless, poor
peasants, mostly dalits, who were mobilised under the Naxalite leadership. It
resulted in the infamous Belchhi massacre in 1978, which prodded Indira Gandhi to
visit Belchhi in order to woo the dalits. The dalits, however, were not in a mood to
relent. In Naxalism, they found an ideolgy and politics which matched their deeprooted determination to fight for their liberation. Their struggle spread throughout
central and south-central Bihar. The extra-constitutional domain of power of the
ruling classes was grievously threatened by waves of militant peasant struggles led by
1:16 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKl\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-1 .doc
23
different Naxahte groups. Hundreds of landlords had to flee from their strongholds
towards the cities in central Bihar. It was only a tactical retreat, not a total defeat.
The state and its oppressive machinery was still intact; moreover, there was the
political and economic support of the big capitahst class together with the foreign
imperiahst powers. Conspiracies were hatched by the ruhng classes to finish off the
rising peasant movements. The result was the formation state-backed caste-based
senas: Bhumi Sena (kurmi), Lorik Sena (yadav), Brahmarshi Sena (bhumihar),
Kunwar Sena (rajput), etc. Then began the deluge of murder, mayhem and
massacres.
Central Bihar witnessed scores of massacres from Pipra onwards; but it was also
destined to witness the strength and power of revolutionary egalitarian ideology as
well. Those who did not have enough to eat and feed their children, succeeded in
defeating and Equidating most of these senas, the Bhumi Sena being the most
barbarous of them. In frenzy, the ruling classes threw away all norms of civiEty and
constitutional functioning, and the state came out openly against the downtrodden,
defending the rural rich. The blatant manifestation of this was Arwal massacre in
1986 by the poEce itself.
Rise of Ranveer Sena
It is not the first tune that Bhojpur is experiencing the formation of senas. The
forerunners of Ranveer Sena were Brahmarshi and Kunwar Sena which could not
sustain for long. Then the local ruhng classes were divided along caste Enes. The
MandaEsation of politics aggravated the conflict between the upper and the middle
castes. But, once the Mandal forces got consolidated on the poEtical map of Bihar,
the upper caste landlords initiated the process of ahgning with the Mandal forces to
counter the chaUenge of the mihtant poor. This process got momentum after Jwala
Singh, a dreaded rajput landlord and manager of Danwar Bihta carnage, joined
Janata Dal. This strategy of the ruEng classes culminated into the formation of
upper caste Ranveer Sena in 1994 with the full backing of the middle castes
and local level district administration. It is this formidable alhance which
unleashed terror in Bathani Tola to wipe out Naxalism from Bhojpur.
The formation of Ranveer Sena is indicative of class polarisation from above. This
is not a caste sena as happened to be the case with other private senas. The class
aspect is fairly pronounced in Ranveer Sena's support base and functioning.
Bhumihar and rajput caste people have never seen eye to eye and have a history of
being mutual foes throughout Bihar. They have now joined hands to form Ranveer
Sena. Further, it is the class interest which goaded the ruEng stratum of the middle
castes to extend support to the sena.
The same trend could be seen in Palamau, Patna, Gaya, Jehanabad, Aurangabad and
Nalanda. There existed internecine fights between the pathan landlords and rajput,
bhumihar and brahmin landlords in Palamau. But they forged an alhance under the
Sunhght Sena (which was formed by the Pathans) when their economic interests and
socio-pohtical authority was chaUenged by peasants fighting under Naxahte
leadership. An interesting feature of Palamau is the powerful presence of BJP, and
yet it could not tamper with the class interests of Brahmin and other upper caste
Hindu landlords of Sunhght Sena. By contrast, the poor and backward Muslim
groups are united with the poor Hindu caste fellows and dahts under Naxahte
leadership.
1:16 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKl\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-1 .doc 24
Similar is the case with the Kisan Sangha of Magadh range in central Bihar, which is
an armed organisation composed of criminal elements and their political masters
from yadav, kurmi, bhumihar and rajput castes. It was formed allegedly at the
behest of ex-union minister for chemicals and fertilisers, Ram Lakhan Singh Yadav.
Caste feuds have given way to class collaboration.
Table 16: Chronology of Massacres in Bhojpur District
Date
No. of deceased
Nov 24, 1989
Nov 24, 1989
5(M)
17
(5F+C+M)
14 (M)
June
23,
1991
Mar 17, 1994
Apr 4, 1995
July 25, 1995'
Aug 3, 1995
Feb 7, 1996
Mar 9, 1996
Apr 22, 1996
May 4, 1996
May
19,
1996
May
25,
1996
July 11, 1996
1997
Village
(massacre took
place)
Danwar bihta
Danwar bihta
Police Station
Deceased
(belonged to)
Killers
Time
Tarai
Tarai
Others
IPF
1PF
Others
Day
Night
Deo Sahiyara
Tarai
CPI-ML
Others
Night
7 (1F+6M)
3(M)__________
6(M)__________
6 (M) (Fishermen)
Narhi
Khopira
Sarathua
Nirpur
Sahar
Sandesh
Udwantnagar
Krishnagarh
CPI-ML
CPI-ML
CPI-ML
CPI-ML
Day
Night
Night
Night
4(M)
3(M)
5©
9(M)
3 (2F+1M)
Gandi
Fitalpuri
Nonaur
Narhi
Narhi
Charpokhari
Chauri
Sahar
Sahar
Sahar
CPI-ML
CPI ML
CPI-ML
Rai veer Sena
CR-ML
Police
Ranveer Sena
Ranveer Sena
Ranveer
Ganga Sena
Ranveer Sena
Ranveer Sena
Ranveer Sena
CPI-ML
Ranveer Sena
Night
Night
Night
Day
: Day
3(1C+2M)
Yarath
Udwantnagar
CP -ML
Ranveer Sena
Day
19 (10F+8C+1M)
Bathani
Nahaur
Haibvaspur
Bathe
Lakhmanpur
Shankarbigha
Narayanpur
Tola Chauri
CP:-ML
Dafits
Ranveer Sena
Ranver Sena
Day
Day
Dalits
Rar.veer Sena
Dai'.ts
Dalts
Ranveer Sena
CPI-ML
Ranveer Sena
Ranveer Sena
Night
62
Dec 1997
9
Jan 1998
21
Jan 25, 1999
12 (5F+3C+4M)
Feb 10, 1999_______________
(besides four children traceless)
Night
Night
Note: F - Female, M - Male, C - Child
{Source: EPW, Vol. XXXI, No.44, Nov. 2,1996}
“An estimated 281 people have been killed in Bihar so far in attacks by the Ranbir Sena”
- The Indian Express
13. POLITICAL ANALYSIS AND ELECTION TRENDS OF BIHAR BASED
ON GENERAL ELECTIONS, 1996
{Source: Extract from Binoy S. Prasad ,EPW; Vol. XXXII No.47, November 22-28,
1997 }
Caste and social factions continue to play a major role in elections in Bihar. In the
absence of concrete political agendas, these influences get further reinforced and
elections have become a means of establishing a phoney social dominance by caste
groups. This is also why no one pattern of alignment of social forces is clearly
discernible as consistent. The distinct political culture of the state where the
majority of voters are illiterate but politically alert, has contributed to the violent and
corrupt nature of elections in Bihar.
There were a number of developments that provided an interesting backdrop to the
1996 Lok Sabha election in Bihar. Just a year before the election to the Vidhana
1:16 PMC:\OFFlCE\NETWORK!\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-1.doc 25
Sabh. (the state legislative assembly) had established the chief minister of Bihar
1996 was a retrial of the political alliance of the social groups: the other backward
casts (OBC) especially the yadavs, Muslims, and dalits so successfullygorged under
h leXt oTtZ. Evidently, with the kurmis and the OBCs breakmg away
from the alliance and their alignment with the BJP and other small forward caste
parties, the political equation had changed considerably.
Alliance System and Election Trends
{Source: “Bihar State, Class and ‘Sena’ Nexus by Arvind Sinha and Indu Sinha,
EPW, Vol XXXI, No.44, Nov. 2, 1996}
BJP-Samata Alliance
Dal under Laloo's leadership was the
The major factor for the upset of the Janata
alliance of the BJP and the Samata Party which claimed 24 out of 54 seats. In south
Bihar, i.e., Chhotanagpur-Santhal Pargana area (also identified as the Jharkhand
region), the BJP-Samata alliance had a clean sweep. It bagged 12 out of 14 Lok
Sabha seats.
The BJP alliance had a positive swing of 12 percent votes in Bihar compared to its
national swing of over 2.7 percent only. For the BJP, the national percentage o
votes increased from 20.8 percent in 1991 to 23.5 percent in 1996. Despite national
reverses of the Congress party and resurgence of the BJP, the national percen age
votes for the Congress still remained higher (28.1 percent) than the BJP ( .
percent). In the 'first-past-the-post' election system, there is always an ambiguous
relationship between the percentage of votes secured and the number of seats
earned In 1991, the BJP nationally added 40 seats to its total without furth
addition to its shLre of votes. This time around, the BJP was a beneficiary of an
electoral system they had been criticising for so long.
The BJP's positive swing votes of 12 percent was largely on account of its^ally, the
Samata Party and voters' disillusionment with the Government of Laloo Prasad
YAdav (hSafter mentioned as Laloo) and the main opposition in Bihar he
Congress In triangular or multi-cornered contests, the alliance worked out by the
W and the Samata paid rich dividends. The BJP was able to convert its own
Sditional votes into seats. Earlier, the BJP did not have enough strength on its
own to clrim as many number of seats. The alliance was a shot in the arm for the
BTP and therefore, it could spread its influence in the north and the central part ot
X in a ise, the nation^ average of votes for the BJP (23.5 percent), worked
out on the basis of votes secured nationally didn't present the whole picture about
the BJP For example, in its own belt, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Delhi o
Himachal Pradesh, the BJP and allies added 5 percent votes to their share of votes
secured in 1991. That accounted for more seats for the BJP than the Congress.
l:16PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKI\Nitty-gritty of Bihar-l.doc 26
JD-Left Alliance
In 1996, the JD-Left alliance had lost its momentum primarily because of the
absence of National Front, a kind of joint front of non-Congress and non-BJP
parties that they had in 1990. Secondly, the popularity of the Janata Dal under
Laloo's presidentship had deteriorated a lot. Thirdly, it was clear that the party did
not work hard to expand its base. All these affected the alliance. Out of the 44 Lok
Sabha seats the Janata Dal contested, leaving eight seats to the seats to the CPI and
two to the CPI(M), Laloo fielded 17 of his sitting MLAs including five cabinet
ministers. As many as seven of the 17 MLAs were defeated.
The election of the 10 Janata Dal MLAs to the Lok Sabha rendered the Janata Dal
government four seats short of a majority in the 324-member state legislative
assembly. The Janata Dal had 169 MLAs. The immediate fallout was that like in the
previous state legislature (1990-95), Laloo's government depended on alliance
partners, the CPI and the CPI(M) which had 23 and six members respectively. The
other evidence of the unpopularity of Laloo and the JD was that along with the 1996
Lok Sabha election, there were by-elections to four Assembly seats. The Janata Dal
couldn't win a single seat.
Furthermore, in the by-elections held for 10 seats to the Vidhan Sabha (legislative
assembly) that took place on October 11, 1996 (i.e, after the Lok Sabha elections),
the BJP-Samata Party combine wrested four seats respectively. There were
indications in some cases that Laloo could not secure votes of his own caste, yadav,
for the Dal nominees belonging to the non-yadav castes. That clearly meant that for
the first time after 1990, Laloo could not take the votes for yadavs for granted at
least for non-yadav candidates sponsored by him. Three assembly seats had fallen
vacant following departure of the three MLAs who were elected to the Lok Sabha in
May 1996 and became prime minister Deve Gowda's union ministers also, they
were Kanti Singh, Raghubansh Prasad Singh and Chandradeo Prasad Verma who
represented Piro, Belsand and Paliganj assembly constituencies respectively. In none
of these three assembly constituencies could Laloo's candidate win. Belsand and
Paliganj seats went to BJP-Samata nominees and Piro was wrested by Shivanand
Tiwardi, the general secretary of the Samata Party, Lovely Anand, wife of Anand
Mohan Singh, a Samata Party MP snatched the Navi Nagar assembly constituency
from the Janata Dal. Laloo had put up Bhima Yadav as the JD candidate who was
trounced by Lovely Anand with a comfortable margin of more than 7,000 votes.
Anand Mohan Singh, a raj put tough, was the founder of Bihar People's Party (BPP),
largely a rajput outfit. The BPP later merged with the Samata party. An alliance
could thus be seen emerging between (a) the forward castes and the tradesmen
(usually the banias) represented by the BJP, (b) the non-yadav middle castes like
koeri, kurrni and mahato under the Samata Party, and (c) a section of the rajputs
represented by the Bihar People's party. In the assembly by-elections, a steady
erosion in Laloo's electoral base was noticeable.
The alliance partners of the Janata Dal - the CPI and the CPI(M) - felt that Laloo
conducted himself too much like a big brother and settled the adjustment of seats
with a strong arm. The communist parties were extending support to Laloo's
government before and after the 1996 election because their national leadership
directed them to do so. The rank and file of the local party units were, however,
very unhappy about Laloo's style of handling the alliance. In 1991, the CPI had won
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27
eight Lok Sabha seats and the CPI(M) one. In 1996, they asked for more
constituencies. In particular, the CPI was very keen on having Jamshedpur but was
denied the constituency. The two communist parties were alloted eight and two
seats respectively.
One could debate the merits of the claims and counterclaims of these adjustments of
seats, the fact that the Janata Dal and the CPI supporters were not working in
unison was manifested in five constituencies where the alliance lost. They were
Buxar, Motihari, Munger, Hazaribagh and Nalanda. The winner in all these
constituencies was the BJP-Samata Party allliance. Likewise, the CPI(M) lost
Nawadah, the only seat to its account in 1991. The CPI(M) cadre also complained
of non-cooperation on the part of the Janata Dal workers. The lack of effectiveness
of local level alliance was usually because of the presence of rebel candidates or
independent candidates cutting into the votes of the majority castes. As we will see
later, the CPI and CPI(M) paid the price for insincerity and indifference on the part
of the Janata Dal.
Janata Dal and CPI(ML)
The CPI(ML) led by Vinod Mishra, which had earlier extended support to the
formation of Laloo’s government in 1990, was also disillusioned by the chief
minister because his administration had failed 'to curb violence and atrocities against
its mass bases and cadres'. The CPI(ML), therefore, decided to switch its support to
the Samata Party. From the ideological standpoint of the CPI(ML), the Samata
Party was not fundamentally different from the Janata Dal in its political and social
outlook. The Samata Party, with its support base among the kurmi and koeri castes,
was just like Laloo's Janata Dal which had yadavs consolidated behind it. Koeris and
kurmis along with the yadavs were all members of the OBCs and a vast segment of
which was the most formidable upcoming section of the Bihar rural society. Their
landed interest had been behind instigation and killings in some of the most
infamous cases of political violence. Their movement up the socio-economic ladder
had been at the expense of the landless harijans, tribal people or extremely backward
castes (EBCs). The CPI(ML), therefore, should have maintained equal distance
from both the Janata Dal and the Samata Party. But the exigencies of electoral
politics demanded the CPI(ML) too had an alliance partner. In terms of seats,
however, the CPI(ML) drew a blank.
Congress: No Alliances, Poor Performance
It is remarkable that the Congress did not have an alliance partner in 1996. In
1970s, the Communist Party of India always had seat adjustments with the
Congress(I). Since the JD did not have an alliance with the Jharkhand Mukti
Morcha, the Congress should have worked out a tactical alliance with the JMM, a
party of the inhabitants of the Chhotanagpur-Santhal Pargana region. After all, the
JMM MPs did vote for the motion supporting P.V. Narasimha Rao in 1992. In fact,
before the 1996 election both the Congress and the JMM were discredited to a great
extent. The Congress won Begusarai, the lone Lok Sabha seat and a woman MP in
1991. In 1996, Begusarai was lost to Ramendra Kumar, an independent.
In numerical terms, the Congress doubled its strength in 1996 by winning two seats.
The credibility of the Congress as a national party was all time low since 38 of its 53
candidates in the field forfeited their deposit. Whereas in eight constituencies
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28
(Buxar, Chapra, Siwan, Motihari, Bettiah, Barh, Hajipur and Kishanganj) the
Congress had less than 10,000 votes. In Maharajganj, the party polled just a little
over 2,000. Many leading stalwarts like Ram Lakhan Singh Yadav (Arrah), Krishna
Sahi (Begusarai), Dhanik Lal Mandal (Jhanjharpur), Ramesh Thakur (Bhagalpur) and
S.N. Sinha (Aurangbad) lost the election.
Compared to its performance in 1991, the Congress in Bihar achieved a negative
swing of votes in 1996 which was around 13 percent. This was against the national
negative swing of over 8 percent. The national percentage of votes for the Congress
(28.1 percent) in 1996 was against 36.5 percent in 1991. The percentage of votes
polled by the Congress was well below 30 in Bihar. Below the critical level of 30
percent mark, votes cannot easily be translated into seats unless there is a multi
cornered contest.
Bihar, therefore, joined Uttar Pradesh in the list of those states where the Congress
had been marginalised. In Assam, Haiyana, and Karnataka, the Congress was on the
brink of being marginalised. In all, there were 92 Lok Sabha seats it 1991 where the
Congress finished third or below. This time around, the number rose to 144. In
almost every election held so far, split in non-Congress votes always helped the
Congress. In 1996, the spht factor did not favour the Congress except in Andhra
Pradesh.
Laloo’s Reverses: Some Explanations
The unprecedented victory of the JD at the assembly election of 1995 had created an
invincible image of Laloo. That image was negated by the votes of Bihar within a
year. One of the major reasons for the reverses of the JD was that in Bihar, with the
change of parties in power, the repressive nature of the government had never
changed. Laloo's government sought to survive on the ideology of 'social justice'
which would have mobilised the OBCs, workers, dalits and women. But during the
JD government the demands of the peasants continued to be ignored and their
agitations were suppressed in the areas of Bhojpur, Gaya, Jehanabad, Aurangabad,
and Palamau. There was no let up in the ongoing conflict between peasant
organisations and land-owning class. Peasant-worker organisations were banned
while the private armies of land-owning class were allowed to gain in strength.
Women who constituted almost half of the population of Bihar were ignored. The
Women s Commission, which was set up with representation from various mass
womens' organisations never took off.
Laloo had to depend largely on Ins own charisma to rally people around himself or
at best on the manipulation of caste equation, mainly the alliance of the Muslims and
yadavs. Twelve out of 44 JD tickets were given to the candidates of the yadav caste
alone. The share of the yadavs, therefore, worked out to a little more than 27
percent. The share of the yadavs in the population of Bihar is about 12.5 percent.
In other words, more than one out eveiy four Lok Sabha candidates of the Janata
Dal was a yadav. Many of Laloo's handpicked candidates did not have a clean public
image. Atleast 17 of them were members of the current legislative assembly who
had not even sought party tickets.
Laloo s administration did not deal with the problem of violence on the weaker
section. His first term did witness the 'Tiskhora massacre' near Patna where
1:16 PMC:\OFFICE\NETWORKI\Nitty-grittyof Bihar-1 .doc 29
criminals hired by yadav landlords killed 11 harijans. Laloo, who had earned the
reputation of personally visiting the violence-affected areas, was found wanting in
taking action against the culprits. Added to this was the poor economic
performance of Laloo's government which was getting involved deeper in
corruption, the animal husbandry scandal being the leading one.
PRESENT SITUATION AND EVENTS IN BIHAR
When Laloo was chargesheeted in the fodder scam by the CBI, he resigned from the
post of chief minister and succeeded to make his wife the Chief Minister of Bihar.
In Laloo’s Bihar, a cognizable offence is committed every four seconds, a murder
every two hours, a kidnapping for ransom every three hours, and a rape every six
hours, while looting of the treasury is a round-the-year activity. Sheer lack of
governance has seen, among other things, extremists and private armies of feudal
landlords establishing parallel administration in nine of the State’s 55 districts.
During the campaign for the last Lok Sabha elections, Samata party leader, George
Fernandes and Nitish Kumar had exhorted voters to cast their ballots for the BJPled alliance, saying “if the BJP-led alliance is voted to power, the RJD Government
will be thrown out within 72 hours”.
It has taken somewhat longer. On February 10, 1999, the news of the Narainpur
massacre reached Delhi, the Union Cabinet decided that the time had finally come to
sign the Rabri Government ’s death warrant. As in September last year, when the
Central Government first recommended President ’s rule in the State - which
President K.R. Narayanan had rejected in his recommendation. Soon after the
massacre of Narainpur on 10 Februaty 1999, the Union Cabinet decided to send a
recommendation to the President seeking dismissal of the Rabri Government and
since it is the second time of the Union Cabinet’s recommendation, President K.R.
Narayanan approved it, without any clarifications. On Februaiy 12th, 1999, the Rabri
Devi government was dismissed and the Assembly kept under suspended animation.
Now, Bihar is under President’s rule.
Source: India Today, 22nd February, 1999
14. AVAILABILITY OF EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES
The availability of education is very important for the improvement of health and
family welfare. Women with a high school education have fewer and healthier
children than illiterate women.
Most of the sample villages in Bihar have access to some form of educational facility
(see Table 17). The majority of villages (69 percent) have a primary school located
within the village, and three-fourths (78 percent) of the villages have a middle school
either within the village or within 5 km of the village. The median distance of
villages from a secondary school is 4 km and from a higher secondary school is 6
km. However, colleges are located quite far from the villages, at a median distance
of almost 13 km. Fifty-six percent of the villages are 10 or more km from the
nearest college.
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3Q
Table 17: Distance from nearest educational facility
Percent distribution of villages according to distance from nearest educational facility, Bihar, 1993
Educational facility
Primary school
Middle school
Within village
69.2
31.3
7.8
2.6
< 5 km
22.5
46.6
48.9
26.3
5-9 km
8.2
20.2
34.2
25.8
13.6
0.1
0.3
9.1
28.5
56.3
13.8
0.4
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median distance
0.0
2.5
3.9
5.9
12.8
Distance
10+ km
Secondary school
Higher secondary school
1.6
Don’t know/missing
College
29.6
Less than 0.05 percent
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
Table 18 shows school attendance rates for the school-age household population, by age,
sex and residence. The table focuses on children age 6-14, because the Indian
Constitution established a goal of providing free and compulsory education for children
through age 14. In the state as a whole, only 51 percent of children age 6-14 attend
school. In backward districts, the school attendance rate is much higher for males than
for females. School attendance rates by sex in the state as a whole are 64 percent for
males and 38 percent for females age 6-14, School attendance is also higher in urban
areas (77 percent) than in rural areas (47 percent) and backward districts (50 percent).
Table 18: School attendance
Percentage of the de-facto household population age 6-14 years attending school by age, sex and residence, Bihar, 1993
Female
Male
Total
Age
Urban
Rural
Total
Backward
districts
6-10
83.0
57.0
60.6
58.0
69.3
34.0
38.5
39.77
76.5
45.7
49.9
49.3
11.-14
86.2
64.9
68.8
65.1
65.6
33.0
37.9
36.6
77.1
49.1
53.8
51.7
6-14
84.3
59.8
63.6
60.5
67.8
33.6
38.3
38.6
76.7
46.9
51.3
50.1
Urban
Rural
Total
Backward
districts
Urban
Rural
Total
Backward
districts
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
Table 19 : Female Literacy Rate
India
Kerala (H)
Rajasthan (L)
Bihar
39%
86%
20%
23%
HtHighesl; L: Lowest
Source: Registrar General of India, Census of India, 1991
15. AVAILABILITY OF HEALTH FACILITIES
The availability of health facilities either within or close to a village is critical to the
health and well-being of village mothers and their children. Table 20 to 26 shows
the distance of villages from the nearest health facility as well as the percentage of
ever-married women in rural areas who have access to the facilities. Nearly 42
percent of all sample villages in Bihar have some form of health facility within the
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31
village. Eighteen percent have a sub-centre within the village, the same percentage
as have a hospital. Fifteen percent have a dispensary/clinic, but only 4 percent of
villages have a Primary Health Centre within the village and 31 percent have the
nearest one located at a distance of atleast 10 km. Seventy-three percent of the
villages have a sub-centre within the village or withn 5 km of the village. Forty-two
percent of villages have the nearest hospital located 10 or more km away.
The median distance of villages to a sub-centre is almost 3 km, while the median
distance to a Primary Health Centre is 7 km. The median distance of villages from a
hospital is 7 km.
The percent distribution of ever-married women according to the distance to the
nearest health facility mirrors the distribution of villages. Sixty-two percent of evermarried women have access to a health facility within their village and the most
common facility is a sub-centre (43 percent). Most women (52 percent would have
to travel 10 or more km to a hospital.
Table 20 : Medical Practitioners registered - 1992
All India
Maharashtra (H)
Haryana (L)
Bihar
410,875
51,895
685
27,057
H: Highest; L: Lowest
Source: CMIE, 1996
Table 21: Medical Facilities - 1991-92
Indra _______
Maharashtra (H)
Orissa (L)_____
Bihar
Dispensaries
No. of hospital beds
596,203
78,920
14,494
29,090
Hospitals
13,692
3,115
254
328
27,403
8,143
________232
427
Dispensary Beds
25,173
1,629
135
96
Primary Health Centre
20,719
1,625
996
2,207
H: Highest; L: Lowest
Source : CMIE, 1997.
Table 22 : Rural Primary Health Care Infrastructure and Average Population covered
Centre
No.
Population covered in ‘000
Sub-centre
14799
5.1
Primary Health Centres
2209
34.0
Community Health Centres
148
510
Table 23 : Number of training schools
ANM/MPW
33
LHV/AHA
21
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32
Table 24 : Number of hospitals and beds to rural and urban areas, 1993
Rural
Total
Urban
Hospitals
Beds
Hospitals
Beds
Hospitals
Beds
328
29090
100
3018
228
26072
Table 25 : Hospitals run by Private and Voluntary Organisations and
Government Hospitals
Private/Voluntary Organisation
Hospitals
Govt, run hospitals
Hospitals
Beds
Hospitals
Beds
90
8519
237
20522
Source of Table 22 - 25: Health Monitor, 1995
Table 26: Distance from nearest health facility
Percent distribution of villages and ever-married women age 13-49, according to distance from nearest health facility, Bihar, 1993
Health facility
Distance
Primary Health
Centre
Sub-centre
Either PHC /
Sub-centre
Within village
3.7
17.7
<5 KM
35.2
5-9 KM
29.7
/
Hospital
Dispensary
clinic
Any
facility
18.5
18.6
14.8
41.9
55.1
57.6
26.6
44.2
35.5
20.9
22.2
13.3
19.1
21.8
10* km
30.9
3.4
1.7
41.5
12.3
0.8
Don’t
know/missing
0.4
2.9
health
Villages
9.5
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median
distance
7.3
2.5
2.4
7.2
2.9
1.5
Within village
6.4
43.3
44.3
11.8
27.7
62.0
< 5km
26.7
38.4
39.8
16.6
28.2
24.3
5-9 km
34.2
14.7
14.7
20.1
20.6
12.7
10’ km
32.8
2.8
1.1
51.5
17.9
1.0
Ever- Married Women
5.7
0.8
Don’t’
know/missing
Total percent
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Median
Distance
7.5
1.2
1.1
10.4
3.1
0.8
Less than 0.05 percent
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
16. AVAILABILITY OF OTHER FACILITIES AND SERVICES
Health personnel are also very important for the provision of health services to
mothers and their children. Table 27 indicates the availability of health personnel
within the villages. Only 18 percent of the villages have a village health guide, on ly
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33
15 percent have trained birth attendant, and less than 2 percent have a mobile health
unit or have been visited by a mobile health unit.
Table 27 also details the availability of various other facilities and services in the
villages. About one third of all the villages (32 percent) are electrified. Among the
government rural development programmes in India, the most important is the
Integrated Rural Development Programme, but it exists in only 35 percent of the
villages in Bihar. Only 6 percent of the villages have National Rural Employment
Programme (NREP), 5 percent have Training tne Youth for Self-Employment
(TRYSEM), and 2 percent have the Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS). One in
seven villages have an Anganwadi centre ( a preschool child care centre under the
Integrated Rural Development scheme), 9 percent have adult education classes, 8
percent have Jana Shikshana Nilayam (post-literacy adult education centre) and 6
percent have youth clubs. Only 1 percent of them have Mahila Mandal (women's
club). One-fourth of the villages have some type of cooperative society. Shops or
markets are more common, but are not available in most villages. A little less than
one-fifth of villages (19 percent) have a fair price shop and 24 percent have a market
or other type of shop. Only 10 percent have a bank and 25 percent have a post
office.
Table 27 : Availability of facilities and services
Percentage of villages selected facilities and services, Bihar, 1993
Facility/service
Percentage
Anganwadi
Adult education classes
Jana Shikshana Nilayani
13.6
Village health guide
Trained birth attendant
Mobile health unit
18.3
15.3
1.6
Electricity
Bank
__________
Cooperative society_________________________
Agriculture cooperative society_________________
Milk cooperative society______________________
Post office _______________________________
Market/shop________________ __
Fair price shop
Maliila Mandal_____________________________
Youth club________________________________
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
31.8
10.2
10.9
12.5
1.7
24.7
24.2
19.2
1.2
5.8
34.9
National Rural Employment Prgramme (NREP)
Training the Youth for Self-employment (TRYSEM)
Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS)
“63
8.7
7.6
4.7
2.0
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
17. MORBIDITY
Table 28 shows the prevalence of the five health conditions among the household
population living in each place of residence by age and by sex. Partial or complete
blindness, with the highest incidence, affects 28 per 1,000 population. Malaria
follows next, afflicting 14 per 1,000 population during the three months prior to the
survey. Physical impairment of the limbs affects 7 per 1,000, 6 per 1,000 have
tuberculosis and 1 per 1,000 have leprosy.
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34
Table 28 : Morbidity
Number of persons per 1,000 usual residents in the household suffering from blindness, tuberculosis, leprosy, physical impairment of
the limbs and malaria according to age, sex and residence, Bihar, 1993
Number of persons per 1,000 suffering from:
Demographic
Characteristic
Blindness
Partial
TB
Leprosy
Complete
Physical
Impairment
limbs
of
Malaria during
the last three
months
Number
usual
residents
URBAN
Age
0- 14
2.3
13.1
2.8
0.4
6.6
9.6
1718
15-59
19.4
2.2
5.3
1.7
5.6
6.5
2565
60^
150.8
7.1
4.7
1.3
6.9
7.4
4562
Male
16.3
9.0
4.2
1.6
7.5
5.6
2410
Female
26.3
5.0
5.1
0.9
6.3
9.4
2152
6.9
7.4
4562
Sex
Total
21.0
7.1
4.7
1.3
RURAL
Age
0-14
3.1
6.2
1.7
0.4
7.2
12.0
10636
15 - 59
20.2
1.5
8.8
1.5
5.9
17.5
12576
W
159.0
13.3
14.5
3.7
15.6
23.0
1822
Male
21.5
4.0
7.1
1.8
8.5
16.4
12721
Female
24.6
4.7
5.2
0.6
5.7
14.6
12312
Total
23.0
4.4
6.2
1.2
7.2
15.5
25033
0.4
7.1
11.6
12354
Sex
TOTAL
Age
0- 14
3.0
7.2
1.8
15-59
20.0
1.6
8.2
1.6
5.8
15.6
15140
60'
157.9
13.7
13.8
3.6
16.3
20.3
2102
Male
20.6
4.8
6.6
1.8
8.4
14.77
15131
Female
24.9
4.8
5.2
0.7
5.8
13.8
14464
Total
22.7
4.8
5.9
1.2
7.1
14.3
29596
Sex
BACKWARD DISTRICTS
Age
0-14
4.1
4.5
1.7
0.8
8.6
12.2
1868
15-59
21.9
2.7
14.3
2.9
8.6
18.8
2250
181.4
14.6
13.3
7.0
15.8
27.1
325
Male
20.9
5.7
10.6
2.9
10.5
17.4
2277
Female
31.6
2.9
7.2
1.7
7.7
15.8
2166
Total
26.1
4.3
8.9
2.3
9.
16.6
4433
Sex
Source: National Family Health Survey, 1998
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35
of
Partial and Complete Blindness
The overall prevalence of partial blindness is 23 per 1,000 population (Table 8.1),
with slight variation by place of residence. Partial blindness increases sharply with
age from 3 per 1,000 persons age 0-14 to 20 per 1,000 persons age 15-59 and 158
per 1,000 persons age 60 and over. The high prevalence among older persons, by
far the largest differential displayed for any of these morbidity data, is particular^
striking. Overall, females are substantially more prone to partial blindness than
males despite the fact that there are proportionally more males than females in the
older age groups where the prevalence of partial blindness is the highest. Overall,
the prevalence for females is 25 per 1,000 compared with 21 per 1,000 for males.
The overall level of compelte blindness is reported to be higher among urban
residents (7 per 1,000) than rural residents (4 per 1,000). Females are slightly more
prone to complete blindness than males in rural areas and less prone than males in
urban areas, complete blindness is more than eight times as prevalent among
persons over age 60 as among persons age 15-59. Complete blindness is higher
among persons age 0-14 than among persons age 15-59, and the difference is
significant. The overall prevalence of partial blindness in backward districts is the
highest among all areas (26 per 1,000), but the age-sex differentials are similar to
those of the state as a whole.
Malaria
The overall level of malaria in the three months prior the survey was 14 per 1,000.
The prevalence is substantially lower in urban areas (7 per 1,000) than in rural areas
(16 per 1,000). In urban areas, the prevalence of malaria is higher for females (9 per
1,000) than for males (6 per 1,000) whereas slightly the opposite is true in rural areas
(16 per 1,000 for males compared with 15 per 1,000 for females). The overall level
of malaria in backward districts is 17 per 1,000.
There are more substantial but still rather small differences in prevalence among age
groups. The prevalence of malaria is highest for those age 60 an over (20 per 1,000)
and lowest for those age 0-14 (12 per 1,000). Since the prevalence of malaria is
known to vary considerably by season, the NHFS estimates should not be taken to
represent the typical level throughout the year. The fieldwork was conducted during
the dry season when malaria rates are expected to be relatively low.
Tuberculosis
The overall prevalence of tuberculosis is 6 per 1,000, with some variation by place
of residence and sex. Age differences are marked, with values of 2 per 1,000 for
persons age 0-14, 8 per 1,000 for those age 15-59, and 14 per 1,000 for those age.60
and over. In backward districts, the overall prevalance of tuberculosis is higher at 9
per 1,000 than in the countiy as a whole.
Leprosy
The reported prevalence of leprosy is only 1 per 1,000. The prevalence is more than
twice as high among males as among females and is higher among persons age 60
and over than among others.
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36
Physical Impairment of the Limbs
The overall prevalence of persons with physically Impaired limbs is 7 per 1,000.
Female prevalence is 6 per 1,000 in all residence groups. Males have slightly higher
prevalence, 8 per 1,000. There is little difference in prevalence by age under age 60,
but those age 60 and over are more than twice as likely to have physically impaired
limbs as others.
18. STATUS OF WOMEN
Although there has been some progress in education in recent years, the literacy rate
and educational attainment of women age 13-49 is still low, with more than threequarters of them illiterate. The education of women can play a major role in shaping
the attitudes and behaviour of women. Educational attainment is strongly associated
with every important variable considered in the NFHS, including age at marriage,
fertility behaviour, current use of family planning, demand for family planning, ideal
number of children, wanted fertility rate, utilization of antenatal care services, receipt
of tetanus toxoid injections and iron and folic acid tablets, delivery in a health
facility, delivery in a health facility, delivery by trained attendants, vaccination of
children against six serious but preventable diseases, knowledge and ever use of ORS
packets, infant and child mortahty and the nutritional status of children. The status
of women in Bihar is quite low and there is ample evidence of discrimination against
women in several respects such as lower female literacy, lower school attendance
rate for girls age 6-14, sex ratio unfavourable to women, low level of female
employment, relatively low age at marriage, higher female child mortality rates, and
lower vaccination rates for female children. Thus programmes to elevate the status
of women in Bihar are needed. In particular, increasing the school enrollment and
educational levels of girls and young women is important for reducing fertility,
increasing family planning use and improving maternal child health.”.
Table 29: Money spent for daughter’s marriage
Percent distribution of ever-married women by the amount generally spent for a daughter’s marriage (not including dowry) by background
characteristics, Bihar, 1993)
Money spent on marriage (in rupees)
1 5000j—25000
——
Don’t know
Total percent
50000+
<5000
5000
10000
None
Background
<14999
<49999
<24999
<10000
characteristic
Residence
9.)
100.0
31.7
9.7
14.1
13.6
15.5
6.2
0.2
Urban_____
100.0
13.9
10.5
13.8
10.0
20.3
11.3
20.1
Rural____________ 0.2
100.0
10.4
10.7
12.6
9.8
23.1
20.2
13.2
Backward districts
Education
100.0
14.6
7.1
13.3
9.3
21.7
21.3
12.5
0.1
Illiterate
100.0
6.9
18.4
28.3
18.5
4.7
9.0
13.8
0.4
Lit.<mid.
Complete
100.0
33.8
4.1
19.0
17.0
2.4
10.0
12.9
school 0.8
Middle
complete________
100.0
44.1
10.1
17.8
11.5
10.1
2.2
3.9
High school and 0.2
above___________
Religion________
100.0
12.9
14.1
11.3
12.9
18.7
18.3
11.5
0.2
Hindu__________
14.1
100.0
8.5
11.3
18.7
17.1
25.0
5.4
Muslim_________
14.4
100.0
9.0
12.1
7.9
24.7
17.8
12.0
Other___________ 2.1
Caste/tribe______
100.0
5.7
14.8
18.4
8.9
6.1
23.4
22.7
Scheduled caste
100.0
3.1
18.3
3.5
7.6
27.3
20.5
18.9
0.8
Scheduled tribe
12.4
100.0
15.0
19.4
15.0
12.6
17.1
8.3
0.1
Other
100.0
13.1
13.1
11.2
19.4
13.8
18.6
10.6
0.2
Total
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
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37
Table 29 also presents the distribution of ever-married women by the amount spent on
the marriage of daughters by background characteristics of the respondents. Residents
of urban areas and families of more educated women spend higher amounts on the
marriage of daughters than others, and families of scheduled caste and scheduled tribe
women spend less on the marriage of daughters than others.
Table 30 presents information on the cash paid as a dowry by background characteristics.
A little more than one-tenth of ever-married women (11 percent) said that no cash is
generally given as dowry in the daughter's marriage and 12 percent stated that they do
not know. Among those who said that cash was given as a dowiy, 32 percent gave less
than Rs. 10,000, 37 percent gave Rs.10,000 to 24,999 and 31 percent gave Rs.25,000 or
more.
Urban residents (13 percent) and women with at least a high school educaiton (14
percent) are more likely to state that no dowry is given than rural and less educated
women. Among women of other religions and scheduled tribe women, two-thirds
reported that no dowry is given. Urban residents (45 percent) and those with at least a
high school education (58 percent) are also more likely to report that more than
Rs.25,000 in cash is given as dowry in a daughter's marriage.
In addition to cash, it is also customary to present various commodities to a daughter as
part of the dowry. Table 20 shows the percentage of ever-married women by the items
generally given as dowry to the daughter at the time of marriage. The most common
items given are radios or transistors (66 percent), cycles (65 percent) and utensils (64
percent). Twenty-nine percent said that generally in their families furniture such as cots,
chairs, sofa sets, dining tables, and cupboards are given to daughters at marriage. Twelve
percent said that items such as televisions, VCRs or VCPs are given and 11 percent
stated that cars, scooters or motorbikes are given. Less than 50 grams or more of gold
are given as dowiy. The figures for silver are similar to those for gold.
The families in urban areas are more likely to give gold, silver, cars, scooters or
motorbikes, televisions, VCRs or VCPs and furniture; and those in rural areas are more
likely to give cycles, radios or transistors and utensils. The families of literate women are
more likely than others to give expensive items such as gold and silver, cars, scooters or
motorbikes, televisions, and VCRs or VCPs. Compared with Hindus, the Muslims are
more likely to give less expensive items. Among scheduled caste households, cycles,
radios and utensils are the most common items given. Thirty-two percent of women
belonging to scheduled tribes report that no items are given as dowry.
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TableSO: Cash paid as dowry
Percent distribution of ever-married women by the amount of cash generally paid as daughter’s dowry by background characteristics,
Bihar, 1993
Cash paid as dowry (in rupees)
No
<5000
Background
5000
Toooo
15000
25000
50000+
Don’t
Total
dowry
characteristic
<10000
<14999
<24999
<49999
know
percent
Residence
13.4
Urban
8.1
4.5
9.1
13.2
11.8
32.2
7.7
100.0
11.0
102
16.2
Rural
16.8
9.0
13.1
10.6
13.0
100.0
4.1
Backward
9.5
18.5
18.4
15.0
12.4
12.8
9.4
100.0
districts_______
Education
11.5
11.3
18.1
Illiterate
17.1
8.1
13.3
7.2
13.5
100.0
8.8
Lit.<mid.
2.9
5.9
13.0
13.4
18.4
30.0
7.6
100.0
Complete_____
10.3
1.1
Middle school
3.5
15.7
14.2
12.2
38.5
4.4
100.0
complete
14.4
1.7
High school and
3.0
4.6
8.3
12.3
46.1
9.5
100.0
above________
Religion
9.5
10.0
14.8
Hindu
15.2
12.9
10.0
15.6
11.9
100.0
15.0
Muslim_______
6.9
17.3
19.2
14.2
4.6
8.3
100.0
14.5
65.3
2.6
5.2
5.4
Other
3.8
6.4
2.9
8.2
100.0
Caste/tribe
17.9
23.4
Scheduled caste
4.5
16.9
11.8
6.5
3.4
15.6
100.0
Scheduled tribe
62.7
8.7
7.5
3.5
3.3
1.7
9.4
3.3
100.0
7.1
8.4
16.7
14.8
Other
14.0
10.8
16.0
12.1
100.0
11.4
9.4
15.0
Total
15.6
12.9
9.6
12.2
13.7
100.0
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
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39
Table 31: Items given as dowry
Percent distribution of ever-married women according to items given at the time of a daughter’s marriage by background characteristics, Bihar, 1993
“
________________ Items given as dowry
Other
None
TV,
Furniture
Utensils Radio or Cycle
Car,
Land,
Silver
Gold
Background
transistor
scooter
VCR or
house
50g+
characteristic ■<50^
50g+
or flat
or bike
VCP
Residence
7.4
41.7
22.3
49.8
57.7
22.4
35.1
27.6
2.1
51.4
3.5
52.2
3.5
Urban
Rural
Backward
districtss
Education
Illiterate
34.7
43.5
4.3
4.0
35.6
45.7
4.5
4.9
0.4
1.1
8.8
9.1
8.4
27.5
5.7
22.6
65.6
72.6
68.9
69.1
68.4
69.6
45.9
41.2
4.0
1.0
32.7
3.9
34.0
4.2
0.4
5.7
5.9
25.6
65.1
70.4
70.9
45.8
4.4
Lit.<mid.
Complete
Middle
school
complete
High school
and above
Religion
55.1
4.7
55.1
4.3
1.1
23.5
28.3
39.8
68.4
56.6
48.5
36.8
1.8
55.1
5.1
51.2
3.7
0.2
27.5
32.3
37.6
61.7
55.7
46.5
35.0
2.6
51.8
6.0
48.5
5.9
3.2
36.6
40.0
39.8
54.1
41.8
30.2
20.3
10.3
Hindu
36.9
4.1
37.6
4.1
0.7
11.6
12.7
29.0
65.8
65.7
63.5
41.6
4.2
Muslim
41.4
5.1
41.0
5.6
0.7
7.1
7.7
28.3
60.6
72.6
73.5
50.6
2.0
Other
20.8
3.0
25.5
3.0
1.0
5.6
4.5
11.4
33.9
31.3
32.8
11.0
42.7
Scheduled
caste
Scheduled
tribe
Other
20.1
2.7
21.7
3.6
0.3
7.2
6.5
24.4
67.9
72.4
73.7
48.4
1.3
9.5
0.9
12.7
1.2
3.0
1.4
13.6
49.8
48.7
50.6
20.7
32.0
42.1
4.7
42.4
4.7
0.8
12.0
13.5
30.6
65.5
67.1
64.8
43.9
2.2
Total
37.3
4.2
L__
37.9
4.4
0.7
10.8
11.8
28.6
64.4
66.2
64.5
42.5
4.5
Caste/tribe
NOTE: Total percent will not add to 100.0 due to multiple response.
Less than 0.05 percent
Source: National Family Health Survey of Bihar, 1998
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Table 32: Place of delivery
Percent distribution of live births during the four years preceding the survey by place of delivery, according to selected background
characteristics, Bihar, 1993
Place of delivery
Health
facility/institution
Background
Home
Don’t
Other
Total
Number of
characteristic
Public Private
Own
know/missing percent
Parents’
live births'
home
home
Mother’s age at birth
<10
20-34
35+
Birth order
1
2-3
4-5
6+
Residence
Urban
5.3
6.3
2.6
4.6
7.2
69.1
19.6
0.7
0.7
100.0
76.4
0.4
0.2
100.0
2.1
93.6
9.6
1.2
8.9
7.0
10.3
7.1
61.1
18.7
12.2
3.3
2.3
3.2
72.9
85.6
3.1
91.6
7.3
2.8
0.6
0.5
0.5
100.0
760
2556
245
0.4
100.0
842
0.3
100.0
1316
0.1
100.0
0.1
0.1
100.0
860
544
0.4
18.1
23.3
49.6
8.0
0.5
0.4
100.0
470
Backward districtss
4.0
5.8
3.7
2.7
80.0
75.5
11.6
15.3
0.5
0.4
0.2
0.3
100.0
100.0
3092
540
Education
Illiterate
2.6
2.1
84.0
10.7
0.4
0.2
100.0
2822
Lit.<mid. Complete
15.6
12.2
58.2
13.3
0.4
0.3
100.0
359
Middle
!school
complete
High school and
above
Religion
18.0
19.3
49.3
11.8
1.5
100.0
98
21.3
36.2
28.0
12.9
0.8
0.8
100.0
283
Hindu
6.6
7.1
74.1
11.4
0.5
0.3
100.0
2792
Muslim
2.7
3.1
83.5
10.2
0.3
0.2
100.0
703
Other
7.7
7.7
76.9
7.7
100.0
68
Scheduled caste
4.1
3.3
77.1
14.4
100.0
357
Scheduled tribe
2.5
1.4
83.2
12.9
100.0
272
Other
6.4
7.1
75.2
10.6
0.5
0.2
100.0
2934
None
1.8
1.4
84.9
11.2
0.3
0.4
100.0
2227
0.1
100.0
1035
100.0
290
100.0
3562
Rural____________
Caste/tribe
0.1
0.1
Antenatal care visits
1 - 3 visits
9.8
9.5
68.0
11.9
0.7
4+ visits
22.7
32.9
36.5
7.2
0.8
Total
5.8
L—_
6.3
76.0
11.1
0.5
"Less than 0.05 percent
0.2
1 Births in the period 1-47 months prior to the survey. Total includes 19 births for whom the information about antenatal care visits is
missing, which are not shown separately.
Source:
National
Family
Health
Survey
of
Bihar,
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1998
41
APPENDIX A
BIHAR: A PROFILE ON HEALTH
Source: Guvemment Data
1. General Information
Bihar is in North India and shares common borders with Nepal to the North, West
Bengal to the east, Orissa in the South-east, Madhya Pradesh in the South-west and
Uttar Pradesh to the West. It has an area of 173,877 km2 and a population of
86,374,465 (1991 census). The official language of the State is Hindi although there
are many Urdu and BengaE speakers. Besides, these three weU-known Indian
languages, a host of Adivasi languages are spoken. Bihar recognises 30 scheduled
tribes and 9 primitive tribes.
2. Three areas of Bihar
GeopoEticaUy, Bihar divides into three distinct areas. The Northern part of the state
is extremely poor and depends mainly on agriculture. It has feudal characteristics
with bonded labour as a feature. Child bonded labour is prevalent in the carpet
industry of Northern Bihar. This area is also prone to rapid onset monsoon
flooding.
Bihar’s central belt is dominated by the state capital, with Patna located on the south
bank of the Ganges. The central belt benefits from fertile land, the river, the
concentration of administrative power and the revenue from Bihar ’s mineral
resources.
The southern part of Bihar., known to many as Jharkhand is an area rich in both
mineral and forest resources. It is the home of almost aU of Bihar’s Adivasi people.
Through rapid industriaksation, the vast mineral wealth of the area flows out of the
state capital, to central government and out of India via multinational corporations.
The extreme poverty of the Adivasi people is a distinct feature of this area
Bihar and its interesting figures
3. Bihar is the 2nd most populous state in India
2 out of three children are underweight in Bihar
Only one out of 2 habitations in Bihar has primary school
Every third person in the state Eves below the poverty Ene
With an excise duty collection of Rs. 1832 crores and income tax collection of
1449 crores in 1995-96, Bihar is the second biggest tax payer in the country
(Ministry of Finance/UNIIT/Augusts 18, 1995)
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42
2. On an average, every 3 minutes, two children under five die in Bihar, mostly of
preventable
resultinS “ a daily death toll 977 children and annual death toll
3,56,485 children (Census).
(Yet, in 1994, only one out of 3 children were fully immunized, NHFS)
- Only 3 children out of four enroll in school.
- On an average, everyday three rape cases are reported in Bihar.
3. Mire than 4 million (40 lakhs) women are ‘missing’ in Bihar. With a sex ratio of 911
Bihar has 45,202,091 men,, but only 41,172,374 women (census).
Every 4 person in Bihar is a dalit (Based on census figures).
The National Family Health survey (92-93) estimates the total fertility rate (the
average of number of children women will bear during their life time at the rate
of current child bearing) of Bihar to be 4. The desired number of children 3.2
On an average, every 4 hours, a kidnapping is reported in Bihar (HT/UNIT
Aug. 9, 1996 quoting and official report of the 64,085 cognisable offences
reported between Jan. and June 1996).
4. Every 5 minutes, 5 children are born in Bihar.
5. Only one out of 7 births in rural Bihar is attended by trained health personnel
(NHFS).
-
Only 7% of births in rural areas are institutional deliveries (NHFS)
7 out of ten malnourished children belong to Bihar
7 out of ten children in the age group of 10-14 years in Bihar have not completed
their primary school.
Bihar produces 7 percent of the food grains produced in the country.
6. Out of 10 girls in the age group of 10-14 years in Bihar have not completed their
primary school.
- Every 8lh illiterate woman in India lives in Bihar.
7. More than 9 percent of rural habitations tin Bihar do not have even a single source
for drinking water.
8. With a population
of more than 96 million (8.6 crores) every 10th Indian is from
- Bihar crude death rate of Bihar is little less than 10 (9.6)
- There are 10 universities and 10 medical colleges in Bihar but only 7 nursing
schools.
b
9. The crude death rate of rural Bihar is 11. Three states in India have a higher crude
death rate (rural). These are Madhya Pradesh (13.9), Orissa (13.1) and U.P (12.2)
Less than 11 percent (10.7) children in the age group 12 months to 24 months in
Bihar were found fully immunised by the National Family Health Survey.
- With 470 maternal deaths per 100,000 births, Bihar ranks 11th among the 16
major states. The states which have a higher maternal mortality rate are Assam
(544), Rajasthan (550), U.P.(624), M.P.(711) and Orissa (738). Kerala has the
lowest maternal mortality rate 87 deaths per 100,000 live births.
- Every 13th person in Bihar belongs to a scheduled tribe.
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43
Only 13 percent of people in Bihar Uee in .owns and cities as against the national
for children of wortag and athng^0 ^^ ,«s<^
in ^Sradesh, 420 tnstinnions tun 1018 creches at the
cost of Rs. 148 lakh.
10. Nearly 14 percent of Bihar rural habitations have only been pamally covered by
"“to SSThTld thousand households in Bihar living in 67,303 villages.
lt E.„y 13* infos. bo„ in Bihan dies before ^^O^X^tts 13'>.
’
XuP I-- a'SeHe^ rate 5.2 The Indian average is 3.6 * Kerala
has the lowest fertility rate 1.7.
of India, with 62 percent of girls in the age
12 Bihar ranks 16th among 16 major states
group of 6-14 not attending school in India.
' - mean age at marriage). Among
13. Girls in Bihar get married by the age of 18 ^ingular
„a S«H/Soft
ii.4.
other states, only MP has a 1
- Only 18 percent of 6-9 months old childre
foods.
14. Age specific fert^ rate o"Z^Sh
g g
, , 9
have a higher fertility rate for th
averag-e for India is
/Zfor53 M-d Kerala (S.l). The t»nfo fertility g»up for the same age
8rO“hb“l” percent of the people tn the state «e dependent on Agriculture for
their livelihood while the corresponding national figure is 3 o.
15 Only 20 percent of primary school teachers tn Bilfo are women as compared to 67.3
^ZSZXs n. the age group of 0-4 is almost 21 (20,)
while that of girls is almost 25 (24.8), according to SRS 91.
16. Every hour of the day, 22 infants (below one year) die in Bihar. One infant in less
d’X””“ofS surviving children below five suffer from severe or moderate
wasting.
17. Only 23 percent of children us Biharjrave ofc Children and oral rehydration
±;\X^XfoZXry““ ^Bengal, 73 percent of cUdren
with diarrhoea received ORT.
•
The 1991 figure for
™" “ X XZed when they are 23 (smgul.te mean age at marnage), five
’
years httertfon women. Only in Kajasdsan »d MP, men mmy earher.
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44
23 castes have been identified as scheduled
’
castes for constitutional privileges.
The most notable among these castes> are Bhumij, Chamar, Mochi, Dhobi, Dom,
Dusadh, Nat and Past.
18. Bihar is 24th among 24 large states in India in the capability poverty measure (CPM)
according to UNDP. CPM is a simple but multidimensional index composed of
three indicators that reflect the percentage with capability and capacity in three basic
dimensions of human development. The three indicators are:
i) The percentage of children under five who are underweight
ii) The percentage of births unattended by trained health personnel
If ranked with other developing countries, Bihar will be in the company of
Ethiopia, Nigeria, Afghanistan and Bangladesh.
Of all the 51 districts in Bihar, only Siwan has more women than men. In Siwan,
women outnumber men by 24,000. In all other districts, men exceed women.
19. Bihar has only a total of 25 juvenile/observation/special care homes whereas
Maharashtra has 15.2 such homes.
{Source: Indo-German Social Service Society, New Delhi, vide letter to CHC from. Ms. Bisht,
11/8/98}
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45
1
castes and scheduled tribes, constituted 14.6 and 7.7 percent of the population of
Bihaiy^ompared with 16.7 and 8.0 percent of India, respectively.
ch
jg. .known..as one of th«- most educationally backward states in India. The
Kterac^jatejimong the population are higher than the all-India crude Krth rate of
. ^. ^29.2 and crude death rate of 10.1 as estimated by the Sample Registration System
(SRS) in 1992. The total fertility rate of 4.4 children per woman in Bihar is also
higher than the all-India fertility rate of 3.6 children per woman in 1991. The annual
exponential growth rate for Bihar was 2.11 percent compared with 2.14 percent for
--------the country during 1981-1991.
3
Table
also indicates that the infant mortahty rate is lower in the state than in the
country. The infant mortality rate estimated by the SRS was 73 per 1,000 Eve births
compared to 79 in India for the year 1992. The Efe expectancy for males
in Bihar
in the state (58.2 years) and the country (58.1 years) are the same, whereas for
females it is lower in the state (57.0 years) than in the country (59.1 years). The
couple protection rate (defined as the percentage of eEgible couples effectively
protected against pregnancy) was 25 percent in Bihar compared with 44 percent in
India for the year 1992.
9?
D ■
7?'■
■* 9
Major demographic trends in the state are displayed in Table ^2. The total
population of the state was 56.4 milhon in 1971, 69.9 million in 1981 and 86.4
million in 1991. As such, there was an addition of 30 milhon persons during the last
twenty years. The decadal growth rate increased from 21.3 percent for the period
1961- / I to 24.1 percent for 1971-81 and then declined slightly to 23.5 percent during
1981-91. The density of population (per sq. km.) rose from 324 in 1971 to 405 in
1981 and 497 in 1991, indicating rising pressure of population on the land.
The percentage of urban population in Bihar increased from 10 percent
“■ in 1971 to
12.5 percent in 1981 and finally to 13.1 percent in 1991. The^ex ratic _ ratiog) declined
from 954 in 1971 to 946 in 1981 an^9fjn 1991. (The percentage of the population —Xs,
age 0-14 declined by only 2 percentage points from 1971 to 1991 and the population
age 65 years and above increased by less than 1 percentage point during the same
period. The percentage of the population belonging to scheduled castes increased
for 14.1 in 1971 to 14.6 in 1991, whereas the percentage belonging to scheduled j
tribes decreased from 8.8 to 7.7 percent during the same period.
fo
A—-f*5-
Although the level of literacy during the period 1971-91 has increased, the literacy
tate of females in Bihar is still very low. The percentage of males age 5 years and
z above who are literate increased by 7.5 percentage points compared with a 4.9
percentage point increase in female literacy during 1971-81, and increased 14.4
percentage points compared with 9.3 for females during 1981-91. According to the
1991 census, the literacy rate for males age 7 and above (53 percent) is more than
double the literacy rate for females (23 percent).
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