POVERTY AND VULNERABILITY IN HYDERABAD A DISCUSSION NOTE
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POVERTY AND VULNERABILITY IN HYDERABAD
A DISCUSSION NOTE
Chandan Sengupta
V Ramaswamy
Ashvin Dayal
Roy D’Silva
Mazher Hussain
Prepared as part of
Oxfam Urban Poverty Research Programme
Oxfam (India) Trust
Hyderabad
September 1997
I
Acknowledgements
We wish to place on record and thank sincerely all those who contributed whole
heartedly to this research process to date In particular we would like to acknowledge the
contributions made by the people of Hyderabad who,when approached were more th^n
willing to provide the information and guidance to move the process forward. Thanks
also to Ms.Rupa Banerjee. Dr Sheela Prasad , Dr.Fatima Ali Khan ,Mr.Lakshminarayana,
Mr.Kahinath; members of COVA ,and othe NGO friends who made valuable
contributions Also thanks to the Oxfam Hyderabad team for all their co-operation and
support in making this possible
Background
This discussion note on Poverty and Vulnerability in Hyderabad, is one of the nine city
studies on urban poverty taken up from 1996 by OXFAM (India) Trust, under its Urban
Poverty Research Programme (UPRP). The object of the UPRP is not merely to
produce city study reports, but rather to begin a process of action-learning, within
Oxfam, and among city action groups, on the issue of urban poverty.
Although Oxfam has had some experience in working in urban areas, its entry has been
largely led by emergency situations such as slum fires, communal riots etc., with little
strategic analysis about urban vulnerability. Only 5% of Oxfam’s support has gone to urban
initiatives in recent years, yet it is acutely aware of the growing importance of urban poverty
in India. In order to resolve this lack of clarity Oxfam chose to engage in a significant
research programme covering a number of cities across the country. The intention is to
support potential intervention strategies not only for Oxfam, but also for local actors and
other institutions who are committed to an urban agenda
In order to realise these objective, Oxfam is planning to conduct studies in 9 cities in India.
In each centre (with the exception of Mumbai and Calcutta) an initial vulnerability scan was
taken up through review of existing materials and key informant meetings, followed by
focused primary research. This will then lead into a process of programme development,
\M>efe further micro-level studies may be required based on selected intervention sites.
Through such an exercise, it would be possible to have an overview of the city system,
enabling an analytical understanding of the situation as it exists and especially in terms
of the key deficiencies, limitations, lack of capabilities, and vacuums in the means to
effectively addressing the problem of vulnerability.
Thus, the larger context of the exercise is the transformative action to be initiated and
undertaken in the city by capable activists and actors. Through the participation of
some of the city actors in the enquiry process, as well as a subsequent process,
involving a spread of relevant actors, of studying the report of the enquiry and
attempting to develop strategies for the effective addressal of the identified problems,
the enquiry on vulnerability could be viewed as a means towards moving in that
direction.
The research is designed to be accomplished in four phases
•
The first phase was started in October 1996, through the formation of a national
advisory committee, developing the overall research framework, and selecting the
cities for study.
•
In the second phase, begun in December 1996, the focus was on organising the
city research team and undertaking background research. This was done through
secondary information collection and analysis, key informant interviews, and
focused primary research on selected vulnerable groups
•
The activities in the third phase, begins after the analysis of urban poverty issues
and primary research in Hyderabad, and would involve detailed participatory action
i
research on selected urban poor communities. Work on the first phase in the other
cities will also begin at this stage
•
In the fourth phase, the research findings would be widely discussed with and
disseminated among experts as well as the community and local organisations
Specific intervention strategies for addressing urban poverty in a specific city
context would be developed A final country report, integrating the work in all nine
cities, will also be prepared
For Oxfam, entering into such a significant area of research was a difficult proposition. It
was dearly felt that we need to begin by starting work in just one city, to test various
methodologies, understand the best way to organise such a study and appreciate the levels
of input required from us to facilitate high quality research For this purpose, Hyderabad was
selected as the first site, mainly due to the fact that it has an Oxfam office which is also
managing the study nationally. It is also important at this point to remind ourselves that the
Hyderabad study is part of a larger national research agenda The goals and objectives of
this national study cannot be met by any single report, and as such it cannot be fully judged
against those objectives
The present note is a product of the second phase of the UPRP, and is an input
towards the more detailed report on Hyderabad city The final version of the report
would be completed after incorporating the relevant suggestions and comments of the
workshop participants. The object of the workshop, therefore, is not to scrutinise the
discussion note, so much as to initiate a dialogue, exchange and consultative process
with Hyderabad individuals, experts, activists, organisations, institutions etc
Introduction
As we stand at the threshold of the next millennium, cities throughout the world face
formidable challenges in dealing with a spate of urban pathologies and problems of
survival : poverty , unemployment, environmental degradation, crime, delinquency,
violence. The magnitude of these problems varies greatly across and within nations. In
Europe and America and in parts of developed Asia, urban poverty and squalor are not
as acute as they are in the developing regions of Asia. Although there are fluctuating
trends in the growth of the major cities of Asia, the overall rapid expansion of cities and
towns and the associated problems of poverty and vulnerability are likely to put the
urban agenda at the top of Asian events in the 21st century. Within Asia, India has
been the region of largest urban population growth The process of urbanisation in
Indian has brought in its wake the persistent problems of poverty and degraded living
among a large sections of urban residents
A large body of literature has grown on urban poverty in India and its social and
economic correlates It is well-established that the issue of poverty in general, and
urban poverty in particular cannot be appropriately addressed using the uni
dimensional income-expenditure criteria The Human Development Report, 1997,
emphasised on the “human poverty” which, unlike "income poverty" includes the denial
of choices for survival, deprivation in education and knowledge, and economic
2
provisioning The National Commission on Urbanisation had stressed the need for the
inclusion of living conditions of urban poor in the consumption basket used to measure
urban poverty in India (NCU,1988)
However, despite its importance, the multidimensional approach to urban poverty is
also not analytically adequate. In fact the approach draws heavily on the additional
items and indices such as health, education, housing and environmental services. To
the extent that these dimensions show the visible manifestations of urban poverty, they
are doubtless important. But these “manifested dimensions” do not explain the wider
context and issues which actually give rise to urban poverty
Poverty is, after all, a socio-economic and political complex and therefore, can hardly
be examined In isolation from the wider socio-economic and political processes of a
given region or society. If slums and squatter settlements are some of the
manifestations of urban poverty, the phenomenon of urban poverty itself is certainly the
symptom of a development process that creates conditions for poverty and deprivation.
There is an urban context of urban poverty. There is a political economy aspect, and
the issues of basic rights and livelihood. Also there is the question of differentiation
among the poverty groups and hence, the need for identification of the most vulnerable
among the poor. These aspects bear crucial significance in the context of an analysis
of the nature and dynamics of urban poverty in a predominantly rural setting where the
level of urbanisation is low and the rate of urban growth is high, and the manifestations
of urban poverty are huge.
With the failure of the state and market to ameliorate the conditions of the urban poor,
several voluntary groups and community organisations in Indian cities have raised the
issues of rights and entitlements of the urban poor. However, these interventions are
mostly sporadic and it is imperative that an overview of these interventions is also
included in the research on urban poverty in India. The present report attempts to cover
these aspects of urban poverty in India, with special reference to the urban poor in
Hyderabad The specific objectives of the report are:
1)
To address the issue of urban poverty within the framework of basic rights.
2)
To identify with greater specificity who the most vulnerable groups are in all
categones of urban areas, in relation to occupation, housing and habitat category
and social identity, and to identify the key barriers / constraints faced by these
groups in improving their situation
3)
To identify the key trends in the external environment to understand how they affect
the nature and manifestations of urban poverty and vulnerability, and specifically
which groups are most likely to be affected in the coming years.
4)
To fully understand the activities and strategies of other institutional actors in
addressing urban poverty and vulnerability in order to inform any new interventions
proposed by Oxfam and others
3
5)
To develop a comprehensive urban poverty and vulnerability strategy for Oxfam
within external and internal parameters and constraints
As mentioned in the Background the Hyderabad case study is one of 9 cities selected
for Oxfam's Urban Poverty Research. Determining a completely representative list of cities
for study on the basis of location, size, and growth would be a research exercise in itself,
especially when the sample size is restricted to 9. For Oxfam, the priority is action, built
upon credible research, not the development of social science theory Therefore, a limited
set of objective criteria were used to shortlist about 32 cities, from which 8 centres were
chosen on the basis of intense discussion among a group of experts
The objective criteria applied was population growth (1981-91), further defined by regional
variation and size. Thus, the fastest growing city from each state was chosen among cities
with populations of 0.5 - 1 million, 1 million - 5 million, and above 5 million. From this
shortlist of 32, the cities were judged according to criteria such as learning value, historical
relevance, regional location, primacy in the state, ethnic diversity, availability of research
material, and "manageability” for Oxfam
The final list was:
Mumbai (for qualitative review only)
Calcutta
( „ )
Hyderabad
Lucknow
Guwahati
Indore
Ahmedabad
Coimbatore
Ranchi
The list has changed on a number of occasions, and may develop further. However, the
principles and objectives of the research remain common to each location, despite
variations in the process and methodology adopted locally
The Hyderabad case study is based on the review of secondary materials on the
background information, an opinion survey and primary research on selected low income
and vulnerable communities in the city. The opinion survey was conducted among
•ntkviduals selected from the cross-section of the city’s population. The primary research
was based on the survey of three vulnerable groups :
1.
2.
3.
Slums and Squatters
Street Children
‘Nowhere group’
All these groups were identified in consultation with several local civic organisations.
The first group was identified on the basis of occupational- residential characteristics.
The second group was a specific vulnerable group namely, street children. The last
vulnerable group was the “no where” group. The no where group comprise that huge
section of urban population who can be classified as being in the category of upper
poor and lower middle class; they are not engaged in manual work; they are educated ,
but without much access to technical and higher education. With limited opportunities
4
for livelihood and incomes, this group is likely to emerge as one of the most vulnerable
group in the urban context. According to the local organisations working with these
groups in Hyderabad, the no where group are neither the beneficiaries of any anti
poverty programmes, nor are they organised enough to influence decisions on matters
of city planning and developmental activities
For the first vulnerable group, a metropolitan area-wide mapping of 959 low-income
settlements was undertaken with the help of a team of 20 volunteers provided by a
local organisation, COVA, who are experienced in working with the poor in Hyderabad.
Of these locations, 708, lying within the Municipal Corporation of Hyderabad, and
divided across five settlement types (by tenure), were chosen for preparation of
settlement profiles. The five types are :
•
•
•
•
•
developed and de-recognised slums
developed but not yet de-recognised
notified, but yet to be developed
blighted areas not in the official list of recognised slums
squatter settlements or sub-slums
A sample of 106 settlements was selected, covering all five types, and 967 households
from among these settlements were selected for detailed survey. Survey data is
currently being processed.
For the street children category, detailed interviews were carried out with 13 street
children were selected from public parks and railway platforms and through voluntary
organisations working with them.
MV
For the selection of the no where groups , about 20-24 localities resided by these
groups were identified with the help of the local organisation , COVA. of these, 12
localities were selected after necessary field verification from these 12 localities, 24
households were surveyed taking 2 from each of the 12 localities.
The Urban Context
Does urbanisation induce poverty? Although the trends based on the estimated
figures on urban poor suggests that urban poverty in India had declined over the last
decades (recorded during 1977-78 and 1987-88), the poverty ratio stood higher in
urban (40 per cent) than in rural (38 per cent) areas of India during 1987-88. Another
aspect of the trends in urban poverty in India relates to the incidence of higher
population of urban poor in many of the relatively less urbanised states of India. Of the
six states where the proportion of urban population to total population in 1991 has been
less than the national average of 25.72 per cent, Bihar has the lowest proportion of its
population as urban (13.17 per cent). But, of all the states, Bihar had the largest
proportion of urban poor (57 9 per cent) during 1987-88. Bihar also registered a
decadal growth rate of urban population that was less (30.37 per cent) than the
national urban population growth rate (36.19 per cent) during 1981-91.
5
*;
Orissa's urban poverty rate is relatively low compared to its rural poverty. Haryana,
Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh are the other states where the
proportion of urban population has been lower than that of the national average. In
Madhya and Uttar Pradesh, urban poverty has shot up to more than 45 per cent.
However. In both these states rural poverty has also remained high. As Table 1 shows,
Haryana had registered a lower rate of urban poverty but the rate is higher than its rural
poverty. In Rajasthan the urban poverty rate has been higher than both the national
urban poverty rate as well as rural poverty of the state The figures on decadal urban
poverty in Table 1 indicates that despite a lower proportion of urban in their total
population, the states of Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh have
all registered urban growth rate that was higher than the national urban growth rate
during 1981-91.
Table 1. The Level and Rate of Urbanisation and Urban Poverty
inSelected Indian States___________
States
Percentage of poor Decadal Growth Percentage of
(1987-88)
Rate of Urban
Urban to Total
Rural
Urban
Population
Population
(1981-91)
(1991)
Haryana______
15.6 _______ 225
43.07_________ 24.79_______
Madhya Pradesh 46.6 _______ 46.6
44.98_________ 23.21_______
Rajasthan_____ 29.2 _______ 40,9
39,24_________ 22.88 _______
Uttar Pradesh
47.6 _______ 47l5_
38.97_________ 19.89 _______
Orissa________ 61.5________
36.08_________ 13.43_______
Bihar
___ 52.2 _______ 57.9
30.39_________ 13.17_______
India
______________
_37.6________ 38.9 __________
36.19
25.72
Source: Planning Commission, 1993; Census of India, 1991.
All these suggest that in both less urbanised (in terms of proportion of urban to total
population) and more urbanising states (in terms of decadal urban growth) poverty
remains high. In the most urbanised states like Maharashtra and Gujarat, urban
poverty is relatively low If more urbanised states are considered developed, the
poverty is low because of available income earnings opportunities in these developed
states and urbanisation, defined demographically as the rate of growth of population, is
not the only explanatory factor for poverty as defined by income criteria. In some of the
less urbanised states, rural poverty is equally high. These will further suggest that an
income-based urban poverty phenomenon needs to be examined in the context of
development and not merely in the context of urbanisation per se.
Andhra Pradesh, the Indian state of which Hyderabad is the capital, is not the most
urbanised state in India. Both in 1981 and 1991 it held the seventh rank among the
states in so far as the level of urbanisation is concerned. While the most urbanised
state of Maharashtra had 38.73 per cent of its population as urban in 1991, the
proportion of urban population to the total population in Andhra Pradesh during the
same census period was 26.84 per cent, little above the national urban population
proportion. As in many other states, in Andhra Pradesh also the decadal growth rate for
1981-91 was less than that for 1971-81.
6
area of population growth from 42 65 Sr in.®
91 HWeraned UA ’
'0^ <he M
Hyderabad
P‘US Cities of lndia in th®
’98’-
population Of 1 lakh and above Moreover wh »A
,h coun,ry w,th
metropolises has declined durino 1981 iqqi m
kA popu,a,lon in major Indian
growth (Table 2).
9 1981-1991' Hyderabad UA registered phenomenal
Urt”" *«*»>lerations and Cities in
elation of 100,000 and above durin
g 1971 >81 and 1981-91
Urban Agglomeration (UA) I 1971 81(%)
1981-91(%)
"
Bombay UA
42.94____________ " _
-33.43
Calcutta UA
~23.90
____ T8.73
“
Delhi UA
~57.Q9
— ____ ~46.18
---------- -—
Madras UA~ ~
35.31
~
-----24 99 ~~
Bangalore UA
75.56
~
39,87
---- -------Hyderabad UA
42.65
Source • Census of India Sones 1, Paper 2 of 199t R^al-Urban DIStnbutio^------------------ -------------
and vulntrabteTerton^o?pZp2la?on n bigS’^bo^Tlakh^
°f P°Orer
population lived in slums In 1981 slum onnuLinn *3 ^kh °r 19 % of Hyderabad’s
23% of the total population (Atom et a? 1987} RJad was around 5 lakhs °r
people living in slums (MCH 9^1 aL S
1"® ^yderabad had 1.1 million
within the Corporation area. wa!Tround-35 SiS. '?h
Hyderabad’s population
Hyderabad's slums in 1996 would be around 31 o/ ’tk 9 pr°portlon of People living in
when the general population of HyderabadIncreased bv 11S^m^6 |aSt 25 yearS'
the city grew by 267% (Figure 1).
by 118
,he slum Population in
Fiflure 1 GROWTH OF GENERAL AND
SLUM POPULATION in 1971/72-1996
3S0% -r
M0%2W%<
g 1®0%
100%
50%.
0% -
Gwr.1
P0?1*******"
+
Shjm
Population
"!
been
tbraeoh IndJS‘re..
T “mps"ed '» re“9"*«
CMC <mp_ However. HyOereO^^SSS
7
de-recognmon of slums, which perhaps has no parallel in any other city in India. Most
recently a number of slums developed’ under the ODA programme, have been
recommended for such de-recognition
1a,bU . 3
•Slums* in Hyderabad_____
Year
1979
_____________
1986
1994
’______
TOTAL in 1996__________
‘Developed’ & recommended
for de-listing
__________
Official Slums, 1997
Number__________
455 (pop, 4.2 lakhs)___
♦207________________
♦ 149________________
811 (pop, 12.6 lakhs)
(387)
424 (pop. 11 lakhs)
Political Economy of Urban Poverty
In a typical agranan economy, the rural-urban dichotomy and its inevitable consequence of
large scale migration to cities are usually considered to be the cause of urban poverty. In
this perspective urban poverty is seen as an overflow and extension of rural poverty
wherein unfavourable terms of trade in the rural sector has led to large scale migration to
cities at least in the initial period of their growth. This explanation of urban poverty as a
function of rural push migration has long been questioned. An alternative approach, better
known as the political economy approach, would have a stronger explanatory power to view
urbanisation and urban poverty from a broader perspective The political economy
approach has generally focused on : (1) the dependence of country’s internal capitalist
order on global economic forces; (2) on the process of development of capitalism in specific
contexts; (3) on the formal-informal sector equation in a labour market where the poor
subsidise the organised modem sector; and (4) on the manner in which the state facilitates
the development of capitalism (Safa, 1982). To draw a comprehensive political economy
profile of the urban poor in India, covering all these aspects with specific details is a task in
itself. In this section, an attempt has been made to raise some aspects related to the
process of development, specifically in the urban context, that would broadly highlight the
political economy issues involved in poverty in Hyderabad
In India, the cities themselves have been viewed as performing the role of absorbing and
expkxting the large working class, leading to the rapid growth of traditional industrial centres
such as West Bengal and Maharashtra after independence, and states such as Tamil
Nadu, Karnataka, and Gujarat more recently. Where and how these workers live, and form
communities in the cities, have rarely been a concern for policy-makers whose only interest
was in providing support to the gro'vth of centres for industnal capital. After all, urban
India's share of GDP has grown phenomenally from 27% in 1950 to almost 60% todav
(Kapadia 1997)
1
Thus urban growth and poverty cannot be fully analysed in terms of migration alone. The
NIUA in 1998 calculated that natural increase accounted for 41% of urban growth,
nedassrfication for 21% and migration for 38% (NIUA, 1988). There is a significant
generation of poverty through processes which occur within cities, resulting form the very
8
character and way in which cities allocate resources and rights to people. This vital fact has
been neglected in the urban planning process in the country
A cursory review of major urban policy developments reveals that it was not until the Third
Five Year Plan (1961-66) that any serious reference to the need for attention to cities, and
even then it was to support orderly infrastructure development through regulation of the land
market, master plan preparation, setting housing construction standards, and strengthening
of municipal authorities The objective being pursued was to create a visually attractive city
rather than one which meets the employment and residential needs of the majority. In the
Fourth Plan period the government established the Housing and Urban Development
Corporation (HUDCO) to help develop newly formed state capitals and provide funds to
house the industrial working class in the large cities. The state was now convinced that only
through high levels of regulation in the land use and provision of services could cities
become surplus providers to the exchequer, and enable gradual urban dispersal. But it was
only in 1979 that the state actually acted on the latter goal with the Integrated Development
of Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) programme. The other major step in the 1970s was
the enactment of the Urban Land Ceiling and Regulation Act which ironically served to
increase land scarcity and prices rather than free up more land into the market (Kapadia,
1997).
Like all other cities in the world Hyderabad too is a divided city. As an Asian city of
developing capitalist economy located in a predominantly agrarian structure, socio
economic divisions are, however, more conspicuous in Hyderabad than in other cities
of developed nations. The pattern of urbanisation in Hyderabad is the same as
elsewhere in the Third World, the essential characteristics of which are : lop-sided
growth with the dominance of the centre, uneven regional spread, increasing
informalisation of urban economy, shrinking livelihood chances of the poor who
constitute half or more than half of the city’s population, the failure of the state and the
market to ameliorate the conditions of these disadvantaged groups. However, the
magnitude of the problems greatly vary within and across different parts of the Third
World. Hyderabad also had its specific trajectory of development
Compared to other Indian metropolitan cities, Hyderabad was relatively a late comer in
the field of modem manufacturing industries . Even as the process of industrialisation in
Hyderabad was hastened from 1961 onwards, the important industrial activities lacked
appropriate resource base and the regional links between metropolitan industries and
Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema remained weak. This led to the dependence of
industries on outside state influences for specialised labour and marketing of products.
Planning and development of the city got further distorted with the shifting of economic
core and the decay of the historic core. Systemic planning and regulatory framework for
an even development of Hyderabad had to face tremendous problems resulting from
the presence of contrasting social areas (Alam, 1972)
In socio-spatial term , Hyderabad provides the best example of a city of haphazard
settlement This was the nucleus of the Hyderabad city that was built by the fifth
descendant of the Qutb Shahi dynasty, in the latter part of the 16th century. The old
walled city, as it is named, represents the historic core of Hyderabad. It is this most
9
blighted and dilapidated part of Hyderabad where poverty and vulnerability seem to
have taken deep roots. Lack of economic opportunities and political manipulation of
communal issues have been the major contributory factors for the conditions of
vulnerability among the residents of this old part of Hyderabad
’ Deprived of economic opportunities with the dismantling of the feudal structure, and deprived of its elite,
who are usually the powerful spokesmen for the enhancement of the civic amenities, the walled city as an
area languishes in multiple deprivation To the economic and civic deprivations must be added deprivation
which accrues from the alienation of communities from each other, resulting in frequent communal riots
(Naidu, 1990)
The delimitation of constituency boundaries in the name of "separate electorates”
played into the hands of communal political leaders and communal arithmetic rather
than the secular issue of civic amenities and other development programmes became
the main instrument of mobilisation (Naidu,1990)
It was not until the 1980s that poverty began to feature within the urban development
agenda. The realisation began to dawn that the huge growth of cities had created vast
numbers of poor who till now had been neglected. The strain on local authorities was
acknowledged, with the 7th and 8th Plans attempting to put greater emphasis on
community participation through local governance, and private sector involvement in service
provision. But many of the old regulations remain in terms of control over urban space, and
where the government has withdrawn the private sector has stepped in, with the poor still
left at the sidelines. The Nehru Rozgar Yojana, launched in 1989, was the first urban
employment scheme to be specifically targeted at the poor However, its performance has
been far from satisfactory, with the rigid formal sector financial institutions who are the
conduits for the programme unable to provide the specialised banking services needed by
the poor.
With this backdrop of urban neglect, the rapid economic and social changes which have
occurred in the 1990s are likely to have a substantial impact upon the poor. The process of
economic liberalisation, which has included fiscal reform as well as policy changes to
encourage private sector growth, is likely to hold a number of threats and opportunities for
the urban poor. It is assumed that a number of change processes taking place within the
economy and society will impact the livelihoods and basic rights of the most vulnerable
groups. The major aspects are highlighted below
The changing labour market in urban areas: One of the real fears of liberalisation has
been that tfie formal sector will cease to be a dynamic source of employment growth as a
result of industrial deregulation, trade competition, and contractionary fiscal policy. With a
tendency for industry to subcontract production to informal units is feared (though not well
documented) that real wages have been stagnant for falling for the urban poor in the past 5
years.
In Ahmedabad, a survey by UNNATI in 1994 showed that 21% of industrial labour in the
textile industry was employed on a casual basis, where no union representation is present
A study by Friedrich Eibert Stiftung (FES) in Delhi revealed that in one area, Govindpuri, of
the 1,500 businesses surveyed over 80% could be classified as being in the informal sector
• 10
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11
an integral part of urban planning, the future of not only the poor, but urban India as a
whole, will be in great jeopardy
Changing Scope for Participation Within New Institutional Formations: The institutional
context in which economic change is being carried out is not static, providing some tentative
elements of hope for establishing a stronger people perspective in urban development. The
passage of the 74th Amendment to the constitution has increased the scope for local urban
governance, wherein local communities have elected and empowered representation in
urban affairs This institutional capacity open up opportunities for genuine participation at
an important time in terms of the increasing attention being paid to urban development by
large bilateral and multilateral donors
Community organisation will strengthen the
emergence of local leadership which is able to negotiate space for the community in
determining the plans of outside interventions. Of course in reality this space is often coopted by local power centres who are primarily concerned with personal enrichment, but at
the very least ttiere is some scope for positive change
The scope for NGOs is perhaps less clear While in Calcutta they are being increasingly
accepted by the communist government, in Mumbai a reverse trend is feared as
chauvinistic political actors are increasingly skeptical about the NGO agenda. Perhaps the
most realistic, and also desirable, institutional formation for the future will be the growth of
genuine community based organisations (CBOs) with the capacity to negotiate with donors,
the government as well as political parties
Foreign funding in city development projects : One of the crucial aspects of political
economy of development is dependent capitalism through foreign funding. In Andhra
Pradesh foreign funding has increased sharply in 1990s Examining the implications of
foreign funding in major development projects in Hyderabad namely, The Hyderabad
Water Supply and Sanitation Project, The Hyderabad Slum Improvement Project and
the India Population Project VIII, Ramachandra has raised the issue of political
autonomy and the larger issue of development. The selection of the project is ad hoc
without any consideration of the local need, justifications and the sustainability of the
projects after the withdrawal of the funding agencies following completion of the
projects. “ It is politically convenient to be passive receivers of development aid in the
short-run in order to avoid “unpopular” ways of raising resources or changing the ways
they are allocated Tackling the question of how institutions can be run even after
foreign funding is over is deferred And on the other hand, the easy availability of
foreign fund flows induces a sense of complacency on policy makers and politicians,
thus postponing any drastic restructuring” (Ramachandra, 1997, pp. 160-61).
Basic Rights and Livelihood Issues
The basic right framework that helps understand the magnitude of vulnerability among
the poor, is based on the analysis of a number of failures that prevent poor from
securing these rights Failures in endowment, exchange entitlement, production, and
consumption largely captures the range of conditions which can leave to poverty. These
are in turn mediated by institutions of the state, market, community, and household in such
a manner that there is a differential impact along caste, class, and gender lines.
12
Endowment refers to the endowments that individuals enjoy by virtue of their birth such as
land / asset inheritance, citizenship, membership in a family, and physical well-being. An
example of its failure could things such as the girt child not gaining inheritance to family
assets, a child bom an orphan, or with a disability, or Bangladeshi migrants lacking rights
over certain resources by virtue of their citizenship.
Exchange entitlements include to the ability to convert endowments into income, through
employment, access to markets, and access to government entitlements. An example of
failure could include dalits, or women, who due to their inability to access education due to
community and / or household discrimination are unable to convert their physical labour into
employment More directly, the same failure could occur due to discrimination in the labour
market itself
Production is determined by access to inputs, skills, training, credit, as well as by natural
factors (e g. drought). An example of a failure could be the lack of credit for communities to
take up new venture, and it could be mediated in a bias against women due to
discrimination in the institutions of state, market, household, or community.
Consumption refers to the intra-household distribution of resources. For example, a
household as a whole may be above the poverty line, endowed with good land, enjoying
high production, and availing a fair price. But individuals within the household may not be
able to access their fair share, placing them at a disadvantage Common examples include
daughters being denied education, or adequate nutrition
This framework is intended not to impose a rigidity in analysis, but to extract a level of
consistency in understanding the root causes of poverty experienced by diverse
communities It is context-neutral, and as such can be applied to urban areas.
For Oxfam, however, a strong theoretical framework derived from its development
experience was never the barrier or perceived as the priority for addressing urban issues.
The real question is one of understanding the details with which to apply any framework.
What are the specific types of failure which occur in urban areas? How do the institutions
mediate impact differentially? How to social relations along caste, class, and gender lines
manifest themselves in the urban context? These are the central questions which need to
be understood in urban areas in order to develop a clear profile of vulnerability, and to
identify appropriate intervention strategies
The key basic nghts issues for the poor in urban areas are
•
•
•
•
•
lack of secure housing rights
inadequate provision and access to civic amenities, a clean, safe, and healthy living
environment
inadequate provision and access to public health facilities, basic education, safe
drinking water and food security
lack of freedom from violence and intimidation on the basis of social identity
inadequate bargaining power to ensure fair treatment in employment, and
13
•
inadequate provision and access to government safety net programmes (e g. PDS,
EGS)
The key livelihood issues for the poor in urban areas are
•
•
•
•
•
•
lack of regular employment in the urban formal sector
lack of fair wages, reasonable working hours in the unregulated sector
inadequate provision and access to training opportunities for employment / self
employment
inadequate provisions and access to credit on reasonable terms to escape cyclical and
exploitative indebtedness
lack of self-employment opportunities which provide gainful, productive, and sustainable
economic activity
lack of adequate income to facilitate food security, health (prevention of morbidity and
access to treatment), education, and shelter, in such a manner that meeting any one of
these needs does not compromise the ability to also meet the others (e.g. illness should
not be treated at the expense of education etc.)
Basic rights in urban areas are particularly important because of the prevalence of non
income poverty in certain cases, wherein physical deprivation due to harsh living
environments is a greater concern that actual household income levels. This can often
constitute a more oppressive form of poverty, which is why questions of housing, sanitation,
and drinking water have to be addressed as basic rights in the urban context if one is to
address the core problems of urban poverty. Between 30-40% of India’s urban population
live in slums (75 -100 million people), and 70% of urban dwellers have no access to
sanitation, with 27% lacking access to safe drinking water (NIUA, 1993).
At the same time patterns of accumulation and livelihoods also need to be understood
and addressed. As the numbers of urban poor grow, it is critical to overcome the barriers to
wealth accumulation among the poor in order to increase access to sustainable livelihoods.
Indeed, it is argued that without labour-intensive growth the recognition of basic rights by the
state will be ineffective as the resources to implement these rights will be absent
Ikbk 4
Index of Under-employment (%)♦ by
Sex in Hyderabad, 1983, 1987-88
NSS Round
Male
Female
38th, 1983
41
9.9
43rd, 1988 __________________
3.2
5.0
Source Sarvekshana No 57 NSSO 1993
♦
The index of under-employment has been calculated following the approach used in Deshpande
and Deshpande (1991)
The table shows that while under-employment is declining, both among men and
women, this is much more so in the case of women
■ 14 -
Percentage of Unemployed in the
Labour Force (according to Usual Status)
by Sex in Hyderabad
_____________
NSS Round
Male
Female
38th, 1983
4.3
7.1
43rd, 1988____________________
4.5
6.0
Source Sarvekshana, No 57, NSSO, 1993
While unemployment among males has increased very marginally, it has come down
slightly for women
In addition to understanding the rights and livelihoods issues faced by the poor, it is also
important to understand specific coping mechanisms employed by vulnerable groups.
Those wN shed more light on micro-level manifestations of poverty. Coping mechanisms
couid be sought through alternative sources of funding (e g. sale of jewelry, moneylenders),
support from outside (NGOs, religious institutions), alternative income sources (child labour,
smuggling, criminal activity, begging), and finally through adjustments in the household
economy (selection of poorer quality food, reduced portions of food, removal of a child from
school). It is imperative in the research process to understand the range of strategies
already being adopted by the poor in order to construct appropriate interventions in the
future
Th* issue of Differentiation
The urban "poor” are often referred to as a homogenous group. But having identified the
range of rights and livelihood issues which define people's vulnerability, it is dear that there
is great diversity within cities. Phrases such as "slum dwellers" or "informal workers" are
often used to signify all poor people in cities. Clearly this is not only an oversimplification,
but also very misleading in terms of formulating strategies.
Keeping in mind the above analysis of rights and livelihoods, we assume that the majority of
the urban poor tend to fan within the following generic occupational categories:
casual workers, unskilled, non-unionised wage workers (men, women, children)
unskilled, non-unionised service industry workers e g restaurants, dhabas (men boys
mostly)
• street vendors (men, women)
• construction workers (men, women, some children)
• rickshaw pullers (men)
• sweepers (mostly women)
• domestic workers (men, women, children)
• reg pickers (children)
• sex workers (women, girts, some boys)
• beggars (men, women, children)
•
•
15-
An alternative classification to be employed is that of housing status, important in urban
areas in as much as where you live is often a critical determinant of access to services and
a healthy environment. In addition it can determine access to political rights and
government programmes which are often linked to having a formal tenure / ownership
status
Housing categories include:
•
•
•
•
•
pavement dwellers
nomadic pavement dwellers
recognised slum dwellers
unrecognised slum dwellers
squatters on other private and public lands (e g canal / river banks, under
bridges, parks)
This uniquely urban phenomenon is critical in establishing an urban policy which genuinely
supports the needs of the most vulnerable groups. The complexity of urban land markets,
whether slums are declared or not, ownership and rental patterns, legal status etc. is central
to understanding the threats and opportunities for the development of the poor
Housing and occupational categories alone will not necessarily provide enough specificity in
identifying the most vulnerable groups and the chronically poor.
Social groups,
specifically women, dalits, and religious minorities often face the most barriers in
securing their livelihoods and rights. For women, the informal labour market often places
them at the bottom of the sub-contracting chain in low paid jobs in harsh conditions.
Additionally, women in urban areas are exposed to many social problems such as violence,
rape, and harassment In conditions of worsening deprivation women are usually the
victims of bias from within the household, community, and municipal authorities. The health
status of women and children is particularly worse than for men. In Mumbai certain low
income areas have an infant mortality rate of over 100 per 1000 live births, several times
higher than the city average
Dalits and Muslims are often victims of violence and discrimination in urban settings. Social
identity, contrary to popular belief, does not break down in urban areas as groups tend to
reside in common areas of slums, exposing themselves to organised intimidation by other
communities and authorities. It is no surprise that the majority of sweepers in Delhi are Dalit
women, or that Sikh residences were systematically marked for attack in the 1984 riots. As
a result, these groups are often the least powerful among the poor, facing even greater
limitations in accessing the few entitlements they have in terms of services and welfare
programmes
The compiexrty of identifying the most vulnerable groups is further highlighted by the fact
that other groups among the chronically poor, such as children, the elderly, physically
and mentally disabled, and substance abusers may not be given due notice if one
restricts oneself to any single category. The real challenge, therefore, is to overlay each of
these different categories within a specific urban location in order to develop an accurate
picture of who the poorest of the poor are
1 16
In the present study, seven occupational categones were deemed to be vulnerable :
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Rickshaw pullers
Hawkers, petty vendors
Casual labourers
Construction workers
Petty trade and business
Ragpickers
Beggars
As all these vulnerable groups are located in various low-income settlements in
Hyderabad, the degraded living conditions of these locations, i.e residential
vulnerability coincides with occupational vulnerability.
The table below shows that the proportion of slums located on private lands has come
down significantly, over the past two decades, while that of slums on government lands
has significantly gone up. The urban poor have been settling on vacant public lands
over the past two decades. Here, it is also relevant to remember that from the early
1980s Hyderabad has witnessed the process of selective legitimisation of hitherto
unrecognised settlements, through the granting of pattas for occupation of the land. (As
the table shows, this category was entirely absent in 1979.) This may have been a
factor influencing the increase of settlements on public lands.
Pattern of Land Ownership in Low Income
Settlements in Hyderabad___________
Land Ownership_____
1979 %♦ 1997% *
Government_________
11
35
~ 3
Housing Board_______
Endowment Department
2____
Corporation__________
5____
Waqf_______________
2
Abadi_______________
2____
Lawaris_____________
1_____
Railways____________
1_____
2
Private______________
61_____
47
Not known___________
13
Patta to slumdwellers_____ _________
16
TOTAL
| 100
| '100
source: ♦: MCH, 1991; a: Oxfam survey, 1997
17
Criteria tor declaration as slum
♦
♦
♦
♦
♦
Area lacking in civic infrastructure facilities
Living conditions are insanitary
Settlement in existence for over 10 years
More than 75 % of the houses are katcha
The area is or may be a source of danger to public health
The table below summarises the low-income settlements in the city identified thiough
survey.
Classification of Low Income Settlements
Description__________
Nos, %__
Oxfam survey, 1997________
959
100
Official slums
571
60
Developed and de-notified
125
13
Developed (through ODA), but
155
16
not yet de-notified_______
Settlements in 'Blighted
78
8
Areas'®
Squatter settlements
30
3
® : "A ‘blightedI area’ is a built-up area comprising of privately owned authorised structures with a settled
More than half of the slum-like settlements identified through the Oxfam survey have
Sn exisfen“ to'ov®r 15 y®ars' with as much as 43 % having been in existence for
floating group S umdwellers are thus clear,y long-term residents of the city, and not a
Age of Low-Income Settlements
In Hyderabad
Age of Settlement
%
over 20 years
43
10-20 years
30
5 -10 years_____
12
1-5 years______
13
Less than 1 year
_____
2
Source Oxfam Survey. 1997. N = 708 settlements
For slumdwellers within the category of 'blighted areas’, this categorisation is a means
on the part of urban authorities to grant some kind of selective patronage to
slumdwellers, but where this does not bring with it any actual tangible benefits or
18
improvements in civic services - as is the case when it is declared a slum. But this
categorisation does bring with it a modicum of security in the perception of the dwellers
in the settlements. However, as the table shows, even this category of settlements
comprises predominantly of those over 20 years old.
Settlements in Blighted Areas
Age____________ %
more than 20 years 42
10-20 years
24
5-10 years______ 19
1 - 5 years
________
15
Source : Oxfam Survey, 1997, N = 78 settlements
Squatter settlements are entirely unrecognised, and face the threat of eviction.
Interestingly, while 71 % of the settlements are over 20 years old - and thus clearly call
for regularisation - a significant proportion (23%) have come up over the last two
decades, a period that has also been marked by the distribution of land titles to city
squatters.
Squatter Settlements in
Hyderabad______
Age____________ %
more than 20 years 71
10-20 years_____ 23
5-10 years______
1-5 years_____
6
Source : Oxfam Survey, 1997, N = 30 settlements
State-run primary schools, which would be most availed of by the poorer sections of the
city, are to be found within only 23 % of the identified settlements. Expectedly, with the
state lagging behind in this respect, the private sector is quick to seize the opportunity
of the absence of free, compulsory primary education.
II.
Proximity to Primary School
Nearest Govt
%
Primary school
within the settlement
23*
within 1 km_______
27
within 1-2 km______
18
within 2-5 km______
25
more than 5 km
7
away____________
TOTAL__________________
100
Source : Oxfam Survey, 1997, N = 708 settlements
19
♦
Interestingly, about 50 % of the surveyed settlements had a private primary school located within
the settlement
Government hospital facilities are available in proximity to a sizeable number of
settlements. However, dwellers tend not to avail of these unless they have no other
option because of the quality of service available to them here, and the incapability of
"^se centres to address the principal health problems of the poor
Public Health-care______
Distance to Govt Hospital %
Within 1 km _________
32
1-2 kms
32
2-5 kms
23
more than 5 kms
13
TOTAL
' 100
As in education, we can see that the failure of the state to provide adequate and
satisfactory health-care facilities to the poor becomes an opportunity to be seized by
pnvate practitioners 70 % of the settlements had a private hospital facility located
within a km.
Private Health-care
Distance to Pvt Hospital
Within 1 km
_______ _
1-2 kms
2- 5 kms
more than 5 kms
TOTAL
%
70
22
6
2
100
Most slum-based formations are politically oriented and motivated, with control restino
in the hands of external leaders rather than the slumdwellers themselves In such a
cpntext, localised initiative
1^-.
Community Organisation
Nature of Initiative %___
Slum improvement
17
Political________
35
Cultural_________
5
Mixed
_______
14
No information
30
TOTAL
100
Well over half of the low-income settlements lack household electricity connections
20
Availability of Electricity
Nature of Facility
%
No connections
38
Only street lights
20
Fully connected
37
’____ 5
No information
| TOTAL
' 100
I
The five tables below outline the nature of environmental degradation in low-income
settlements in Hyderabad, which is paralleled in other urban areas in the country.
Poverty and environmental degradation closely reinforce one another. Wth lack of
adequate drinking water facilities, and serious sanitation deficiencies also present, and
drainage and solid waste disposal also being highly inadequate, environmental health
risks confronting the urban poor - both in terms of immediate impact, and the numbers
nvolved - are more severe than for any other groups. Watersanitation emerges as the
key environmental issue in the city
Drinking Water
Nature of Availability
Private taps_____
Public taps______
Bore wells______
Tanks / open wells
Other sources
No information
TOTAL_________
%
30
55
__ 6
__ 3^
_£
5
100
I* Lb ir
Sanitation______
Nature of Facility
%
No latrine_______
30
Public service
24
latrines_________
Public flush latrine
__ 9
Private latrines
34
No information
3
TOTAL__________ 100
/<? •
Drainage________
Arrangement
%
No drainage______ 17
Open drains______ 38
Covered drains
24
Underground_____
17
No information
4
TOTAL
100
21
Solid Waste Disposal
Arrangement
%
44
No arrangement
Individuals arrange
22
Municipal service
J31
No information
3
TOTAL
100
Access Roads
Type of Road
Pukka road______
All weather road
Katcha road_____
Not usable by cars
No information
TOTAL
%
54
9
30
6
1
100
Socio-economic profile of Households in Low income settlements
The sample survey of 967 low income households residing in 106 low income
settlements (out of the total of 708) in the MCH area shows that a large proportion of
households are in insecure, irregular, unprotected job conditions. This provides a
convenient means to gain a quick idea about the whole social and cultural milieu within
which they lead their lives and eke out their livelihood, the kind of stake or foothold they
might have, which affects their whole life experience in the city
746/^
Sample Respondents by Occupation
Occupation of Respondent___________
Casual labourer_____________________
Rickshaw pullers_____________________
Construction worker__________________
Vegetable & fruit vendors______________
Petty trade & business________________
Unskilled unorganised sector___________
Skilled unorganised sector_____________
Sweepers, servants, maids
Rag pickers, beggars
Workers in other service_______________
Sex workers, cleaners in transport, cobblers
Formal sector service__________________
Others_____________________________
TOTAL_________________
Source Oxfam Survey, 1997, N = 967 households
22
12 '
11
11
10
11
5 "
16
£
7
5
0.2
2
100
PCME is a better measure of household economic condition than income Poverty
alleviation programmes currently specify household income of Rs 11,850 pa as the
criterion to identify poor households. This works out to roughly Rs 200 per capita per
month (assuming an average household size of five). As the table shows, just over a
quarter of households can thus be considered poor economically
Households by Per Capita Monthly
Expenditure
PCME (Rs)
%
upto 200
27
201- 300
35
301- 400
401- 600
601- 800
18
14
801 & above
TOTAL
__ 3_
3
100
The majority of households are migrants to the city from rural areas. Most of them have
come from districts within Andhra Pradesh, but have been in residence in the city for
over 10 years. For the general population of Hyderabad city, in 1981, 18 % of the
population were migrants. In 1991. 26 % of the city population were migrants.
65 % of households were Hindus, and 35 % were Muslims. About 40 % belonged to
Scheduled Castes, 24 % to Backward Castes, and 6 % to Scheduled Tribes. 17 % live
in pakka houses, and the rest are in semi-pakka, or katcha houses. 51 % of dwellers
own the structures. 41 % are in rented premises. While 92 % of households reported
inclusion in the voters’ list, as many as 27 % did not have ration cards
About 30 % of the men, and 34 % of the women are illiterate. 60 % of school-goers
attended government schools, while 15 % went to private schools Among men 22 %
are educated upto secondary level and 33 % are college educated Among women, 28
% are educated upto secondary level, and 30 % upto college level
As mentioned earlier, the primary data on vulnerability across low-income settlements
in the city of Hyderabad is currently being processed. A rapid survey of all low-income
settlements in the metropolitan area of Hyderabad was first undertaken, and this was
crudely plotted on a city map distinguishing the five settlement types, viz
Squatters
The most vulnerable section within the city are the dwellers in squatter settlements
(also called sub-slums). Compared to dwellers in slums, the squatters are worse off in
terms of
•
•
•
environmental degradation of locality
living on the margins
security of tenure
23
•
•
•
•
•
secure livelihood
access to and availability of basic services and amenities
entitlement to rights
social awareness, organisation, hetworks and power
absence of state programmes
The crucial distinction between slums and squatter settlements is that while slum
dwellers have official recognition, cannot be evicted without proper rehabilitation, and
are also entitled to receive basic environmental services, the squatters are merely
tolerated. While squatter settlements have grown rapidly, especially in fnnge areas, and
evictions and demolition of such settlements has largely been very limited, the
squatters plight may nonetheless be viewed as one of living on borrowed time, and
hence subject to the mercy of political and other vested interests
When eviction does take place, that in itself may be viewed as a violation of the basic
right to a place to live in the city, bringing with it a high cost to the households in
question in human and material terms. While detailed documentation of the cases of
eviction / demolition in Hyderabad was not readily available to the research team,
reports from other cities have emphasised the ‘cost’ of such actions in terms of the
severe psychological stress and trauma, especially on women and children. Equally,
the futility of such actions has been emphasised, given that most oustees tend to return
to the location soon after the initial eviction
The Cost of Eviction
The human and material costs of eviction of slumdwellers have never
been analysed. The cost in state machinery required to carry out the
operation is often nullified. As shown by a study of pavement dwellers,
the majority return within a short period of time, because it is impossible
to ‘police’ such areas and economic imperatives push them back to their
old locations. The cost to the families of the slumdwellers is not only
physical but in all areas of their lives. The psychological costs are never
measured. A method adopted is to evict during mid-day, when men are
not likely to be around, hence the women and children bear the full
brunt. In one case, a woman who was due to deliver was so shocked by
the mowing down of the huts by bulldozers that she delivered her baby
in the midst of the mayhem. Children who were in the midst of their
school examinations, came back to find their homes in ruins. Even the
movement of a slum community is not timed with children’s school year
Yet a government officer arranges his transfer to coincide with his
children’s academic year No one has studied the consequences upon
children of such periodic upheavals and their views on the violence they
must deal with so early in their lives (Sengupta, 1988.61)
A vital factor in the reluctance of government to even acknowledge the existence of the
squatters is the increasing commodification of urban land, spiralling of land values and
the growth of speculative real estate forces in the city. Rather than function as a force
24
of order or an agent protecting the interests of dispnvileged sections, the state itself in
such a context becomes a major actor in the real estate market Making concessions
to squatters is seen as a loss of what could otherwise yield substantial profits to public
or private land-dealers
Given the predominantly marginalised character of such settlements and their dwellers
- small settlements, isolated, scattered across the city fringes and margins of
infrastructure - the potential positive electoral consequences of support to squatters is
likely to be limited. However, over the last decade and a half, selective recognition and
political clientelism - of one form or another, from distribution of title to mere notification
without any provision of services - was a conspicuous aspect of state policy.
Notwithstanding the populist orientation of such actions, they must be seen dearly
within the larger role of the state in terms of land and urban development, making
public land available to private real estate promoters.
Squatter Citizen
s
♦
♦
♦
♦
♦
♦
♦
♦
predominantly daily wage earners
engaged in low paid, insecure jobs in the urban ‘informal’ sector; since
social status considerations are low and they are prepared to bear risk
and hardship, a small number may even be successful in earning ‘good’
amounts
range of occupations includes rickshaw pulling, petty street vending and
hawking, house-work, scavenging
average family size is six
women and children mostly working
educational levels generally very low
prevalence of petty crime
marginal to social formations and action
Nowhere Group
An interesting aspect of the enquiry into vulnerability in Hyderabad was a departure
from the conventional approach of focusing on specific occupational groups and
residential settlement types only.
Through the involvement of Deccan Development Society (DDS) - Confederation of
Voluntary Agencies (COVA) in the exercise, this organisation’s own experience,
concerns, insights and perspectives formed an important basis of the enquiry. Their
work with poor Muslim communities living in the city core, organisation building efforts
involving small Muslim CBOs, and perhaps most importantly, consistent civic efforts for
communal harmony, sensitised them to some of the emerging and hitherto unattended
Issues. Thus, for them the concern about the generally disempowered status of. and
dismal prospects confronting, sections of the lower middle class, who are also socio
culturally inhibited from taking up some of the livelihood means and survival strategies
25
freely adopted by the labouring poor. Nowhere people s values continue to be of a
‘middle-class’ kind, while their resources and earnings do not really permit them to
sustain such values. However, abandoning these values - such as in regard to
expenditures, education, social obligations, nature of livelihood and shelter taken up - is
not an easy or immediate option open to them. Hence they are caught in a kind of
scissors-like bind, and be mute witness to a relentless degradation in living standards
and opportunities
There may be theoretical weaknesses involved in defining such a nowhere’ group as
vulnerable, and also methodological and operational difficulties in exactly identifying
such households. However, it is important to remember that the whole exercise of
enquiring into vulnerability in Hyderabad is being undertaken only in order to
subsequently move towards developing intervention strategies and action plans, in
collaboration with city activists and organisations, which can then be actually initiated
on the ground, by some local stakeholders. This necessitates the involvement of local
organisations from the very enquiry stage itself. Consequently there win be the
possibility of differing perspectives, between the local groups, and external ‘experts’
involved in the exercise. But this can well be translated as an occasion for clarification
and learning, on both sides
Thus, DOS - COVA can become sensitised to viewing the plight of these ‘nowhere’
groups within a larger framework of urban poverty and vulnerability; equally,
professional social researchers can become aware of some of the subtle and emerging
dimensions of city dynamics The relationship between the economic changes initiated
in the name of liberalisation from the early 1990s (and more generally through the
1980s), the differential spread and distribution of its impacts and the declining stakes
of the ‘nowhere’ group - is a theme meriting more rigorous research by social scientists
For now, the nowhere group may be defined as a category of non-labouring city
dwellers, who belong to the lower echelons of the middle class, with some education
but rapidly shrinking stakes in a transforming environment, involving changing markets
for skills and occupations. Most individuals in this group do not belong to any unions or
to any social, political or cultural organisations As a result, they are unable to
systematically advance their interests, and remain confined to merely passively joining
demonstrations and rallies. However, it is this group that may be susceptible to
extremist ideologies and be active during violent demonstrations and riots
The Nowhere Group - Key Indicators
The table below gives PCME for nowhere households. Remembering the PCME
situation for slum households looked at earlier (where 27 % spent less than Rs 200 pm
and 35 % were in the Rs 200 - 300 range) we can see that nowhere groups are just
slightly better off than slum dwellers They are literally on the border of poverty
26
^6A
______
PC Monthly
% Survey
Expenditure_________ Households
Rs 200 > 300________ 38________
Rs 301 ■ 400
21
Rs 401 - 600
29_
_
Rs 600- 800
'8 7
Rs 800- 1000
4
Source OXFAM Field Survey
A significant finding is that while only 6 % of the members of sample households were
illiterate, such illiteracy was predominantly confined to the women in the family.
Similarly, the women tended to be consistently less educated in comparison to males in
the family. However, several women did have high educational attainments such as
^aduate^ post-graduate
Education
% Household
Members
Illiterate________
6__________
Primary________
23_________
Secondary______
23
_____
Higher Secondary
20__ __ ____
Graduate_______
23
Post Graduate
_______ 5__________
Source OXFAM Field Survey
Occupational profile of surveyed households shows that the overwhelming majority of
them are in white collar, clerical and service sector jobs - typists, office assistants,
clerks, and salespersons, mainly in the private informal sector. Some of the individuals
were also in more specialised employment, e.g. part-time lecturers in private colleges
Distribution of surveyed households by family size is given below 5-7 members would
appear to be the norm
lAhh £6
Family Size
% Survey
Households
5 members
21_________
6 members
25_
_
7 members
33
8 members
17
9 members__________4 '
Source OXFAM Field Survey
More than half of households own assets worth under Rs 15,000, indicating the
predominantly humble situation of the nowhere group
27
J/.
Value of Household ~%
Assets (Rs)
Households
Less than 1,000
4
1J00- 3,000^
.33
7,000-10000
"10,000- 15,000 ~~ __4_
12
20,000-25,000
4
25,000 - 50,00Q_ J 25
50,000 & above
T 17
was found^rmore than 30^o/thVh^useholds^T0655 °f
househo(ds
15,000 - 20,000. More than 70' % of The h^LSJOu,s,andi"9 debt of Rs
particularly from relatives and friends anS^i r ® repOrted freqUent b<’™*ing,
purposes
ndS' and lar9efy for marriage and educational
'able <5^ ■
Social Awar^iiT
r^Ho^sehoTcTJ
Read Newspaper
Join Cultural Activities
Join
Political activities
Activitiruuni ruwiicai
Join Community Initiatives
Members
88
9
jy
17 ------
Street Children
The phenomenon'of sTreeTcMdrerTisPnotOnew ^6°
pro!,ramme!
exercise is s‘reet chi|dren
also now
poverty.
'7u
'”a™8' t>u«»n «
and Action Plan, in metropolitan Calcutta deX fromw^f ana9ement Stra,esy
gastroenteric , infectious and resniram^'^;- thS f °m several
causes children from the lowest social classes
63568 ’
f°Und tO be more common in
society’s capability to develop
What happens to children is
°h
rnass've negative impact on
a fundamental determinant of what happens to society
28
Thus, a need to place the needs, interests and perspectives of children at the centre of
social and economic policy This is not simply a moral imperative, but is essential to the
success of any economic or social policy, whether or not it is explicitly directed towards
children's needs. Such a move would bring with it in due course a major shift in
understanding of children and society, which is a prerequisite to positive and
sustainable change
Children who live in poverty face considerable threats to their physical and mental
development due to ill health, poor nutrition and poor environmental conditions. These
arise fundamentally from the failure of current policies to appreciate the implicatkyis of
poverty for children and hence for society as a whole, and deriving from this, a failure to
look after the needs, interests and rights of children
Similarly, a focus on the future helps to indicate the importance of girl child related
Issues. Studies have established that investments in female primary education is
associated with higher economic productivity, and improved social welfare (for example
lower infant and maternal mortality, longer life expectancy for both men and women
and lower fertility rates). Such investments are therefore akin to ‘infrastructural
investments’, which enable future positive conditions.
Early childhood is a time of opportunity in which even small positive changes can
generate long-term benefits. Children are the future. Childhood cannot be entirely
privatised. It is a concern that resides in the public domain as well. The starting point of
any child-centred agenda must be a vision of a an economic environment that enables
everyone to secure access to sustainable livelihoods and to participate fully in the
development process and share in its economic and social benefits.
A survey of street children in Hyderabad was undertaken through the Oxfam study,
taking the help of two local NGOs (Forum for Street Child and Mount Fort Nilayam)
The principal findings may be summarised below.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Socio-economic background of poverty
Most are boys
Most are illiterate or have low educational levels
Are working due to conflicts with parents, though many still maintain family links
While many have come from rural areas, many have been bom and grown up in the
city
Have left home at the age of 7-9 years
Like in other cities, many are found on railway platforms
Work includes rag-picking, and as casual hands in hotels & restaurants
Street children earnings yield below poverty line incomes
29
The Public Domain and Civic Action for Social Justice in Hyderabad
The underlying concern with catalysing, facilitating and supporting the initiation of long
term, transformative action in Hyderabad city in favour of its vulnerable sections raises
the million dollar question of ‘who’ It brings to centre stage the question of committed,
empowered ownership, within the citizen body, of such an agenda. This ‘who cannot
be an incidental matter Such ownership presumes that a sensibility, a stream of
practice and experience, learning, development of awareness and consciousness
through this - all have deep roots in the city space It leads us to reflecting upon the
social ecology of the city, and searching here for clues about the stream of social or
civic action in the city.
The critical task, within such an effort, is identification of key city-based activist
informants, whose information, comments, analysis and envisioning all flow from their
own rich action experience; who would be enabled through such an exercise to develop
an overview of urban vulnerability, see this in the appropriate analytical perspective,
arrive at the requisite intervention strategy, and move towards taking it up through
specific activities. If such activist-informants have been closely associated with the
city’s civil society and public domain, then their thinking would also implicitly bear in
mind the traditions, discourses, alliances, approaches, strategies and activities that
have existed in the city-space This whole effort analysis cannot be divorced from other
larger forces impinging upon the city today - such as economic changes and attendant
accentuation of disparities, or communalism and inter-community relations
This is not something an external researcher can ever ’know’. Such awareness would
go together with ‘ownership’ of the concerns of social justice and development,
ecological sustainability and human development. Genuine ownership would mean that
in parallel with action initiatives, over the years the activists have also been
continuously questioning, analysing, reflecting discussing and studying various aspects
of the problem, and the meaningful action imperatives arising therefrom Such activists
would, consciously or otherwise be looking toward being involved in some critical new
initiatives. These are rare individuals, but they exist in every city Such activists may be
found within government, local bodies, development authorities, political parties, trade
unions, academic and research institutions, civil liberties groups, citizen’s associations,
non-govemmental organisations (NGOs), community-based organisations (CBOs).
They are likely to have been associated with various public initiatives and groupings
and yet continued searching, and therefore remained open to going beyond the limits
of the, limited and hence inadequate typical worldviews and approaches of the various
stakeholders in the city. On the basis of their own experience, such activists could also
help to possibly define the spheres or sites wherein similar people could be found in
other cities.
Therefore, in addition to the report on vulnerability, there neeos to be a city-based
'scan' of the public domain, within such terms Taken together, they would enable the
preparation of a 'process recommendation’, for the specific city - for the taking up of an
intensive, consultative, participatory exercise of strategy formulation and action
planning Through undertaking this, not only could one hope to arrive at an ‘Action
30
Programme' for that city, but through the involvement of key activists in this, the
exercise itself could be seen as a critical preliminary stage of the 'Action' itself.
Just as action by citizens to advance a particutar public concern can-lead to change# in
the social and physical environment of the city, equally, it is the city that draws its
citizens into spheres and moulds them in specific ways. The social life of a city is a
istoncal continuum, an entity that is invisible but ever alive and ever transmitting It i# in
mis reafm, of the city's civic stream, that one might find the seeds of transformative action
And this cmc stream is something much larger than aii the actions taken together of all
lnv’MUn
13
That the dynamism and vitality of the intellectual and cultural milieu of Hyderabad in the
early part of this century is something that is even today remembered by non-Hyderabadis rrD^?rates the P0101 te'Hg made ,n Hyderabad the occasion of the 50th Anniversary
and
? Prompted much writing in the city newspapers about the ‘forgotten’ legacy
^SenC^ry^9UreS’ °f 1116 paSt ,n any ,ar9e’ ^Potont historical dty, this ^ot
something that dies out very quickly.
ZX’fXra
wUr
alS2 bB Seen as a kind of 9ropin9'
Contes the
utter failure of the state, the market, as well as so called non-govemmental
organisations to effectively address the issue of basic survival - let alone social
STSient ’ thS lab°u1_rin9' P°or and vulnerable sections. And thus one arrives at
«
significance of the role of civil soaety and the building of civil society
Zln«°rhS and n,tiat'ves ,n this vacuum. But civil society can only be built by tt!e
^ernse 768 Today’s city, a city of injustice, forms citizens in its image. And
ady s citizen^ socialised in an environment of looking out for and doing the best for
themselves and the devil take the hindmost, seek to build the city in theiNmage
Thinking in this light, one arrives at an understanding of the need to get to the heart of
the city s civic sensibility, its values, its traditions and idioms, channels of
communication, networks of association. Forward, towards the future, with the past.
One needs to uncover the specific story of the 'public domain' of the city : the pursuit
HtaiiA^?riCorninnl0f .rion'Part'sanal concerns; the actors and actions; the ideological,
*nte tecttua! or spiritual underpinnings; the social strata and groups involved; the
eSJ tyP^'t0 th'S City' at play in a"this; sacred values' no«ons of
right and wrong, good and bad, what Is important and what is not; modes of
“in *'?st'!ut,ons' mter-generational transfer of consciousness, and renewal of
"r
’ °ne may see the ‘ransformative agenda as being based in a
process of (re-)discovery of roots, identification, empowerment, envisioning, and
> r nasion.
ttchlreXX? Sfh °Wn h'SKOrV BUt Urban and metropolitan culture is distinguished by
it characteristic of being un-bounded. The story of any city is also part of the story of
31
•pCx/ -'oo
every other city. While no outsider can know a city and relate to it in the existential
manner that a long-standing, aware, committed resident does, someone who knows a
city in this fashion can imagine that others, in other cities, are also in a similar situation
in their own city. His remembrance of the ways and means through which his
consciousness and experience was formed in his city could help those in other cities to
understand theiris, and their own standing within this He could be a catalyst to a
process of genuine civic renewal, if he represents renewal in his own city
This then is a proposal for such a perspective to guide the work in Hyderabad
In the brief period since the work in Hyderabad was started, an effort has been made to
begin understanding this city in such terms. A number of books, reports and articles
(both scholarly as well as of a ‘popular* kind) are being gathered and studied. People
from various walks of life are being met and their views are solicited on different
subjects. Insights and experiences of key informants are being probed. One tries to
discern what is trite and old hat for locals but distinctive for an outsider. Memories are
explored, of people, endeavours, events, organisations, institutions, movements
All this is something that is qualitative, normative, subjective, takes its own time, and is
dependent upon fortuitous circumstances (which have a habit of coming up whenever
someone makes sincere efforts). So by no means is this ‘analysis’, or process
complete. Questions, and possible directions to look into, are emerging
•
Can one speak at all about Hyderabad, as a collective human entity, a community ?
Who is this Hyderabad! ? What public values does s/he stand for, most
fundamentally; what distinguishes him / her ? How widespread, how rooted is this
sense of being Hyderabad! ? How is it internalised or inculcated ? What is today
understood by cultural heritage of Hyderabad ? Who are the people who represent
this, uphold this, communicate this to others and across generations ? Which are
the institutions that may be seen as having played major roles in the life and history
of the city, its fortunes ?
•
Can it be held that Hyderabad had and still has a unique history of religious
harmony between Hindus and Muslims - notwithstanding the surface tensions of
communal riots ? That Hindu and Muslim have worked closely together, on both
secular or public causes as well as religious matters ? Can Hyderabad claim to be
the model as far as national integration goes ?
•
Hyderabad has played an immense and historical role, over many centuries, in the
development of Urdu language, literature and poetry. The tradition of courteous
speech and behaviour may also be seen in this light. What has this refinement
meant, in terms of development of sensibility, values, enlightenment ? What has
enlightenment meant in Hyderabad ? What have been the concerns, the actions ?
Who have been the leaders and strugglers for social reform and change at various
junctures ? Who has spoken for the voiceless ? And what has been the fate of this
stream of sensibility, concern, action over the years ? Who have attempted to
32
integrate various otherwise isolated strands of concern; in what spheres, today, are
such efforts to be found ?
•
What has become of Hyderabad’s supposed heritage of learning and higher
education, openness to worldwide currents ? Did / Does this translate into public
action on behalf of the less privileged ?
•
Besides the 50th Anniversary of India’s Independence, August 1997 also witnessed
the centenary of Ronald Ross’s discovery of the malaria parasite in the mosquito
(20 August), in Secunderabad. This was indeed a very significant event, not only
for India, but for all of mankind. How have the twin cities, of Hyderabad and
Secunderabad lived up to this measure in the last one hundred years ?
•
Islam, and Islamic civilisational values have in many ways been driving forces
behind the development of Hyderabad. With the growth of communalism in this
century, and the madness unleashed around Partition, the city’s Muslim community
had to suffer a form of orphaning, following the migration of the city’s Muslim elite
to Pakistan, America, Europe, Bombay etc. In the post-independence era, and most
notably through the 1980s, Hyderabad witnessed the purposeful escalation of
communal politics and engineered riots. So that it seems almost black humour to be
talking about the 'unique heritage of communal harmony in Hyderabad’.
•
The administrative centre of a 'sovereign' Urdu-speaking Muslim ruler has become
the capital of the Telugu-speaking state of Andhra Pradesh The city has grown
physically in a manner that has marginalised the historical core, a new set of
winners have taken over, and built their city around the former one. Earlier
privileges were lost, and new keys to success were also emerging. Surely, this does
something to a people ? What have been some of the non-typical ways in which
people have responded to this situation ? And surely, after a new set of people
come in and start building the city around them, a ‘culture’ of theiris too starts
growing, and drawing others into its fold ? Some among them may be sensitive to
the peculiar situation here and this sensibility impells them to do some slightly
different kinds of things ? Again all such concerns have also been somewhat
marginal to the lives of many who have remained throughout within the marginal
orders.
•
City development over the past two decades may also be seen in the light of the
emergence of a non-Congress, regional political formation in the state. A new effort
at mobilising constituencies, the development of a political cadre as well as
network at the city-level around urban concerns and demands of different interest
groups. A new brand of politics and policies, involving e g., selective granting of
recognition to distribution of land title to dwellers in squatter settlements. This is
paralleled by the building of mutual gratification links with real estate promoters and
builders, infrastructural contractors, all of which makes living in the city increasingly
difficult for the low income. In turn, such developments also have the consequence
of making the city’s better -off sections more and more hostile towards the poorer
sections, who they see as gaining everything, while they themselves are helpless.
33
Equally, growing disparities and rising costs of living also increases hostility among
the poor. But can one talk in this context of integration, common cause, common
interest ? Is there something in Hyderabad that also necessarily limits conflict,
enhances harmony ?
’-
•
Hyderabad is also distinguished for its legacy of the Urban Community
Development programme in slums - something from which has grown an impressive
public programme (within the Government of India) for poverty alleviation and
community empowerment. There is a need to reflect on the UCD as an organic
‘institution’ in the city. What were the strengths and limitations of this ? To what
extent was this ‘enlightenment’ vertically transmitted, within the government, and
horizontally, across other sections of society ? There is today, in Hyderabad, quite
an elaborate public apparatus, on paper, for urban welfare. But has this translated
into a superior performance by the HUDA, or MCH, in urban planning and
governance ? And what can one say today, about what really has been achieved at
the grassroot level, in Hyderabad, in communities, among community organisations
? What capabilities and confidence ? What experience ? And whom can this now
be carried to ?
•
What about the ODA-supported Slum Improvement programme in Hyderabad especially in terms of the UCD background ? Did this programme build upon the
UCD legacy ? Or would one say that this programme has been severely damaging
in the sense of initiating unsustainable works and programmes ?
•
The 1980s spate of communal politics and riots in Hyderabad also saw the efforts
through Hyderabad Ekta, to restore sanity. In retrospect, it may be possible to see
this civic effort as a very positive process, something behind the fact that in 1992
after the Ayodhya destruction, there were no riots in Hyderabad ? But then, again
another brand of communal riots has been trying to settle in Hyderabad in recent
years - that which is directly linked to land-grabbing from minority households
•
Deccan Development Society, as a voluntary organisation, was also involved in the
wo of Ekta. Apart from the civic dimension of this role, this may also be seen as
growing out of their work with poor Muslim communities living in slums in the old
city. And in turn leading to a deepening of the work itself
COVA as an outcome of this, and the formation of an empowering piatfonn for a
de^elopmemworiT811 MUS,’m comrT,unity-based organisations, undertaking
•
The concern about the ‘nowhere group’ may also be seen in this light, and in rtseff
surely indicates a sensibility for ‘ownership’ of the future of the city
witnessed was unique, and will surely rank as a major event in the long life of this
34
•
Hyderabad is also very much in the forefront of the process that is coming alive,
and has only gained strength since the Babri Masjid demolition, of the coming out of
the shadows and the finding of voice by the commdh, honest. ptfaceiMoving Muslim.
Surely, this is a very important social phenomenon in the city, one that will affect not
just Muslims, but Hindus as well.
•
The Andhra Pradesh - Vision 2025 : could this have a Hyderabad-level
ramification ? Whose vision ? What vision ? Would citizens, or activists of
Hyderabad think of beginning their own Vision 2025 movement ?
•
Planners, professionals and the people : can there be common interests, common
cause ? Or are they necessarily at loggerheads ? Do professionals (architects,
engineers, city planners, builders) have a responsibility for basic human dignity in
the city ? Are they ever in league with social activists, within a collaborative,
mutually empowering relationship ? Can the current Master Plan finalisation
process be seen as an opportunity for a public campaign for sustainable, just
development for Hyderabad ? Who would be the ‘natural’ leaders and members of
such a campaign - or is something like this inconceivable for Hyderabad ?
•
When people talk of ‘polluted Hyderabad’, what is the notion that they have in mind,
about ‘environment’ and ‘pollution’ ? Who really are the worst victims of
environmental degradation in the city ? What therefore are the key environmental
issues facing the city ? Air and sound pollution, or availability of water and
sanitation ?
•
Keeping in view urban vulnerability, city development process and political
economy, what, can we really say, today, about the many NGO groups and projects
in Hyderabad ? What does all this add up to ? What is the net gain, in whichever
terms; or could one argue that they are completely insignificant to the overall reality
and dynamics, and are confined to limited, isolated actions in a few spots ? What is
the culture, and work culture in the NGOs, the leadership, ideologies, visions - or
are all these not very relevant questions, with work expanding to fill the funds
available for disbursement ?
•
Hyderabad also has the valuable experience, in organisations like Samakhya, who
have been connected with the co-operatives movement in the state. Is this seen as
a public or system resource ? Do activists think in terms of building their own
network of functional specialists and resource groups, as a public forum working
for the public cause ? What meaning do the terms networking, collaboration have 7
Are people co-conspiring for change ?
•
The window of opportunity brought by the 74th Amendment; the urban poverty
alleviation programmes taken up since the early 1990s; the recent Andhra Pradesh
Urban Poverty Alleviation Programme; and the latest declaration of intent by the
central government to scrap the needless multiplicity of programmes and replace
35
these with a single, integrated one. Can one envision a Hyderabad that is distinctive
for having a large number of community organisations who are the primary
functionaries responsible for environmental management in low-income
settlements and where this is undertaken by them in partnership with the
Corporation ? Can one see these organisations then going on to become social
promoters of redevelopment in the slums, using surpluses from this as a major
means of support for community development ?
Conclusion
We hope this note has served to highlight some of the key issues and concerns on
urban poverty and vulnerability in Hyderabad, bearing in mind wider issues of
urbanisation, political economy of city development, basic rights and public domain.
The note has also attempted to raise some hitherto unattended questions, such as that
pertaining to the so called 'nowhere groups’.
Who are the vulnerable ? Surely the most vulnerable are those whose very survival in
the city space is threatened; and survival necessitates livelihood Therefore, certain
occupational categories may be considered vulnerable. But life definitely should involva
much more than mere survival - and this is what social development essentially boils
down to, i.e. building opportunities, for the future, for the disprivileged Hence the need
to also look at shelter, habitat, health, education etc
All the vulnerable are not poor', though all the poor may be considered very vulnerable
But perhaps most fundamentally, there is a need to recognise that the poor or
vulnerable are full citizens, with basic human and civic rights. Violation of these rights
renders them vulnerable. And it is a specific politico-economic complex that generates
and sustains the conditions resulting in vulnerability. Hence, that needs to be broadly
understood, in terms of forces, actors, dynamics, policy, plans, trends. Finally, the
question of change, a public domain concern, raises questions about actors
capabilities institutions, and the civil society. This realm has also to be understood and
more than that related to, towards possibly building a city strategic action team
Methodologically, the study has attempted to steer clear of an overly formalistic purelv
academic enquiry, choosing instead to go for a more consultative, collaborative and
participatory approach, which would bring with it rewards of mutual learning and
♦h^O^re?Kid'fferent leVelS °f reality' KeeP'nfl in view tt10 fundamental ethical question
lnSeS ,n S0Cial research - about fra appropriation of information and
knowledge for the convenience and gratification of researchers - the study team has
foteSntinn!
38
ear1y 9uality inPuts towards the delivery of effective
intenzentions on the ground. And all the work done so far in Hyderabad, including
development of the methodology itself, was undertaken consultatively and
collaboratively with local organisations and activists.
36
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a
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