CHILIKA BANCHAO

Item

Title: CHILIKA
BANCHAO
extracted text: CHILIKA
BANCHAO

SAVE CHILIKA

CHILIKA
BANCHAO

SAVE CHILIKA

PREFACE
The text of this book-let was published earlier as an issue
of UPDATE from Delhi. This issue of the UPDATE was
quite appreciated by, especially, the peoples’ organisations
working for the protection of Chilika and the rights of its people.
Chilika Bachao Andolan wrote to us immediately. Krantadarshi Yuba Sangam suggested a few corrections and asked
for more copies to be made available to them. Meanwhile, we
thought that there is scope for the expansion of the text keeping
in mind the campaign needs of the movement in Chilika.
Hence the publication of this book-let with the inclusion of a
few box items. We are optimistic that the book-let will add to
the strength of the campaign.

Ashok Sharma, R. Sugathan, J. John

BAY OF BENGAL

c h an n el

MAQ-fiRMUKH

BAY MOUTH

hilika, one of the large lagoons in India, now rever

Cberates with the call of those people who survive by it to
protect it from the rapacious rape by corporate industrialists in

active collusion with the State, The intense struggle is being
spearheaded by peoples’ organisations like ‘Chilika Banchao
Andolan’, ‘Meet The Students’, ‘Chilika Suraksha Parishad’,
‘Orissa Krushak Mahasangh’ and ‘Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam’.
They are resisting with all their might the conversion of Chilika
lake into an area for large scale commercial prawn aquacul
ture farming by the Tatas. The agitators say, the corporate
entry would not only deprive them of their livelihood, but
also destroy the natural eco-system of the Chilika lake.
Chilika Lake

Chilika is India’s biggest brackish water lagoon with a
surface area of 916 sq. kms. spread over Puri and Ganjam
districts of Orissa. It is connected to the Bay of Bengal through
narrow but deep channel of 35 kms., the Magarmukh channel.
Fresh water is brought into the lagoon by as many as forty
rivers and drains including Daya, Bhargavi, Luna, Kanya,
and Malagani.
The lagoon is rich in biddiversity. The whole Chilika
had been declared as a sanctuary in 1973 by the Government
of India. More than 160 species of fish, crustaceans and other
fauna live in it. The shallow areas of the lake and especially
the island Nalabana provide sanctuary for hundreds of thous
ands of migratory birds from places nearby to places as far
away as Northern Asia and Arctic shores, in winter as well
as in summer. It has been observed that flamingoes, dubchicks,
egrets, herons and a host of other birds numbering about
151 species flock to the Chilika lake to feed on the rich diet
the lake offers.
The large land mass of about 1400 acres inside the lake,
the area which had been allocated to the Tatas, are of great
economic significance to the local fisherpeople. During the

1

rainy season, the entire land mass gets covered by water and
the shallow waters created are ideal for natural prawn breed
ing. Tens of thousands of fisherpeople live by harvesting prawns
from this region.

CHILIKA AND FISHERPEOPLE
Water spread area of Chilika

In summer

— 906 Sq. Kms.

In monsoon

—1165 Sq. Kms.

Water depth of Chilika

In summer

—0.94 to 2.63 metres

In monsoon

—1.78 to 3.70 metres

Lake mouth

Outerchannel from
lake to barmouth

2

—Magarmukh opening to Bay of
Bengal opposite to Arkhakuda
village.

—Magarmukh channel with a length
of 35 kms.

Number of rivers
and drains feeding
the Lake

—40 (8 of which are perennial)

Number of fishing
villages around
Chilika

—191 in 122 revenue villages

Strength of Chilika
fisherpeople and
dependants

—1,91,000

COMMUNITY SPLIT OF THE
CHILIKA FISHERPEOPLE
(Based on the paper by Rajeshwari Chandrasekhar, ORG,
Bhubaneswar, presented to the workshop of NGOs and peoples'
organisations of Chilika Lake on 3-4 Feb., 1992
at Bhubaneswar)

Fisherpeople
_____ 1_____
Traditional fisherpeople
are mostly Dalits who fish
by traditional means

Oriyas

I
(I) Keuta people (also
known as Kaibarta or
Khatia) form 68% of the
traditional fisherpeople and
they fish with nets.
(2) Khandara. the second
largest community use traps
like Dhaudi and Tata for
catching crabs and prawns.
(3) Tiar people use bamboo
traps called Bejas and
Menjhas.
(4) Karatias use both nets
and traps for fishing.

Non-traditional fisherpeople are
mostly upper caste people involved
mainly in prawn culture

Telugu Immigrants

I

(1) Nolias fish mainly in the
sea and partly in the lake
mouth and in some parts of the
outer channel with drag nets
and cast nets.

The remaining six months, when water gets receded, this
area witnesses the abundant growth of grass and the land mass
becomes the grazing ground for herds of cattle in tens of
thousands. Milk too, plays an important role in the economy
of the region. The prawns and the cattle not only exist
symbiotically but also provide people, especially the traditional
people, with the means of their sustenance.
The traditional fisherpeople who constitute around 40%
of the people in the area and numbering around 1,91,000 live
in 191 fishing villages that encircles the Chilika lake. The rest,
farmers and businessmen too live on Chilika and the fish caught
from Chilika.
From time immemorial there existed this symbiotic rela
tionship between all life forms that live by Chilika lake. Tata’s
entry into this forey is going to irrevocably destroy the tran
quility of this ecosystem and the survival of all living forms
including human beings.
The Project

The Project envisages the creation of an artificial lake
inside Chilika by enclosing the 1400 acre land mass mentioned
above with a 13.7 kms. long ring embankment. This artificial
lake is to be divided into a number of ponds in which the
prawns are to be nurtured and reared commercially.

In 1986, the then Orissa Government through Orissa
Maritime and Chilika Area Development Corporation (OMCAD)
had entered into a deal with the Tatas to lease out 600 hectares
of land to the Tata Aquatic Farms Ltd for 15 years. The
present Janata Dal government reopened the negotiations
and revised the terms in which this 20 crore project becomes
a joint venture, Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. Now the Govern
ment of Orissa claims that they own 49% of the shares while
48% goes to the Tatas through Tata Steel and Tata Oil
Mills. The Revenue Department has already leased out 400
hectares of the land in Panasapada village to the Chilika Aquatic
Farms Ltd for prawn culture.
Chilika’s saline water is to be pumped into the artificial
lake by 150 water pumps of 200 horse power each, every day
for 12 to 16 hours, as the culture needs brackish water. While
the prawns grow up to 50 grams within 80-90 days, Tata s

4

CHILIKA AQUATIC FARMS LIMITED
Flow chart of the various units

project intends to grow prawns of 250 grams to 300 grams
within 30 to 40 days. As the water gets polluted with the heavy
use of high protein feed, fertilisers, chemicals and pesticides,
the highly toxic effluent water from the artificial lake will be
drained out through shutters with the help of another set of
high power pumps to the Bhubania water channel which is
part of Chilika lake system.

PARTICIPATION AND EQUITY PATTERN OF THE
CHILIKA AQUATIC FARMS LIMITED (CAFL)

Percentage
—
49
—
30
—
18
3

Participant
Government of Orissa
Tata Iron and Steel Co. Ltd. (TISCO}
Tata Oil Mill Co. Ltd. (TOMCO)
Otto India Pvt. Ltd.

—

Total:

100

Source: Tata's Project Report on CAFL.

FUNDING PATTERN OF THE PROJECT OF CAFL

Rs. in lakhs
—
350
— 1050

Equity
Term loan
Short term loan/
Over draft with Bankers

—

Total:

Source: Tata's Project Report on CAFL.
6

600
2000

EXPENDITURE SPLIT OF THE CAFL PROJECT
(Rs. 20 Crores')
Rs. in lakhs
1158

Farm

Hatchery

246

Head office

15

Technical Fee

24

Ground rent for Farm land

76

Pre-operative Expenses

24

Interest Capitalised during construction
phase (1 st Year)

42

Total Capital Expenditure of the project

1585

Working Capital requirement

415
Total:

2000

Source: Tata's Project Report on CAFL.

The project also envisages a hatchery with a capacity of
400 million, a feed mill with a single shift capacity of 4,000
tonnes per year and a seaside processing plant near Puri.
Environmental Destruction and Human Misery

The 20 crore Tata, Govt, of Orissa joint venture has all
the potentials to inflict serious damages to the Chilika’s ecosys
tem. Consider the effect, of the enormous quantities of pollut
ed and toxic water pumped out of the ponds, will have on the
Chilika lake. The argument that the effluents are not pumped
out directly into the Chilika lake doesn’t stand reason because
the Bhubania channel is very much part of the lake system.
Tata’s project is said to be the scientific way of cultivating
prawns. But what does that science entail? The market orient
ed science enables Tatas to cultivate prawns in isolation, but
kills in the process the whole, the Chilika lake.
7

SURVIVAL OF CHILIKA
The lake has four natural sectors—north, central,
south and the outer channel. Daya, Luna, Ratnachira,
Bhargavi and Kania rivers of district Puri discharge flood
waters into the north sector of Chilika. Malaguni, Dhanua
and Salia from district Puri and the ten water channels
from district Ganjam empty into the central sector of
Chilika. During monsoon, the flood waters push out the
saline waters into the Bay of Bengal through the Maga
rmukh opening. The lake turns into a sweet water eco
system from July to December. From January onwards,
the south wind begins to flow and the saline waters from
the Bay of Bengal rush to the lake through Magarmukh
during high tides. This saline ecosystem prevails from
January to June. During the transition period of the sweet
saline cycle, both flora and fauna that does not suit to the
alien ecosystem get killed.
This cycle is now getting disturbed due to natural and
artificial changes. The Magarmukh opening got shifted
southward in 1972 due to the devastating cyclone. Old
Harchandi mouth in the southern extremity is no more now.
Linkage of Palur Bay with Rushikulya estuary through
Palur canal has been cut off. The Magarmukh is only 30
cms. deep in summer. Since the Magarmukh mouth gets
elevated and is shallow, the net results of tidal ingress is
not significant. This reduces the salinity of the lake water.
The egress of water caused by the northernly wind during
October-February is low. This gives less change for the
replacement with saline water, and at the same time silt
load is not pushed into the sea. The area between Bay of
Bengal and outer channel suffers from sand casting, reduc
ing the tidal ingress and thus the flushing out of sweet water.
Thus the brackish environment is endangered and the silt
is not flushed out as well. Part of the average addition
of 13 million tonnes of silt a year brought by the food waters
remains in the lake.
Deforestation of the basins of the Chilika bound
rivers have only added to the problem. It is said that the
rice cultivation taken up by the newly settled refugees
on the banks of these rivers and rivulets has also increased
8

the silt load. Preventive measures like proper soil manage
ment in the nearby banks and the distant basins, dredging
of Magarmukh, etc. are being suggested.

As siltation and salinity are inter-related, so is the
problem of eutrophy. The north sector is the eutrophica
tion region. Less salinity breeds more weeds. More them
200 sq. kms. are affected by the weed of Potamogeton
species alone. Spread of an exotic water hyacinth (Eichornea species') is alarming. The overgrowth of weeds can
reduce the dissolved oxygen level of water endangering the
water fauna, increasing mosquito breeding, creating pro
blems ofpublic health in terms of high incidence of malaria
and filaria which are already rampant in the area, and
obstructing the movement of boats, affecting negatively
both fishing and transport. The dead vegetation shallows
the lake forming peats. The north western part of the
north sector is getting marshy at accelerated rate. As Prof.
C. K. Parshney mentions, only a salinity regime can control
the weeds in a natural ecofriendly manner. Weeds are not
just a nuisance. They are a must for fish and birds. Inter
tidal vegetation are a must for prawn juveniles in the natural
culture ofprawns. Weeds prevent mud layer erosion. What is
needed is that the excessive weed growth should be
controlled.
Then there is the general pollution. There are indus
tries around the western part of the lake. Waste water
from these industries, oil from bilgewater of the Naval
Cadet training ships and power driven boats are discharged
into the lake. The catchment areas of the rivers feeding
Chilika have also industries. Agriculture uses fertilizers
intensively. The residues of industrial chemical wastes
and fertilizers find their way into Chilika. B.N. Sahu
suggests the avoidance of the tourist approach from satpada
to prevent pollution. He also suggests the stoppage and
prevention of aquaculture in the area between Arkhakuda
and Satpura as it is a threat to the dolphine movement and
also in the low lying areas between Nuapara island and
Bajrakote region in the south sector because these areas
are playgrounds of prawn juveniles and as such aquaculture
here would be a threat to the natural crustacean fishery.

9

Source: Sahu, B.N., "The Chilika Lake is in Danger",
Chilika: The Pride of Our Wetland Heritage
{Bhubaneswar: Orissa Environmental Society,
1988).

Farshney, C.K., "Workshop
Highlights
and
Closing Address" at the Technical Workshop on
Chilika at Bhubaneswar,
5-6
Feb. 1992,
Saving Chilika Lake, Saving the People of Chilika
{Bhubaneswar: CIDA and CENDEPET, 1992).

The embankment with a width of 40 ft. and a height of
30 ft. will obstruct the natural movement of fish. The artificial
prawns are meant to remain within the ponds created for that
purpose. It has been observed that fish and prawn in Chilika
move from the brackish water to the sea (Bay of Bengal) to
lay eggs and the young ones go back into the lake through
the Magarmukh channel. The traditional fisherpeople think,
the movement of fish will be obstructed by the Tata embankment.

It is feared that the embankment will slop the drainage
of water coming into Chilika from the rivers Daya, Bhargavi,
Luna and Kania. A survey report of the then Chief Irrigation
Engineer, Banabar Das says that 35,000 acres of cultivable
land in more than 80 Panchayats of Kanas, Brahmagiri,
Sakshigopal and Krusnaprasad Block areas will be inundated
for longer periods due to the backwater effect of flood waters
that get obstructed by the ring dam. Thousands of acres of
land in these blocks have got submerged this year. The large
scale inundation will naturally lead to massive displacement
of people from the affected region.
The continuous use of water pumps and sounds they make
may scare away the migratory birds that flock the Chilika
lake.

The aquatic farms and the embankment will also obstruct
the local fisherpeople’s free access to Chilika. It should be
recalled that it was in this shallow region that the fisherpeople
used to anchor their canoes and fishing boats.
This area was the grazing ground for cattle and buffalos
when water used to recede from the land mass.
10

The local people are apprehensive of Tata’s intentions,
whether they will ultimately monopolise the prawn trade and
whether they will be the ones who determine the price of prawns.
They are not ready to catch the bait of employment op
portunity offered by the Tatas. They say even the very few
direct employment accruing from the project will not be given
to the local people since most of them are technical in nature.
Therefore skilled labourers will be brought in from outside,
leaving probably, a few fourth class jobs to the local people.
At the same time, the project will inflict severe economic loss
to tens of thousands of families in the area.

TRUTH BEHIND THE EMPLO YMENT BAIT
Information from the project report of the Chilika
Aquatic Farms Limited (CAFL) reveals that contrary to
the claims of the Tatas, employment will not accrue, to
the local population, in any significant manner. Technology
intensive and labour saving CAFL provides a few job op
portunities for skilled labour. Transportation, storage and
shipment may provide some low paid employment for the
local people as contract workers. No guarantee comes
along with the CAFL project to ensure that the opportuni
ties for self employment through the project's extension
service will be made available to the poor fisherpeople in
Chilika and will not be appropriated by the small scale
entrepreneurs who now flock Chilika.
While the total project envisages only an 80 member
staff for direct employment and 480 people on contract
labour, the Shrimp Farm in Chilika, the major component
of the project, would employ 7 officers and 32 skilled staff.
The following is the break up of the direct and contract
employment in Shrimp Farm in Chilika.
SHRIMP FARM IN CHILIKA
Direct Employment
Officers:
Manager
Technical Officers
Agriculture Engineer
Purchase)Accounts Officer

—
—

1
4
1
1

Skilled Workers:
Technical Supervisors
Security Supervisor
Laboratory Assistants
Store Assistant
Pump OperatorsiMechanics
Electricians
Office Clerks
Drivers
Messengers

—
—
—•
—
—
—■
—■
—■
—

6
1
3
1
10
3
2
4
2

—

32

Total direct employment (7 + 32)

=

39

On Contract
Pond workers
Security

—•
—

200
120

=

320

Total:

Total contract employment

The Chilika people are highly critical of how the Tatas
are forcefully entering the area. Officials of Tata have won
over some local agents by giving bribes. These people who
work as musclemen for Tata have started terrorising and entic
ing common people to fall into the trap.
They are apprehensive also of a violent disruption of their
social and cultural moorings. Liquor and flesh trade will go
on increasing.

The people are already facing the inflationary pressure on
the economy as a consequence to Tata’s entry. The prices of
lands and that of essential commodities have increased leaps
and bounds. A situation may arise when the local producers
are inconsequential to the economy of the region.
The Tata acquired land had already been leased out to
Mangala, Saupad and Garada fishing societies. But the
administration didn’t serve notices to the people before the
land was leased out to Tata.
12

When the local fishing co-operative societies paid Rs.
800/- per hectare an year to the State Government, the Tatas
are now to pay only Rs. 834/-. People say, they-are also willing
to pay the same amount, if proper facilities are provided.

Tata has been hired for a finish, for a slow, systematic and
technologically efficient destruction of the Chilika ecosystem,
which is already under threat from a number of other factors.
Large scale commercial deforestation of the hills in the South
and Southwest, the source of feeder rivers, has resulted in
unusually high rate of siltation. It has been estimated that
13 million tonnes of sediments are being deposited in the lake,
every year. Consequently, the surface area of the lake has
shrunk drastically to 916 sq. kms. from 1,265 sq. kms. in 1963.
The river discharge into the lake got reduced due to the silt
deposits at the river mouth. Meanwhile, the sand deposits
at the sea mouth of the Magarmukh canal significantly obs
tructs the free passage of saline water into the lake. The salini
ty of the brackish water reduces drastically, with serious con
sequences to the life forms in the lake. Simultaneously, there
exists fierce competition to exploit the depleting fish resources
in the Chilika lake. The farmers whose cultivable lands get
flooded, due to the deforestation on the one hand and the
decreased outflow into the lake on the other hand, are forced
to leave their land and resort to fishing in the lake. There are
another set of exploiters in the rich farmers and traders who
are lured by the prospects of the export value of the prawns.
They, not being part of the Chilika bio system, do not feel
constrained in hastening the lake’s destruction. Unsustainable
and destructive techniques like the use of closely knit nets,
that catch even fish fingerlings and post larval prawns are
widely being employed by the non fishing communities. This
has adversely affected the regeneiation of fish resources. The
fish production has come down from 8,590 tonnes in 1985-86
to 4,273 tonnes in 1991-’92.
It may be recalled at this moment that perceiving the
significance of Chilika’s abundance in bio diversity and natural
resources, the 1971 international convention on wetlands held
at Ramsar in Iran called for the protection and sustainable
management of the lake. India acceded to the Ramsar
Convention, in 1981. Nevertheless, neither the Central

13

WETLANDS AND RAMSAR CONVENTION

India is a party to the “Convention on Wetlands of
International Importance especially as Waterfowl Habitat”,
adopted in 1971 at Ramsar in Iran. This is an international
treaty which provides the framework for international co
operation for the conservation of wetland habitats. The
Convention entered into force in late 1975. By 1985, the
Convention could enlist 40 contracting state parties through
out the world. India acceded to the Convention since
October 1981.

Parties to the Convention have met many times to
share their national experiences, in Italy in 1980, in France
in 1982, in Netherlands in 1984 and in Canada in 1987.
The International Union for Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources (JUCN) acts as the Convention Bureau
and the Contracting Parties are obliged to inform IUCN
of any changes or likely changes in the ecological character
of any listed site. International Waterfowl Research
Bureau (IWRB) works as the Scientific Advisor of the
Convention and UNESCO the Convention Depository.
The listed site is the membership in the “List of Wetlands
of International Importance” maintained by the Conven
tion. From India, Bharatpur and Chilika are among the
listed sites. By mid 1985, the membership in the List increas
ed to as many as 300 sites covering more than 20,000,000
hectares.
The general criteria adopted by the Convention to
consider a site for inclusion in the List are, if it
(a) supports an appreciable number of rare, vulnerable or
endangered species or sub-species of plants or animals;
(/>) is of special value for maintaining the genetic and
ecological diversity of a region because of the quality
and peculiarities of its flora and fauna;
(c) is of special value as the habitat of plants or animals
at a critical stage of their biological cycles; or

(</) is of special value for its endemic plant or animal species
or communities.

14

The Convention takes a broader approach in determin
ing the 'wetlands'. Wetlands are defined as "areas of marsh,
peatland or water whether natural or artificial, permanent
or temporary, with water that is static or flowing, fresh,
brackish or salt, including areas of marine water, the depth
of which at low tide does not exceed six metres”.
In addition, the Convention provides that wetlands
"may incorporate riparian and coastal zones adjacent to
the wetlands and islands or bodies of marine water deeper
than six metres at low tide lying within the wetlands”. Thus,
the coverage includes a variety of habitats.
The need oj' conserving wetlands comes from the fact
that wetlands are among the world's most productive environ
ments. Over two thirds oj' the world's fish harvest is linked
to the health of wetland areas. Apart from fishery, other
factors that benefit mankind but linked to the conservation of
wetlands are the maintenance of water tables for agriculture,
water storage andflood control, shoreline stabilisation, timber
production, water dispose! and water purification and re
creational opportunities.
{Source:
a booklet by the name "The Ramsar Conven
tion: Convention on Wetlands of International
Importance especially as Waterfowl Habitat”,
produced by Ramsar Convention Bureau with
financial assistance of UNESCO and contri
bution from the Contracting Parties).

Government nor the State Government have any comprehensive
programme to save the lake from destructive exploitation.
A State level Steering Committee constituted in 1990 to moni
tor the management of the lake, in reality, never got off. In
January 1992 Chilika Development Authority was set up with
the State Chief Minister as its Chairperson. But it hasn’t
met once since its formation. On the other hand, the State
Government is encouraging commercial exploitation of the
resources in this brackish water lake.
Fishing Rights Of The Traditional Fisherpeople Usurped

The history of the commercialisation of the Chilika lake
is also the history of the marginalisation of its traditional
fishing communities, as a result of the intervention of the

15

rich and powerful non-fishing communities from outside, who
usurped the indigenous peoples’ right over the Chilika’s re
sources. When Tata enters the scene, the State Government
flouts every rule in the book to offer them Chilika in a platter.

There are about 1,91,000 traditional fisherpeople inhabit
ing 122 revenue villages around the Chilika lake. Among them
the majority, around 35% are the Keutas and the rest are con
stituted by the Kandaras, the Tiars, the Karatias and the Nolias.
The Telugu speaking Nolias also do marine fishing.

The traditional fisherpeople trace their right over the
Chilika lake after paying lease money, when the Afghans and
Britishers ruled Orissa. It was at the time of the Britishers,
the fisherpeople were organised into co-operative societies.
The objective of the exercise was to lease out systematically
the fishing rights in favour of the fishermen societies, to supply
fishing materials and to provide grants to the fisherpeople to
purchase necessary equipments. In 1953, with the abolition
of Zamindari system, the Chilika Jake became Government’s
property and they continued the practice of formal auction
and leasing out of fisheries to fishermen societies on priority
basis. Subsequently, the State Revenue Department gave
orders in 1959 to constitute the Central Fishermen Marketing
Co-operative Society Ltd. at Balugaon as an apex body of 65
primary co-operative societies. The entire fisheries of Chilika
lake was to be leased out to the Central co-operative Market
ing Society who in turn would sublet the fishing rights to the
village co-operative societies. Though the lease had to be re
newed every three years, the primary co-operative societies were
assured of the same territory each time.
A Dubious Deal

A fundamental break in this tradition occured in 1986
when the Orissa Maritime and Chilika Area Development
Corporation Ltd. entered into a deal with Tatas to lease out
to Tata Aquatic Farms Ltd, 1400 acres of Chilika land for
prawn aquaculture project. The State Government initiated
steps to materialise this deal. In 1987, they conducted a survey
on the fish resources in Chilika. But they didn’t bother to seek
the participation of the fishing communities. In 1990, the
election of the Board of Directors of the Balugaon Central
Fishermen Marketing Co-operative Society was postponed

16

sine die. Later on, this Central Society was dissolved and ama
lgamated with the Orissa State Fishermen Co-operative Federa
tion Ltd, undermining the exclusive right the traditional fisher
people will have over the fish resources of Chilika lake. Con
sequently, when the leases expired in 1991, the Stale Govern
ment decided to put the fishing resources of Chilika to public
auction favouring the entry of big entrepreneurs. In the same
year, in December, the Tatas were illegally allowed the advance
possession of 400 hectares of Chilika land.

The State Government has clearly gone out of the way
to grant Tatas the right of possession over Chilika lake. How
else could one otherwise explain the fact that the delivery note
of advanced possession dated 20th December 1991 issued by
the Revenue Inspector of Panaspada didn’t indicate the exact
area to be delivered! The Tehsildar of Puri confirms this in
a letter written by him to the Additional Tehsildar, Puri.

HAS CAFE COMPLIED WITH THE LEGAL
REQUIREMENTS WHILE TAKING POSSESSION
OF THE CHILIKA LAND!
The letter written by Tehsildar of Puri dated February
I, 1992 addressed to the Additional Tehsildar shows that
the land deal was not undertaken complying with the legal
requirements. Though sounds absolutely strange, the state
ment of delivery doesn't specify the exact plots that were
being transferred to the Tatas.
The order as well as the two memos sent to the Revenue
Inspector, Panasapada and M/s. Tata Aquatic Farms Ltd.
are reproduced here.
(Source: Chilika Banchao Andolati).

L. No. 928 of Rev. Dt. 1.2.92
To
The Addl. Tdr. Puri
Sub:—Advance Possession of Land to M/s. Tata Ltd., BBSR
Ref:—Your Letter No. 1, did. 7.1.92.

17

Sir,

In inviting reference to your letter dated above 1 ant to
say that the statement of delivery of advance possession
does not indicate the area delivered to Mis. TATA AQUATIC
FARM LTD., Orissa, B.B.S.R., on 20.12.1991, since it is
a permanent record the possession of the area so delivered
against each plot should be clearly mentioned and the re
cipient should acknowledge the area taken over possession.
The statement is returned herewith to reconcile the defects
and furnish the same early.
Further it has been instructed by the A.D.M., (Rev)
Puri, his letter No. 655/Rev. dt. 24.1.92, that delivery of
advance possession to the said Company is under re-consi
deration by the Govt, on the recommendation of R.D.C.
(....) Cuttack, till receipt of further instruction from Govt.
the M/s. TATA AQUATIC FARM, ORISSA, BBSR.,
may be restrained to proceed with any construction or
development works over the land.

Sd/
Tdr, Puri.

Memo No. 9291Rev. Did. 1.2.92,.
Copy Forwarded to the R.I. Panasapada for information
and the necessary action. He is requested not to allow the
TATA AQUATIC FARMS, ORISSA, BBSR., to go ahead
with any construction work even though advance possession
has been delivered.

R.I.,
Memo No. 9301Rev. dt. 1.2.92.
Copyforwarded to Mjs. TATA AQUATIC FARMS ORISSA
LTD., BBSR., for information and necessary action. He is
requested not to utilise the land in any work for any purpose
till further order.
Tdr, Puri.

18

Interestingly, R.D.C. Cuttack, issued a stay order on February
1, 1992 restraining Tatas from going ahead with any construc
tion or development work over the land. The conspiratorial
act of the administration in favour of the money power of
Tatas has already taken its toll. Fisherpeople of 3 villages num
bering around 1500, who for over 100 years used to get the
lease on this Tata acquired land, are dispossessed.
WHOSE LAND IS IT?

The Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. has applied as per
Rules 5(2) under the provisions of the Orissa Government
Land Settlement Act to the extent of 597.72 Acres of land
in 8 plots, recorded as Chilika Lake, under classification
of land in Record to Right (ROR) of 1977 Settlement
in Mouza Panasapada, under Lease Case No. 79/91 before
the Tehsildar, Puri. Similarly in Lease Case No. 80/91,
the same applicant has applied for lease under the same
provision in the same manner, for another 327.06 Acres
of land, in respect of Mouza Siara, which also comes
under the classification of Chilika Lake. Both these lands
are recorded as of ‘Rakhita Anabadi' status. The first appli
cation was made admittedly in the name of Tata Aquatic
Farms Ltd., which has been subsequently changed, in the
name of Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. on 1J th February
1992. These applications are still pending before the Tehsil
dar, who heard the objections from the general public and
village community of the concerned villages.
Under the provisions of the Orissa Government Land
Settlement Act, the lands in question cannot be transferred
to the applicant for the purpose, for which they have applied.
Since the scheme of the Act as provided under the President's
Act (22 of 1972) amendment as per, Sub-Section 2 of Section
3, 70 percent of Government lands shall be settled with the
persons belonging Io Scheduled Castes and Tribes in pro
portion to their respective population in their village, in
which the lands are situated and the remaining lands, shall
be settled with other persons not belonging to aforesaid
categories. Of course, the provision provides, when per
sons belonging to the aforesaid categories are not available
in the village, in which the lands are situated, or while being
19

available are not willing to accept the settlement, the same
may be settled with other persons. Even the settlement with
other persons under the scheme has been formulated under
Sub Section 3 of the said Section. The settlement in favour
of other persons is also skimmed on priority basis,
such as :—

Co-operative Farming Societies formed by landless,
agricultural labourers.
(2) Any landless, agricultural labourer of the village, in
which the land is situated or any from neigbouring
village.
(3) Ex-servicemen or members of Armed Forces of the
Union if they belong to the village, in which the land is
situated.
(4) Raiyats who personally cultivate not more than standard
Acre of continuous land.

(1)

After exhausting all these persons in order ofpreference,
the settlement in favour of other person may arise as per
Sub Section 3.
According to latest Acts and judgements, the lands
under question are explained as common property (commu
nal lands') and thus are not at all leasable. These vast acres
of land, recorded as Chilika Lake under classification
column and given ‘status’ of Rakhita Anabadi in the last
RORs published in the year 1977, are undoubtedly communal
lands as per the definition given under Section 2(a) Clause 1,
in the Act 1 of 1948, i.e. Orissa Communal Forest and
Lands Alienation Act, which says that the lands recorded
as Gochara, Rakhita or Sarbasadharana or waste land are
either expressly or impliedly set apart for the common use
of the villagers, whether recorded as such in the RORs
or not. Undoubtedly these lands are recorded as Rakhita,
so communal. Apart from this, under the definition section 2
of the Orissa Estates Abolition Act, 1951, it is provided
that the words not defined are to be held to be defined as
per the tenancy laws.

Hence the definition of Act 1 of 1948 is to be accepted
as the definition under Orissa Estates Abolition Act. Be
sides, Section 5 of the Act provides the vesting

20

of entire estate including all communal lands and porambokes, other non raiyati lands, waste lands, rivers and
streams etc. Definitely, the lake comes under this category
of vesting. When the validity of this Act was challenged
before the Supreme Court, the Court held valid the meti
culous list described in section 5(a) and the right to vest lies
absolutely with the State Government under the operation
of the Act. But the point to note is whether the communal
rights in such lands vest with the State Government and the
community can be deprived from exercising their communal
rights from such land after vesting. This issue came for
decision in 1992 (S.C. 1421) and 1976 (S.C. 2599) before
the Supreme Court. In the earlier decision three judges
held that the communal right does not vest, and in subsequent
decision two Judges held that it vests. The earlier decision,..
being a judgement of larger number of judges, was held
to be binding and many decisions of the Orissa High Court
accepted the position of law of non vesting of communal
right. Now, in this light, it can be urged that the communal
right in respect of these plots in Chilika Lake cannot be
interfered with by the Government under the proposed
settlement.
Even under the Orissa Government Land Settlement
Act, there is scheme for development of communal land like
Gochara by the Government itself or through any Gram
Panchayat on transfer. The Government under the same
Act under Section 3 (fl) may reserve other lands for house
sites, communal or industrial purposes. Hence the commu
nal lands cannot be leased out as a matter of public policy.
(Source: Slightly modified version of the article, “Legal
Issues of the Land taken by Tata Prawn Project”,
distributed by Chilika Banchao Andolari).
It is an irony that the system that is built upon the edifice
of private property, even in principle denies this right to the
communities like those of traditional fisherpeople and tribals.
The traditional communities do not establish private ownership
over land and water. In that sense, the sea, the lake or the forests
are not synonymous with a common land in a village. In these
cases, the organic inter relationships thate lements establish,
bestow on them the right to be part of a total bio-system.

0^81/>
pt uioomq

21
"'A

Land or water bodies are not something to be possessed and
exploited, but something to live in and to live with. Therefore,
the question of the traditional communities destroying the
forest or the resources in tire water bodies doesn’t arise. Tradi
tional fisherpeople have been fishing in the Chilika lake since
time immemorial. It is only after tire arrival of commercial
fish promoters that the rape of Chilika begins.
The Larger Design

Tatas and the Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd. are only the
beginning of the technological and market invasions of Chilika
and other water bodies in Orissa. The Minister of State for
Fisheries and animal Husbandry, Mr. Surya Narayan Patra
in the Assembly told that more than 81,000 hectares along the
Orissa coast had been identified as suitable for prawn cultiva
tion. It may be recalled that the State Government’s initiatives
on the export oriented prawn aquaculture are within the

NATIONAL FISH WORKERS' FORUM
ON AQUACULTURE
Culture fisheries are a new trend where fish or crusta
ceans are grown and harvested under capture conditions. The
commercial approach to aquaculture is an emerging pro
blem confronting the traditional capture fisher people—be
it in fresh or brackish waters. Aquaculture is practised in
inland fresh water, brackish and coastal waters. Fresh
water culture fisheries practised mostly in the States of West
Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Assam and Bihar, cater
mainly to domestic consumers. The National Fishworker's
Forum identifies many constraints that came in the way of
it picking up momentum in the rest of the country: the
absence of physical planning in identification of water areas,
the lack of proper water lease and utilisation policy, inade
quate and lack of timely supply of fish seeds, feed and
manures, paucity of technical and extension support, dearth
of timely credit and marketing facilities and inadequate
training for fish farmers in fish culture and managment
practices. The Fish Farmers Development Agencies (FFDA)
were set up in the country to take care of these constraints.
National Fishworkers's Forum points out that
FFDA
couldn't prevent the registered fish farmers from discontinu
ing the culture activities once the subsidy and loan facilities
22

were withdrawn. Prawn having acquired high export value
and with the decline of prawn landings in the marine sector,
brackish water prawn farming has now attained greater im
portance. To maintain the growth rate of foreign exchange
earnings from the fisheries sector, the government has
planned for large scale promotion of brackish water prawn
culture. Big business houses, as the TATAs in the case of
Chilika, and private entrepreneurs grab this opportunity to
make quick and huge profits. Since many capture fisher
people depend on these water bodies, liberal leasing of
these potential areas to big entrepreneurs causes the margin
alisation of the existing fisherpeople and unemployment
among the growing number offishworkers. The aquaculture
promoted by the government is ecologically destructive, unsus
tainable and encourage the big business to grab land and
water from people who survive on these natural resources.
A seminar by the National Fishworkers Forum (NFF)
on 12-13 October 1990 sums up that ‘'’with the growing
interest in aquaculture, there is a tendency to privatise the
water bodies, especially the most productive areas and
thereby traditional fisherpeople are alienated from their
occupation.” (‘An Approach to the National Fisheries Policy
for Fuller Employment and Sustainable Development in the
Eighth Plan.') The NFF report adds that the mere reser
vation of 50 percent of brackish water areas for the weaker
sections, as being done in some States, doesn’t ensure
sustainable development and fuller employment. NFF is
of the opinion that:

A great opportunity exists to absorb underemployed
from the fisheries sector as well as the landless and
underemployed in the agricultural sector in aquacultural
activities. Here, the possibility of big business taking
over large tracts of suitable land and water areas and
employing highly capital intensive forms of aquaculture
is a serious threat to fuller employment. This would
even lead to reduced employment, displacement of
local populations and environmental degradation. A
major effort is required to ensure that the narrow legal,
financial and administrative hurdles that block the
23

participation of the rural poor in aquaculture are re
moved and that appropriate technologies are made
available to them. In the post harvest field, employ
ment generation is best guaranteed by emphasis on low
cost processing methods, decentralisation of marketing
and processing infrastructure, greater reliance on re
newable sources of energy and better facilities/condi
tions for the fisherwomen and other small operators.
(Ibid)
With the present ways of aquaculture, the traditional
jisherpeople are systematically losing access and rights over
water bodies as their community property. Moreover, they
are also losing the fishing practices and traditional systems
of management being collectively evolved and practised
by them across generations.
Sources:
* National Fishworkers' Forum, ’’National and State Level
Union's Reports, 1991’ (Thiruvananthapuram: Cherureshmi Centre, 1992)
* National Fishermen's Forum, 'An Approach to the
National Fisheries Policy for Fuller Employment and
Sustainable Development in the Eighth Plan' (New
Delhi: NFF, 1990).

policy perspective of the Union Government. India’s answer
for severe foreign exchange crisis, they say, lies in producing
fish for exports. The President of the Association of Charter
ed Fishing Trawler Operators of India (ACFTOI) said that
4,800 chartered fishing trawlers are required to exploit our
fish potential worth, according to him, Rs. 15,000 crores in
foreign exchange. He laments, now only 27 vessels are in
operation. The Central Government has cleared an invest
ment of Rs. 844.45 crores in completely export oriented deepsea fishing project owned by large Indian and multinational
companies. This intensive export promotion is not only in the
deep sea fishing, but also in the coastal, brackish water and
inland fishing. The Government has identified nearly 1.4
million hectares of brackish water as suitable for shrimp cul
tivation. This resuscitation of prawns become necessary,
Government explains, in 1991, when the shrimp catches from sea
24

EXPORT OF PRAWN AND FISH PRODUCTS
Export of prawns constitutes the major share of the exports
of the marine products by India. The Table below shows
that prawns alone account for as many as 70% of the
foreign exchange from marine exports:
Year

1983-84
1984-85
1985-86
1986-87
1987-88

Total Marine Products Share of prawns
Quantityl Value
Quantity1 Value
(tonnes)!(Rs. lakhs') (tonnes')I(Rs. lakhs)
54444 / 31480
92691 / 37302
55398 / 32969
86187 / 38428
50349 / 32981
83651 / 39799
49203 / 37792
85843 / 46067
55736 / 42578
91179 / 53114

Compiled from Bharat Dogra, ‘Chilika Lake Controversy:
Dollars Vs. Livelihood' (New Delhi: NFS-India, 92)
Export of fish and fish preparations dominates the area of
food exports by India. See table below:

Value in
Quantity in
Rs. crores
thousand tonnes
1985-86
409
87.5
110.6
539
1986-87
533
98.4
1987-88
115.6
630
1988-89
687
124.9
1989-90
960
158.9
1990-91
Source: Bharat Dogra,'Chilika Lake Controversy: Dollars
Vs. Livelihood, (New Delhi: NFS-India, 1992).

Year

by both fishing boats and trawlers have stagnated. In 1990,
prawns accounted for more than 70% of India’s total Rs. 90
crore marine exports. In this year, World Bank has sanctioned
Rs. 284 crore fish culture project for the States of West Bengal,
Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
People’s Resistance

In the wake of these developments, a quite powerful
people’s movement has emerged in the Chilika over the last

25

two years, to protect it from the commercial exploitation by
the big business and to restore to the people their right to
manage Chilika. The struggle operates at different levels through
different actors but bound together by a common purpose.

A strategic moment in the people’s struggle was when
8000 people from the fisherpeople community around Chilika
reached Bhubaneswar, the capital city of Orissa on 20th Sep
tember 1991, to present a memorandum to the Chief Minister.
That was the day when the 3 year lease period for the con
tentious Chilika land was to expire. The government had
declared its intention not only to discontinue with the practice
of leasing out to the fisherpeople’s primary co-operative socie
ties but to leave it open favouring the entrance of big business.
The Bhubaneswar demonstration took place under the banner
of Matsyajibi Mahasangha and ‘Meet The Students’ who
brought together fisherpeople from 121 fishing villages in
Chilika. People gave a memorandum to the Minister of Fis
heries, Mr. Surya Narayan Patra, demanding the stoppage of
Tata’s entry into Chilika. Minister assured the people that not
an inch of Chilika would be leased out to the Tatas. Consequent
to this demonstration, the State government constituted a
committee under the Chairmanship of the Chief Minister
including MLAs of Khurda, Brahmagiri, Chilika, Chhatrapur and representatives of Chilika Matsyajibi Mahasangha.

The programme in the State capital was preceeded by
militant mass actions in Chilika. On February 16, 1992, a
gathering of about 8000 people consisting of fishermen, non
fishermen, women, students and intellectuals took possession
of the Tata occupied Chilika area. They hoisted their own
flag and declared a “peoples’ curfew” in the area. Village
chiefs from 62 villages vowed to continue their fight against
Tata’s illegal occupation of Chilika.
On 7th March 1992, was a rally of 1000 women towards
the Tata site with the intention to break the embankment.
People really broke the embankment on 15th March. There
were about 6000 people from all over Chilika villages. Neither
the presence of police force in large numbers nor the physical
assaults by Tata’s goondas could deter the people from their
determination to demolish the dam.

26

On March 25th people set up a check gate to obstruct
the movement of Tata’s vehicles from their godown. It was
removed later. The agitationists declared another peoples’
march to the Tata site on 28th March. The administration got
panicky and responded with severe police repression. On the
day of the rally 11 platoons of police were despatched to the
area. They resorted to lathicharge. 69 fisherpeople including
33 women and 6 children were arrested on the day of the
rally and on the previous few days and kept in jail for 14 days.
In spite of these fierce police repressions, people succeeded
in continuing with the act of demolition of the dam. On 4th
April, the administration executed the arrest of the leader of
the movement, Mr. Chittaranjan Sarangi. Students from the
Utkal University infuriated by this highhandedness, went on
a rally and gheraoed the Puri District Collector demanding
the release of all the arrested people including Chittaranjan.

A letter signed by 21 MPs calling for his immediate in
tervention in restraining Tatas from executing the aquacul
ture project was submitted to the Prime Minister on 13th
March 1992. A memorandum was also submitted to the
Minister for Environment and Forests, Mr. Kamal Nath.
Social Dynamics Of The People’s Movement

Let us go little more into the social dynamics of the
people’s movement in Chilika. There are mainly three strata
of social forces operating in Chilika contributing to the emer
gence of the People's Movement; they are the traditional
fisherpeople, farmers and the students. Among these, the
fisherpeople and the farmers are those who are directly affect
ed by the Tata’s invasion of Chilika. Students’ group is an
extraneous force, but deeply involved in the Chilika struggle.
It has been estimated that there would be around 22,000
acres of wetland in Chilika congenial for prawn aquaculture.
Though 65 fishermen’s co-operatives have been functioning in
these lands, since no proper survey has been conducted by the
administration and the lease lands not properly apportioned
to the co-operative societies, fights and long drawn out litiga
tions are rampant among the societies. With the arrival
of farmers from the surrounding agricultural villages for prawn
fanning in the lake, fights between fishing and non-fishing com
munities started occuring quite often. The State government’s

27

decision to make the Central Fishermen Marketing Cc-operative Society disfunctional aggravated the situation, as the tradi
tional fisherpeople lost an important avenue to safeguard their
interests. The fishing community had another organization,
Matsyajibi Mahasangha, but it was not active in the absence
of proper leadership. The traditional fishing community was
deeply concerned about the violent destruction of Chilika, but
there wasn’t a proper forum through which to air their grie
vances. Yet people protested, and it was conceived of as
an important issue. Earlier, in an election meeting in Panasapada village, the then opposition leader Biju Patnaik announced
in the presence of Janata Dal M.P. Mr. Nilamoni Routray
and MLA candidate Mr. Ajay Jena, that he would withdraw
the project if he would assume power.

28

Students In Action

The situation changes qualitatively with the arrival of a
batch of LTtkal University students in Chilika. They were
members of a group called “Meet The Students” working with
in the campus ‘with a mission to bring about a value based
change in society’. They used to get involved in symbolic action
programmes that ‘expose the hollowness of the present system’.
One such programme was the ‘Alternate booth’ they opened,
during the polling day of the June 1991 elections, for those
who are against the system. Interestingly some 20,000 people
preferred to cast their votes in the ‘Alternate booth’
set up by the ‘Meet The Students’.

‘Meet the Students’ geared themselves to the task as soon
as they came to know of Tata’s plan of action on Chilika. Led
by social activist and Sarvodaya leader, Mr. Chittaranjan
and student activist Ms. Srimati Dash, the ‘Meet the Students’
embarked on a series of activities, on the one hand to apprise
themselves of the situation and on the other hand to motivate
and unite the traditional fisherpeople and others who are
affected by the corporate aquatic farm towards a sustained
struggle to oust Tatas from the Chilika and to re-establish
the rights of the local people over the natural resources of
Chilika. In the first visit from 5<h to 12th August 1991, the
student activists covered 62 villages that would be directly
affected by the project. Their strategy was to rejuvenate and
strengthen Matsyajibi Mahasangha, the organisation of the
traditional fisherpeople. Accordingly, meetings under the
auspices of Matsyajibi Mahasangha were convened at Keshpur
on 17th August, Pathara on 29th August and Nairi on 11th
and 12th September 1991. Such intense activities resulted in
the Bhubaneswar rally on 20th September which was jointly
called by ‘Matsyajibi Mahasangha’ and ‘Meet the Students’.
Meanwhile, steps were taken to broaden the support base
of those who had been in struggle to save Chilika. A meeting
of the intellectuals, arranged at Bhubaneswar on 13th August
1991, was attended by people like Dr. Bhabagrahi Misra, Sri
Pradyumna Bal, Shri Banka Behari Das, Shri A. K. Dash,
Prof. Indranil Chakravorthy, Prof. Chittaranjan Das and Shri
Gangadhar Panigrahi. The meeting decided to form a plat
form ‘Chilika Suraksha Parishad’ to co-ordinate the activities.

29

The cause also received support from democratic rights organi
sations like Swadhikar and Ganatantra Adhikar Surakshya
Samiti (GASS).
As students intensified their activities, the fisherpeople
regained their confidence and they mobilised themselves into a
people’s movement of their own. On 15th January 1992, in
Gopinathpur, in a meeting of representatives of fisherpeople
villages, the people’s organisation in Chilika was named
‘CHILIKA BANCHAO ANDOLAN’. The 55 member Ex
ecutive Committee was formed from among local fisherpeople.
Mr. Govinda Behera of Gopinathpur was elected the convenor.

Meanwhile, the direct involvement with the people neces
sitated the formation of another state level activist forum of
the students, “KRANTADARSI YUBA SANGAM” with
Ms. Srimati Dash as its convenor. ‘Meet the Students’ remains
more as a university based students’ forum. At present 24 full
time activists of ‘Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam’ are working in
Chilika.
Though the affected farmers have not forced themselves
into an effective movement of their own, the active involve
ment of Shri Banka Behari Das, Ex M.P. and leader of Orissa
Krushak Mahasangh has broadened the campaign base in
Orissa and elsewhere in the country.
Activists of Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam and Chilika
Banchao Andolan met Mr. J. J. Irani, Managing Director,
TISCO, and appealed to him to move out of Chilika. He
assured them that he will look into the matter and even with
draw the project if it goes against the interest of the local
people. Later on (October 29, 1992), Chairman of TISCO,
Mr. Russy Mody clarified that the Shrimp project poses no
threat to the Chilika lake and all objections are baseless.
Infact, Mody has a genuine grievance.
No Clearance From Ministry Of Environment

The project is yet to get clearance from the concerned
Central Government Ministry. In June 1992, Mr. Kamal
Nath, Minister of Environment and Forestshad asked the State
Government to suspend the ongoing project till the ecological
issues affecting
the lagoon are thorougly examined.
30

IMPACT OF CAFL : WAPCOS Vs. PEOPLE
SI. Issues as given
No. by WAPCOS

What WAPCOS Says

1. Rehabilitation and
Resettlement

400 hectares of land including the
pond area is not inhabited. Hence
no displacement and no need of
resettlement or rehabilitation.

Large scale displacement of fisher
people and farmers takes place
consequent to (i) their common
land being taken away from them
by CAFL, (ii) inundation of signi
ficant cultivable land along the
path of the feeder rivers.

2. Encroachment in
Grazing Lands

Land acquired neither belongs to
nearby villages nor is it ‘gochar’
(grazing) land.
Revenue records
classified this land as “Rakhita
Anabadi”. Land use maps record
it as mud/tidal flats. So, the land
given to CAFL is not notified as
grazing land.

Land acquired is the grazing land,
of the local livestock for a full
season. Milk is an integral com
ponent of the local economy. The
idea of the alternative site is un
acceptable as the creation of a
site will necessarily disturb further,
the ecosystem of the lake. The
land classified as 'Rakhita Anabadi’
is undoubtedly communal land as

But, after discussion with the local
population it is found that some

What People Says

3. Change in land use
Pattern

animals from the nearby villages
graze on this land for about 4 months.
As sufficient land is available, the
extra load on the nearby land, in the
wake of CAFL take over, would be
estimated and appropriate measures
and alternative sites will be suggest
ed based on the carrying capacity
of these areas.

per the definition given under
section 2(a), Clause 1 in the Act 1
of 1948, i.e. the Orissa Communal
Forests and Lands Alienation Act.
And as such it cannot he leased
out to outside parties. (See box
item “whose land is it'l'j.

The land is “not being put to any
major use”. Though the seasonal
growth of salinity resistant grass
called paspalum makes this a graz
ing land for live stock, area remains
a wasteland. The project will utilise
the waste land and convert it into
an “economically productive zone”.
No major land use change is ex
pected.

The so called “waste land” is a
communally owned highly pro
ductive land. There is a complete
change in the use pattern of the
land. The comparatively shallow
lake bed in that area is used by
fisherpeople, during the rainy
season, to anchor their fishing
canoes.
When water recedes
people use this land for cattle
grazing. The argument of “waste
land” is brought to undermine the
economic productivity of the
traditional fisherpeople and farmers

and to transfer it to the TATAs,
leaving behind the people as
destitutes.
4. Impacts due to
Construction Work

co
CO

Soil erosion would be taken care of
by careful planning,
revegetation
and avoiding construction during
monsoon. Careful planning, clean
ing, redressing, landscaping and
revegetation would be resorted to
avoid surface and ground water
pollution due to construction spoils
like cement, concrete, bricks, soil
wastes etc.

Even if, in paper, the pollution
by construction spoils is taken
care of, the real impacts of con
struction work remain unattended.
The 13.7 km. long boundary wall of
the CAFL, in effect, is a dam con
structed in the Chilika lake which
blocks the natural flow of feeder
rivers like Bhargavi, Luna, Cania
and Daya through the Chilika
Lake into the Dahikhia channel
and into the Bay of Bengal. This
results in the flooding of 35000
hectares of agricultural land in
80 Panchayats in Kanas, Brahmagiri, Sakhigopal and Krusnaprasad blocks. The Chief Engineer
of Irrigation Department had, in
fact, in his report, warned the
Government of Orissa on the im-

pending danger of water logging
and drainage. The submergence
during 1992 monsoon had caused
immense loss to the farmers. The
obstruction of the river water flow
into the sea through Chilika will
reduce the salinity resulting in
its slow death.
The ‘Dam' will
obstruct the movement of the fish
as well as that of the fisherpeople
with their canoes, boats and nets.

5. Cultural Hazards

Difference in culture of immigrant
workers and local residents can cause
cultural hazards. Adequate facilities
in workers' camps and the employ
ment of local labour would solve
this.

The promise of jobs is a myth.
(See box item on employment bait).
With the arrival of outsiders as
employees of CAFL,
“Cultural
Hazard” has become a reality.
The local agents and the wrestlers
from Puri Akhara are employed
by TATAs to terrorise the common
people. Rape cases are already
reported. Poaching has increased.
Liquor andflesh trade are afraid to
be increasing. The smooth life of

the village
disrupted.

is violently getting

6. Water Pollution

In the Shrimp Farm, two stages of wa
ste water discharge is expected. One
is the routine ‘draining' where, on av
erage, a maximum of 10 % of volume of
the ponds per day would be discharged.
The other is the ‘seining,' the cleaning
of the ponds after two crops i.e. once
in a year. The quality of both these
discharges would be better than the
water quality of the Bhubania river
in summer when it is mostly dry with
stagnant water pools on it.

See the audacity of the corporate
justification. Added quantities of
polluted water, will necessarily
change the quality of the Bhubania
and Chilika waters in the long run.
A myopic CAFL is not bothered
about the pollution of Chilika as
the- firm proposes to exploit the
ground water resources. The water
being emptied into the lake would
be heavily contaminated due to the
heavy use of pesticides, fertilizers
and chemicals during the process
of culture which ultimately will
convert Chilka into a death trap
to the fish, the migratory birds
and other living organisms. The
processing plants will also have its
share in polluting the lake.

7. Sludge Production
Risks

The possible sludge (slimy, muddy
sediment) production due to 150

No measure to remove sludge is
suggested. The sludge will enhance

■S-

8. Eutrophication Risks

tonnes of lime and 60 tonnes oforganic
manure, added twice for each crop, in
addition to the nondegradahle chiton
(outer skeleton) due to the moulting
of shrimps, cannot be quantified.
But, the large surface area of tanks
would keep this nuisance at low.
Orthophosphates level would lead
to eutrophy. If Bhubania has enough
water there is no risk. Otherwise,
dilution is better.

9. Air Pollution

Diesel contains 6.1 % of it ash and
1.75 of it sulphur. 6,912 litres of
diesel per day are going to be spent.
Air pollution is ‘negligible’ since no
other industry is there in the vicinity.

10. Noise Pollution

144 pumps of 10 H.P. each, 4 genera
tors of 75 KVA each and 720 aera
tors woidd be at work. Noise level
would not increase at the birds san
ctuary. Noise level can be reduced
at the local area by adopting sui
table control measures.

the risks involved in the already
existing siltation problem.

Eutrophication risk is higher due to
high protein content of the feed used.
This would add to the existing weed
growth and thus to the slow death
of the lagoon itself.
If diesel is going to be used, air
pollution would obviously be on the
increase. Ash sedimentation in the
lake will add to the sludge forma
tion and siltation.
The birds are going to be scared by
the regular high pitch noise of the
pumps.

Consequently, The Water and Power Consultancy Services (India)
Ltd (WAPCOS) in September 1992 came out with a report
that the positive impacts of the farm outweighed its apprehend
ed negative ones and that the project would not harm the
lake’s ecosystem. There is nothing surprising about the quality
of the report if one recognizes the fact that WAPCOS was
commissioned by the Chilika Aquatic Farms Ltd (CAFL) to
prepare the report. Lt should be recalled that neither the com
petency of the WAPCOS to undertake the assessment was
accepted by the Union Government nor the terms of reference
for the socio economic and environmental impact assessment
defined.

In the context of the strong and participative people’s
movement in Chilika and the wide support it has acquired
all over the country and sensing the danger involved in accept
ing the report based on half truth, it is learnt, the Union En
vironment Ministry is not prepared to revoke its suspension
order. But the Environment Ministry’s will to hold on to its
decision to oppose an export oriented project by a leading in
dustrialist is a matter of conjecture. And the past experiences
like that of the clearance given under pressure to Sardar
Sarovar Projects show that ultimately it is the vigilance and
consciousness of the people that matter.
Struggle Continues

The people of Chilika are aware of this and the strategies
are planned accordingly. In September 1992, the Chilika Banchao
Andolan organised a convention of 632 representatives of villages
in four blocks to be affected by the Tata Project. In the con
vention, was articulated, an alternative master plan for the
traditional fisherpeople to continue the natural prawn cul
ture, from whose co-operatives any exporter including Tatas
could purchase prawns at competitive prices. In the last week
of September the activitsts of Krantadarsi Yuba Sangam
and Chilika Banchao Andolan have undertaken a week long
padayatra cum boat yatra into the Chilika villages. Participa
ting in a state level convention in Bhubaneswar, on 2nd Novem
ber 1992, eminent environmentalists, jurists, social activists
and politicians urged the Centre, State and the Tatas to ‘call
off the CAFL project in the larger interests of protecting the
ecology of the lake and the livelihood of several hundred

37

villages situated in the vicinity of the lake’. Will the legitimate
right of the Chilika fisherpeople to be part of their environ
ment and to manage its natural resources be accepted? And
the struggle continues.
7 November 1992

Addresses :
Chilika Banchao
Andolan
—Mr. Govinda Behera, Chilika Banchao
Andolan, Gopinathpur
village, P.O.
Panasapada, Puri—-752011, Orissa.

Krantadarsi
Yuba Sangam

—Ms. Srimati Dash, Convenor, Kranta
darsi, Balisahi, Mangala Lane, Puri752001, Orissa.

Orissa Krushak
Mahasangha
—Mr. Banka Behari Das, President, Orissa
Krushak Mahasangha, 14, Ashok Nagar,
Bhubaneswar-9, Orissa.

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