FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VII-1-2001

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FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VII-1-2001
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VIKAS ADHYAYAN KENDRA

Vol VII # 1/2001

INFORMATION BULLETIN

A Disputed Legacy:
The Myths Behind the Kashmir “Problem” — II
Ram Puniyani
COMMENT

he ‘paradise on earth’ or ‘Switzerland of the East’
as Kashmir was once described, today has the
dubious distinction of being one of the ‘hot spots’
of the world. It is recognised as one of the vexatious
issues in the world that can lead to a major war affecting
the peace of the entire region (South Asia) and can
also draw in other countries into the conflagration
directly or indirectly. The nuclear tests by the two
contendors - India and Pakistan - three years ago
(May 1998) make the situation evem worse. Scenarios
of the future trajectory of events do not rule out a ‘limited
nuclear war* (?) over the Kashmir issue. There is no
need to say that however ‘limited’ such a conflagration
may be it would spell the near destruction of both the
countriesand. It will plunge their people into the past,
negating all gains made in decades! (This may, of
course,,be the fulfilment of the cherished dream of the
fundamentalist and/or communal elements from both
the countries!) Fanatics from both sides’of the border
did at the time of the armed conflict in the Kargil sector
of Kashmir (1999) did advocate the use of nuclear
weapons.

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The international position over Kashmirtoo has changed
quite dramatically in the recent past. Historically the
western powers, particularly USA and UK, supported
the efforts of Pakistan to internationalise the Kashmir
issue and its demand for plebiscite in the territory. They
chose to read (or remember) only one part of the
relevant UN resolution on the issue. They kept silent
about the fact that the Pakistani occupation of a part
of the territory (POK) had never been vacated and
hence the precondition for the plebiscite had not been

fulfilled. The USSR on the other hand consistently
supported the Indian position and even used its veto
power in the Security Council to frustrate the efforts of
Pakistan.
In the post-cold war world, with the collapse of the
USSR, the emergence of the unipolar world, and the
globalisation of economies Pakistan is no longer very
important to the USA. It has now shown a greater
‘understanding’ of the Indian point of view. It has also
attempted to mediate in the conflict. The earstwhile
President of USA, Mr. Clinton, has reportedly recently
claimed that he prevailed upon the Pakistan authorities
to get the intruders to withdraw from the Kargil sector.
There have been open and disguised offers to use the
good offices of USA to bring about a peaceful
settlement. This time around, Pakistan would be
suspicious of any such effort!
The Kashmir issue is by now obviously a complex one.
Within Kashmir itself, there are numerous organisations
with different ideologies and ultimate goals. The
Kashmiri people protest against non-development of
the territory, abject poverty, lack of employment and
livelihood opportunities, great disparity, political
corruption, limited political representation, excesses
of security forces, human rights violations, educational
and cultural deprivation, and distrust by the rest of the
nation. These grievances were not addressed for
decades, nor have they been redressed even now. This
situation has alienated the Kashmiris, and created a
strong perception of deprivation and injustice. The
anger is directed towards the state and the central
governments. It cannot however be said that the

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Kashmiri people are all in favour of independence probably only some are. Even fewer in all probability
would support any merger with Pakistan.
The alienation of the Kashmiris has been exacerbated
by the general social distrust of the Kashmiri people in
India. In common pereception they were always pro­
Pakistan when in reality they were quite opposed to
Pakistan. A popular feeling, propagated mainly (but
perhaps not exclusively) by the Hindu right wing (the
rulers today) was that the Kashmiris made unjust
demands, and had extracted a heavy price from India.
Kashmir was seen as a pampered place, a prime
exaple of the appeasement of the minorities. This
opinion, masquerading as nationalist, also held that
only the virtual destruction of the Kashmiri identity would
resolve the Kashmir problem! Even the BJP held that
Article 370 of the Constitution of India that confers a
‘special status’ on Kashmir is the root cause of the
whole ‘Kashmir problem’ and a ‘total integration of
Kashmir into India’ is the only solution. (See box for
an example of this view.) This simplistic solution
smacks of a colonial mentality. These ‘ultra­
nationalists’ wanted a settlement of non-Kashmiris
(read also non-Muslims) in large numbers in Kashmir
so that the Kashmiris would no longer be a majority in
their own territory. They do not seem to have learnt
even from the failure of the Jewish settlement policy in
Palestine.
The Government of India has unfortunately had a
vacillating policy in Kashmir. It has on the one hand
talked of liberal, political solutions that would respect
the autonomy and the identity of the Kashmiri people.
On the other hand, it has always been distrustful of
the ground situation in Kashmir. It showed a similar
ambiguity in dealing with the insurgents. It was not
able to talk to the genuine Kashmiri elements that
represented the broad sentiments of the people. It was
also not able to isolate the clearly Pakistan inspired or
mercenary elements. Fundamentalism is in reality not
in tune with the Islam prevalent in Kashmir. The
Government of India was not able to make use of this
fact at all.

The current events are too recent. There was a ‘unilateral
cessation of hostilities’ for six months. The apparent
lull in military initiatives was not followed up vigorously
enough with political efforts. The ‘truce’ has been
withdrawn as the talks show a sign at last of being
possible. This has been further complicated with the
timing of the invitation to the CEO of Pakistan Gen.
Parvez Musharraf. The position of India for a long time
was that it could negotiate only with a democratic
government of Pakistan. The stance has suddenly
changed for no apparent reasons. Any efforts to improve
relationships with Pakistan and to inaugurate
possibilities of peace are of course welcome. The long­
term effects of the invitation however need to be
considered. There are also questions, particularly in
the wake of the recent statements by Mr. Clinton,

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whether India has at last accepted a ‘third party
mediation’ (however hidden) in the dispute.

Kashmir demands a genuine political solution. At the
core is the respect for the autonomy, identity, and
democratic aspirations of the people of Kashmir. Human
rights violations must cease at once. The situation
must be demilitarised. Negotiations must begin with
the genuine representatives of the people of Kashmir.
One can only hope that the forthcoming talks with the
CEO of Pakistan will help to ease the tension and make
democratic solutions possible.

MYTH: The migration of Kashmiri Pandits is mainly
because of a) the growth of militancy and b) the
hostilities between Hindus and Muslims.

FACT: The present armed militancy in the valley is
generally dated to 1989 and intensified from 1990
onwards. Mass agitation over deeply felt issues is not
new to the valley but the systematic use of arms is
new. Prior to 1990, there was no such migration of
Pandits. Many migrated to Himachal Pradesh and
others States. Some 40,000 are in refugee camps in
New Delhi.
It is not however true that the Pandits have been the
only victims of the militants. The militancy by and
large has not been directed against Hindus or other
non-Muslims. Only in the recent past have some
extremist groups, reportedly made up of non-Kasmiri
elements sought to massacre non-Muslim noncombatants to impart a communal colour to the
entire issue and to frustrate the efforts to restore
peace and start a dialogue.

A Times of India report (5th Feb.1992) states that
militants killed 1585 men and women, including 982
Muslims, 218 Hindus, 23 Sikhs and 363 security
personnel between January 1990 and October 1992.

The Kashmiri Pandits had first considered migration in
1986 but this decision was held in abeyance due to gfe
the appeals of a goodwill mission constituted by reputed "
Kashmiris. In 1990, the militancy increased. This time
around Mr. Jag Mohan, the present BJP minister was
the Governor of Kashmir and he dissolved the goodwill
mission to Pandits persuading them to migrate to
Jammu14. He maintained that the decision was based

on the fact that the armed forces would not be able to
provide security for the widely dispersed Pandit
community and advised them to therefore leave the
valley. While this reasonable-sounding argument that
the Administration could not assure security to the
entire community was for public consumption his private
motive was different. The migration of the whole
community would give the unrest a communal colour,
which was the image that suited the kind of propaganda
India wished to undertake.. .’’(Blood) This motive was
evident from the Governor’s reaction to attempts by
eminent personalities to bridge the communal divide.

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Jagmohaan did not allow this effort to succeed
arguing...“so long as the Kashmiri identity exists, it
will be exploited by America and Pakistan and that 'if
Hindus and Muslims live together in the valley, that will
demoralise the armed forces”.
However, in March 1990 Balraj Puri stated “I found no
hostility among common Muslims in Kashmir against
Pandits, and that allegations of gross violations of
Human rights by security forces needs to be
investigated”15. At the same time, Hindu communal
groups launched a campaign of fear among the Pandits.
“Much disinformation is being spread in Jammu and
Delhi that scores of Hindu temples and shrines have
been desecrated or destroyed in Kashmir. This is
completely untrue and it is baffling that the Government
has not thought it fit to ask Doordarshan to do a
program on mandirs in Kashmir just to reassure people
that they remain unharmed.”15

The Army has been indiscriminate in arresting Kashmiri
youth on the grounds of suspicion and then torturing
them, sometimes even leading to death. “A study
prepared by Bakshi Ahmad Dabla of University of
Kashmir for ‘Save the Children Fund’ shows that
60,000 people had died in Kashmir until 1999, and there
were 20,000 orphans and 16,000 widows. The same
study based on random sample of cases shows that
80% of deaths were due to ‘cross-firing’ killings by
security forces, or in custody by renegades. The
Government Mental Hospital in Shrinagar treated
31,000 patients in 1999.Their records show that 60-70
% of them were victims or witness to atrocities
committed by the security forces.”1 7 Military
deployment and atrocities on civilians is furthering the
process of alienation the local population.

MYTH: The trifurcating of Kashmir into a) Muslim
dominated valley b) Hindu dominated Jammu and
c) Buddhist dominated Laddakh is the only solution
to the Kashmir issue.

Evidently, the problem of the migration of Kashmiri
Pandits is the outcome of a number of factors: their
disenchantment and alienation from the policies
pursued by the State that triggered widespread
militancy among the people, and the fear psychosis
spread by the Governor Jag Mohan. It had nothing to
do with any Hindu-Muslim hostility.

Despite the predominance of one or the other
community in the respective regions, a great deal of
inter-mingling prevails in these regions and none are
ethnically homogenous.

MYTH: The demand for autonomy is equivalent to
secessionism and therefore such a demand is anti­
national.

The solution to the Kashmir ‘problem’ is not merely
complex but positions on it are wide and varied. For
instance,

FACT: As we have seen in the previous section the
accession of Kashmir to India took place under the
treaty of accession as per which Kashmir was to have
its own constitution, its own Prime Minister, Sadr-eRiyast. India was to have control on defense, external
affairs, communication, and currency. This is what
Article 370 is all about.
Autonomy in no way means separation from the Indian
Union. It only means respect of the accession treaty
under which Kashmir acceded to (not merged with)
India. Most of the free elections in Kashmir have seen
the victory of the party (National Conference), which
advocated autonomy. It shows what the real aspirations
of the people are. Even today in Kashmir due to the
kind of Government policies imposed upon the people,
a section of the Kashmiris are calling for Azadii
(Independence). On the other hand, another section
owes allegiance to India but desires autonomy,
devolution of power, and empowerment of people.

FACT: This myth is the brainchild of the Sangh Parivar.

a.

Indian Government maintains Kashmir is an
integral part of India and so any solution has
to be within the framework of the Indian
Constitution, and that third party mediation is
not acceptable.

b.

Pakistan has accorded the status of Azad
Kashmir to the part of Kashmir forcibly
occupied by it. It maintains that people of
Kashmir do not want to remain in India so
Kashmiris should be permitted to unite and
Azad Kashmir should be formed uniting both
the parts of Kashmir. Pakistan wants the third
party mediation.

c.

A part of Kashmir has been given by Pakistan
to China, which the latter had claimed to be
its part.

d.

The Kashmir Government wants more
autonomy as per the status of Kashmir before
1953. Though free and fair elections have been
a rarity most of the state Governments have
asked for more autonomy, most of the time.

e.

Kashmiri militants, the indigenous, and the
infiltrators have different positions on the issue
but most of them have been demanding an
Independent Kashmir, Pre-1947 accession of
Kashmir to India.

MYTH: The armed forces in Kashmir are the best
guarantee ofpeace in Kashmir.
FACT: With the rise of militancy there has also been
an increase in the strenght of the army (and other
security forces under central control) in Kashmir. There
is hardly any civilian rule in Kashmir. The Indian army
behaves like an occupation army, and little wonder
therefore is seen as such by the people in the valley.

FACTS against MYTHS

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References
Puri.B., “Kashmir*, Orient Longman, Tract For the Times,
Series 4,1993

Outlook July 10,2000
Quoted in 6 above

G.MD. Sufi, Quoted in Puri, Kashmir P.9

Puri ibid p.65

White Paper on Jammu and Kashmir, Government of India,
New Delhi 1948.

Puri, ibid, p.66

Nehru .Jawaharlal, Selected Works, Second Series; vol.18;
p.421.

Engineer,A.A. “Can Autonomy be the Solution", One India
One People, September,.2000, p.17

S.K.Kulkarni,"The History of Accession”, One India One
People, Sept 2000, p 9.
Puri.B" De-alienating Kashmiris”, One India One People, Sept
2000, p 10

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Press Council Committee Report, "Crisis and Credibility”, New
Delhi June 1991

Navalakha, G.Wanted: A Just and Honorable Peace, One
India One People, Sept. 2000, p.43
Matto.A., “Divide and Rue”, Times of India, October.6,2000.

Das, D. Kashmir: A Brief Outline, Kalam, July-October, 2000

Blood In The Valley, Lokshahi Hakk Sanghatana,
Bombay, 1994

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A Historical Outline of the Kashmiri Struggle
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❖ The beginning of the 18tn century saw the rise of Sikh rule in Punjab, and it was
only by 1819 did Ranjit Singh of Punjab manage to defeat the Sikh rulers and planted
the despotic Dogra rule (Hindu Maharaja). Thus with the Treaty of Amritsar between
the East India Company and Raja Gulab Singh of Jammu - who become the ruler of
the new state on a payment of Rs. 75 lakhs - British ensured their influence in
Kashmir through their puppet rulers. Kashmir population was reeling in abject
poverty under the rule of the Dogra kings.
❖ By 1931, there were mass demonstrations all over the state demanding political
reforms.This led to the Maharaja appointing a commission that recommended
basic reforms and the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in 15-17 October
1932 was formed. In 1939 the Muslim Conference splits and the National Conference
(NC) with Sheikh Abdullah as its founder and leader is formed;
❖ The programme adopted by NC on 29 and 30 September 1944 — called Naya (new)
Kashmir - stated that “the problem of Kashmir was surrounded by the wider
concentric circles of the problems of India and [that] of the world as a whole...it
(NC) too must formulate more concretely its own conception of the New Kashmir it
strives to build”.

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❖ In 1945 the NC launched a mass struggle against the despotic rule in Kashmir and
in1946 the Treaty of Amritsar was abrogated restoring the sovereignty to the people
of Kashmir.The “Quit Kashmir” movement was then launched resulting in the arrest
of Abdullah and his colleagues. Raja Hari Singhs* govt, resorts to violent action.

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❖ The transfer of power on August 15, 1947 was accompanied by the division of the
sub-continent into India and Pakistan on religious line. Hari Singh enters into a
standstill agreement with Pakistan. On 29 September, Sheikh Abdullah is released
from prison and on October 5, the India declares that the accession of Jodhpur,
Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir would be considered only after the plebiscite
among the people of these respective princely states. Raja Hari Singh fails to
commit himself to the Indian entreaty. He instead appoints MC Mahajan as Prime
Minister of J&K and offers friendship to both India and Pakistan;

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❖ On October 26, bellicose tribesmen in the northwestern regions with the tacit
support of Pakistan attack Kashmir. Hari Singh asks for India’s help. India puts the
precondition of accession. Raja Hari Singh relents and signs the instrument of
accession endorsed by Abdullah. Thus the Indian army relieves Kashmir. In reaction
to the capitulation of Hari Singh, popular upsurge breaks out with the king fleeing

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from Kashmir. Abdullah is appointed as the head of the emergency administration.
Nehru follows up by assuring the people to conduct a plebiscite once order is
restored.

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❖ On January 1948, India complains to the UN Security Council about Pakistan’s aid
to tribal raiders and offers to hold an internationally monitored plebiscite on the
states’ future after the raiders are cleared. The cease-fire between India and
Pakistan leaves 84000-sq. km. area under Pakistani control.
❖ Thus by October 17,1948, the Indian Constituent. Assembly props up Article 370 of
the Constitution to tactically ensure “special status” to Kashmir.
❖ An agreement is reached on 24, July 1952 on centre-state relationships, which
provides autonomy for the state within India. Meanwhile, on November 17, the
Jammu Praja Parishad, supported by the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha
and Ram Rajya Parishad agitates for accession of Kashmir to the Indian union;

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❖ Without solving the issue of accession to the Indian Union, on 1 August 1953,
Sheikh Abdullah is put under house arrest for the next 22 years on his alleged
role in divisive politics. On 20^ August, an agreement is reached between the
Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan to appoint a plebiscite administration by the
end of April 1954. But by February 1954 all leaders of Kashmir are put behind bars
and efforts are in the upswing from the Indian Union to execute the accession
treaty.

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❖ An unamendable provision in the Constitution adopted for J&K, by the J&K

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Constituent Assembly on 30 October says that it is an integral part of the Indian
Union.

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❖ Nehru declares on 4 March 1957 that under no circumstances plebiscite will be
conducted. The constitution of J&K is further amended to extend the jurisdiction
of the Union Election Commission to the state and also to bring its High Court at
par with those in the rest of India.
❖ On 8*h April 1963 Abdullah unexpectedly released and the conspiracy case against

him withdrawn. Abdullah immediately negotiates the future of the state first, with
Nehru and then Ayub Khan. He visits Pakistan with an offer of India-Pak-Kashmir
confederation, only to be rejected. A meeting with Chou-en-Lai in Algeria and
statements against India, lead to his re-arrest to be kept under confinement for
the next ten years. The former Prime Minister Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad is arrested
under the Defense of India Rules on 22nd September.


❖ By 21 December 1964 the Indian Union extends Articles 356 and 357 of the Indian
constitution to J&K, a declaration that leads to massive protests.
❖ The adopted constitution of J&K is further amended in 1965 to scrap the provision
which entitles only those having 25 years of domicile in J&K as eligible citizen to
be elected as head of states. On 2 February 1967 the People’s Representation Act
is applied to J&K.

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❖ The Jammu Autonomy Forum is launched on 18th April followed by the formation of
the Gajendragadkar Commission to examine the demand of the former. On 29
November 1968, the commission recommends statutory regional development
boards.

❖ The Plebiscite Front launched by Abdullah is banned on 14^ January 1971 by the
union home ministry under Unlawful Activities Act, to present the Front from
participating in the ensuing ‘elections’.
❖ The Indo-Pak War comes to an end with the signing of Shimla Agreement on 2 July
1972. This rationalizes the cease fire line as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and

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commits the two Governments to resolve the Kashmir issue bilaterally thus
reducing it as something between India and Pakistan.
❖ On 25 February 1974 Delhi once again favours Abdullah as he is released from the
prison and sworn back as the chief minister with the Congress Legislative Party
offering to support him. The Plebiscite Front is dissolved on 5*^ July and National
Conference is revived with Abdullah as the president. In the Indira Gandhi-Sheikh
Abdullah accord in 1975, Abdullah reiterates his commitment to regional autonomy.
❖ The post-emergency period brings forth the resignation of Abdullah on 27 March
1977 as Congress withdraws support. Governors' rule is imposed and the assembly
dissolved. 30th June saw the first “free and fair” elections to the state assembly.
National Conference gets 47 out of 76 seats.
❖ Sikri Commission is appointed on 30 May 1979, to inquire into regional grievances
after an agreement between the state government and the All Party Action
Committee of Jammu.
❖ Sheikh Abdullah dies on 8^ September,! 982 and his son Farooq is sworn in as
the Chief Minister.

❖ On January 14, 6 Congress workers killed in police firing on a protest
demonstration. On 11™ February Maqbul Bhatt, founder of Kashmir Liberation Front
is hanged and buried in Delhi jail. Article 248 of the constitution is amended so as
to give powers to centre to look after the law and order situation in Kashmir.
Further, Jagmohan is sworn in as the governor on 2n^ April. The Farooq Abdullah
ministry is soon shown the door as GM Shah is sworn in as chief minister on 2n^
July. On August 15, 1985, police fire on anti-lndia demonstration.
❖ The state govt, is again dissolved on 7 March 1986. The JKLF chief Amanullah
Khan is deported on 25^ July from London. Farooq is reinstated as chief minister
as he agrees to share power with Congress on 7*^ November.

❖ 14 Muslim parties together form the Muslim United Front on 19 January 1987. Many
MUF leaders arrested; massive rigging to the elections to the state assembly on
23rd March.
❖ Three killed on 10 June 1988 as police fire on demonstration in Srinagar against
power tariff hike. Three day bandh in the valley; curfew imposed in reaction to the
wave of anti-lndia demonstrations on August 15. Four killed in police firing on 18
August followed by 3 on 26 August.
❖ Bandh observed on 13-14 February, 1989 against Salman Rushdies’ Satanic Verses,
fifty injured in clash with the police. Demonstrations and clashes with the police
continue with occasional firing by the police and grenade attacks by the youth. On
20th July, communal clashes flare up in Leh. On 21st August a National Conference
worker is shot dead by the militants while on 17^ September, BJP leader Jia Lal
Taploo is shot dead. Again on 4^ November, former sessions Judge Neel Kanth
Kranjoo (who sentenced Maqbool Bhat to dead) is shot dead. Rubaiya Sayeed
(daughter of. union home minister Mufti Mohammed) kidnapped by militants;
released in exchange for 5 JKLF militants.
❖ Farooq resigns as chief minister on 19 January 1990. Nightlong house to house
search in Srinagar the following day; protest demonstrations against army
excesses; 35 killed in Srinagar by security forces; curfew imposed.
❖ On 22nd January, 8 killed in firing by security forces in Srinagar. 200 state police
personnel hold protest demonstration against killings on 3 of their colleagues by
paramilitary forces. The Srinagar Doordarshan Director, Lassa Kaul is shot dead
on 13th February. State assembly is again dissolved on the orders of the Governor
on 16*h February.

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❖ JKLF leader Javeed Ahmed appeals to the Muslims of Srinagar to vacate before
10**1 June 1993 houses of Hindus if occupied when they left the state, so that they
can come back and live comfortably. He appeals to Hindu brothers to come back
to Kashmir and to take part in the ongoing liberation struggle.

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❖ Between January 1992 and March 1993 the army conducted nearly 3,647 raids. In
all, more than 300 died in Custody due to torture. In April 1993, the army went on a
rampage in the historic Lal Chowk area killing about 280 people and burning many
houses.

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❖ The 50000 strong state police force resorts to a wildcat strike on 21s* April holding

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up the top brass in the police control room following the death of their colleague
Riaz Ahmed in army custody. Army intervenes on 27“* April to disarm the striking
policemen. The police relent once the officer responsible for Riaz’s death is sent
out of Kashmir. 110 policemen who had partaken in the strike suspended on 2nd
May.

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❖ Mass exodus of Kashmiri pundits begins.
❖ 30 killed in firing at Zakura near Hazrat Bal and Barzala by-pass in Srinagar on 1s*
March. On 24*** March, independent ex-MLA Mir Mustafa kidnapped and killed by
Hazbul Mujahideen. On 6th April, Kashmir University VC Mushir-ul-Haq, his private
secy. Abdul Ghani and HMT GM H.L Khera kidnapped and later killed by J&K Student
Liberation Front.
❖ 21st May saw the killing of Mirwaiz Maulavi Mahd. Farooq. Army fires on the
mourning procession killing 50 people. Jagmohan resigns as Governor on 26**1
May and GO Saxena succeeds him. The Disturbed Areas Act is further amended to
give a free hand to the army by July 1990.
❖ Anti-Pak demonstration in Srinagar following the killing of a JKLF area commander
by Hizbul on 30 April 1991. JKLF is the only organization, which wants Kashmir to
fully liberate from both India and Pakistan. JKLF openly condemns the unnecessary
interference of Pakistan in Kashmir struggle. It also opposed the induction of
foreigners by Pakistan into Kashmir struggle. With this Pakistan provokes the Hizbul
Mujahideen armed, trained and strengthened by it, to launch armed attacks against
the JKLF.
❖ JKLF chief Amanullah Khan leads a peace march in POK; tries to cross the LAC
resulting in the killing of 12 persons (11 February 1992) in the clash with the police.
On 30th March, Pakistani forces arrest 500 JKLF marchers in POK.

❖ 7killed in a clash between JKLF and Hizbul Mujahideen on 15**1 May. On IS1*1 July,
JKLF and HM agree to bury their differences for the common goal of selfdetermination.

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❖ In December, RSS holds a rally in Delhi demanding that the ex-servicemen of Dogra
nationality by settled in Kashmir Valley.

❖ In December 1992 various political groups came together and formed a united
organisation called the All Kashmir Hurriyat (freedom) Conference. Although Jamate-lslami, People’s Conference, Muslim Conference and Ittehadul Muslimin are all
part of Hurriyat, Jamat-e-lslami and its armed wing Hizbul Majuhideen have the
hegemony over the Hurriyat.


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Para-military forces, in Sopore killed 50, on 7 January 1993, when militants injured
two of their personnel in an attack. Later in Mominabad the security forces in an
operation wipe out an entire family.. Speaking in Parliament, the Union Home
Minister S.B. Chavan assures on 26 February and 1st March that the govt, is
ready to create a safe-zone for Kashmiri Pundits (Hindus) anywhere in the Valley.

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(f FACTS against MYTHS

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❖ In June 1993, under the aegis of JKLF, militant groups in Kashmir hold a meeting
to jointly resist the growing attacks of the Indian army. They form a “Kashmir United
Jehad Council” and decide to first liberate the Kashmir Valley and the Doda district
of Jammu where Muslim population is in majority.
❖ Dr. Farooq Ashal and Dr. A.A. Guru, both reputed medical practitioners, trade
unionists and well known Civil Rights activists were shot dead by security forces
in broad day light as they were actively exposing the atrocities of the security
forces.

❖ The Kashmiri Pundits, refugees in India, persistently demand that a special area
be marked out for them Southwest of Jhelum River. They issue a press statement
in this regard on 1st July in the name of an organization called Panun Kashmir
(Our Kashmir); insists that they will settle down only in Kashmir. If their demand is
conceded, the Kashmir Valley now inhabited by 95% Muslims will turn into a Hindu
dominated area.

❖ After 32 days of the Indian army’s siege of Hazratbal mosque-ostensibly to 'capture’
top Kashmiri militants, possibly also some Pakistani Intelligence agents and to
save the holy relic-comes to an end. While the siege is continuing the army on
October 22n° clamps a curfew in Srinagar and firing and killing more than 50 and
injuring about 75 at the Bijbehara town. On October 24th the victims are disposed
off in a mass funeral.
❖ According to government statistics, in 1994 alone, the army killed 1,596 'militants’


From January to December 1998 the total killings that were recorded in Kashmir
touched 2939 out of which 306 killings occurred under custody of the army or
police. Altogether 1408 houses were either burnt down or blasted in the valley.

❖ The Hijacking of the Indian airlines flight by militants to Kandahar by mid December.
The hostages are released in return of four prominent militant leaders.

Please feel free to reproduce material from this publication but with due credit.
The website of Vikas Adhyayan Kendra has been launched and is now operational. Kindly visit us at
http://www.vakindia.com andlet us have your comments and suggestions about it.

Facts Against Myths is a monthly bulletin offactual
information on a number ofdevelopment myths and
fallacies, etc, including information against alien
development models, paradigms and false concepts
on caste, creed and gender.

Produced and Published by:
Vikas Adhyayan Kendra

Malad West, Mumbai 400 064, INDIA

a : 882 2850 & 889 8662
Email: vak@bom3.vsnl.net.in

Fax : 889 8941

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