FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VI-1-2000
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- FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VI-1-2000
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VIKAS ADHYAYAN KENDRA
Vol VI #1/2000
INFORMATION BULLETIN
Status Quo or Quest for Social Justice
Truth Behind Anti- Reservation Myths - I
Ram Puniyani
COMMENT
ndian caste system has its origin in the
ancient past. Here the social hierarchy
assumed the form of well laid out
system in which the social, economic,
political and educational position was
determined by the caste and the system,
‘Chaturvarnaya’ (four castes) divided the
Indian society into Brahmins (the priests,
the earthly form of Gods, the ones who were
supposed to be embodiment of knowledge
and wisdom), the Khstriyas; (the warriors
and kings), the Vaishyas (the traders), these
three being the upper castes, while Shudras
(*p untouchables, the slaves, the ones’ to
serve the upper castes) were the low castes
meant to do all the manual labor in
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society. This division of society is well
described in Manu Smriti and various other
Brahminical texts. The educational,
economic, social and political deprivation
of shudras, was perpetuated by the norms,
rules and practices laid down by the
Brahmins and approvingly upheld by other
upper castes.
The conscious perpetuation of this practice
was meant to sustain the intense
exploitation, was meant to give the
‘religious sanctity’ to the prevalent social
injustices. The slow changes in society and
its conscious, motivated implementation by
the upper castes over a period of centuries,
millennia, made the. system a ‘deeply
structural’, one i.e. impregnable by the
latter changes in the society, i.e. it became
deeply ingrained in social psyche and firmly
( FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY )
imbibed by the victims (untouchables)
themselves. With the introduction of
industrialisation, rationalisation, scientific
thought and ideas of enligthenment, ideas
of ‘Liberty; Equality; Fraternity’, ripples of
opposition to caste system started
occurring. This opposition got manifested
in ideas of some religious reforms as well.
But the real process of challenge to the
‘status quo’ of caste system began with
movements led by Phule. And these
movements became significant by the time
Ambedkar and Periyar’s advent on the
socio-political scenario.
Ambedkar’s realisation of these ‘structural
constraints’ led him to initiate the
movement for claiming ‘special provisions’
to break the ‘socio-ideological’ chains
imprisoning the shudras, to destroy the
shackles of Brahminical slavery. While
Gandhi was leading anti British struggles,
Ambedkar made the point of incorporation
of provisions which can be liberatory (from
the centuries old shackles) to the shudras,
he realised that the liberatory potential of
‘Liberty, Equality and Fraternity’ can be
realised in Indian context only if it is
supplemented by the ‘affirmative action’ in
favor of the dalits. To achieve this he led
the movement of dalits and went on to
ensure the incorporation of these provisions
in the Indian Constitution.
As Chairman of the drafting committee of
Indian Constitution he ensured that these
provisions take the ‘concrete legal ‘shape
in the form of reservations for the dalits.
As per the constitution there is
straightaway recognition (A341 & 342) of
SC. (Scheduled Castes) and STs (Scheduled
Tribes). There are guarantees in the form
of reservations in legislature (A330 & 332)
and claims in services and posts (A335).
These interests are also ingrained in the
directive principles (A38 & 46) of state
policy. As the dalits are also divided into
many castes and subcastes, SCs and STs do
not cover all the backward castes. As per
constitution there are 22.50 percent
reservation in govt, sector services for
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes on
the basis of their population, which roughly
is close to this. Initially there was no
provision in constitution for other
(^ FACTS against MYTHS
backward classes, which constituted 52% of
population, since they were not properly
identified as castes in different regions. But
all the same, state govts, were directed
under section 16 (4) to draw up their lists,
for the purpose of reservation of seats in
public services and in higher educational
institutions.
Supreme Court treated these backward
castes also as separate classes on par with
backward castes under Indian Caste system.
To clarify the concepts and confusions
around issues related to ‘socially and
educationally backward classes’, govt.
appointed a commission headed by well
known Gandhian, Kaka Saheb Kalelkar,
which submitted the report in 1955 stating
that social and educational backwardness
should be judged by ‘Caste’ alone. The
commission recommended varioim
measures to eradicate the caste, including
measures like land reforms, insurance for
cattle breeding, promotion of village
industries, rural housing, health and water
supply, adult education and reservations in
govt, services and educational institutions.
The report was shelved by the govt. Also
the central govt, advised state govt, to
evolve state level schemes for reservation
for backward castes. State govts, formed
different commissions on backward classes
and implemented various reservation
policies at state levels. Central govt, did not
initiate any other move in this direction. In
1977, Janata Party, formed in the wake of
post emergency political alignment, formed
the Mandal commission for backwa^
classes in Dec 1977.
™
The commission did a thorough job for
identifying backward castes. It prepared a
56-point questionnaire in consultation with
anthropologists,
sociologists
and
educationists. It toured the country
extensively, visiting at least two villages
and one city in each district (406) of the
country. It laid down 3 main criterion for
identifying the backward castes
(1) Castes considered backward by
other castes
(2) Those castes/classes who have to do
physical labor as a means of earning
(3) Castes practicing child marriage. It
included those castes, more than
25% of whose women participated in
manual labor to earn livelihood,
more than 25% of whose children did
not attend primary schools between
5 to 15 years of age. The economic
criterion employed were: ownership
of property, type of housing,
distance they had to travel to fetch
drinking water and amount of
consumption loans on their head.
As per the commission ‘under the caste
system, the superiority of upper castes’ had
been upheld in every sphere of life for
centuries. Popular belief among lower
castes was that God created castes. This
belief has been perpetuated through Vedas
and Puranas. All avenues of education and
0en literacy were denied to lower castes
oy religious sanctions. Backwards had been
prevented from intermingling with upper
castes. There was no upward social mobility
for lower castes.
Therefore a caste was' considered to be a
class1. This commission identified a total
of 3743 castes and subsets as ‘backward’.
It recommended several measures for
eradication of castes, improvement in the
socio economic conditions of the caste.
These measures include job reservations in
private sector, and seat reservations in
institutes of higher learning. The
commission recommended 27% reservation
for OBC and suggested that wherever (in
^ate) the reservation is already more than
^?Z% that should continue as it is. It also
recommended financial assistance to
backward entrepreneurs and artisans and
wanted the backward to be specially trained
to conduct trade, commerce and industry
with financial assistance from nationalised
banks.
The implementation of Mandal commission
on one hand was a recognition of the failure
of developmental process and on the other
the recognition of the fact that if these
measures will not be implemented the
deprived sections’ rebellion will have to be
faced in due course of time. The reaction
to Mandal commission implementation was
very mixed one. On the face of it most of
FACTS against MYTHS
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Send My Son to School
WamanKardak
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Send my boy to school
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Lord and Master
I tell you
Send my boy to school ■
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We may be terribly poor
Famine may knock at our door
I'll see that he gets to school
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Send my boy to school, etc.
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If the leg of your garment is rent
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/ promise to patch and mend
For my garment, my needle's the tool
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Send my boy to school, etc.
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He's got something from society; in return
My boy is going to learn
He'll be a lawyer; nobody's fool
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Send my boy to school, etc.
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My boy won't stay stupid or worse
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Like that poet Waman's bad verse
My oath on you if there's no school!
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Send my boy to school, etc.
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Translated by PriyaAdarkar
]
the political parties showed that they are
in support of the commission. The ‘Upper
caste’ backlash, manifesting in the form of
‘self immolations’ came in as a great black
mailing factor. Simultaneously upper caste
Hindu party, BJP, got busy in crystallising
the upper caste backlashes, beginning with
Advani’s rath yatra. Even now their ‘think
tank’ is churning argument after argument
condemning the reservation policy in a
subtle form. And most of all their followers
are busy intensifying the whispering
campaign against the policy of reservations.
MYTH: Reservations are against the
spirit of democracy and equality.
FACT: Caste system in India had remained
quite rigid since centuries and it has been
perpetuating social inequalities along with
all the evils of untouchability and economic
exploitation. The status of shudras, who
3
While substantive equality means that
equality should be seen as sometimes
requiring different treatment, i.e. ‘that those
who are different may have to be treated
differently in order to be given substantive
equality1.3 The principle of reservation falls
in this category and it was this spirit that
was ingrained in our constitution. The idea
of this principle was to break the centuries
old structural heiarchy of caste system, to be
able to aim at ‘equality of outcome’ over a
period of time.
FACTS against MYTHS
In this sense reservations are an attempt,
a measure, to bring back big chunks of
population into ‘social’ life by eliminating
the prevalent ‘reservation of upper castes’
for the social resources. In reality present
policy of reservation is a move to ‘de
reserve' the opportunities grabbed by the
upper caste from centuries, and so the only
way to restore justice to the lower castes,
to bring the semblance of equality for them
and thereby going towards ‘substantive
equality" and the democracy.
MYTH: Justification for reservations is_
no more valid today.
FACT: Indian constitution had provided
22.50% reservation in govt, sector services
for SCs and STs on the basis of their
population which was roughly 22.50%.
Initially the constitution did not provide
any reservation for backward classes that
constitute 52%, the reason being their non
identification. Under section 16-(4) state
government were directed to draw up
proper lists of other backward classes
(OBCs), for the purpose of govt, jobs and
educational institutions. Private sector had
no such obligations. Various state govts,
especially of Karnataka, Tamilnadu, and
Kerala appointed local commissions and
4
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Despite the introduction of ‘modern’
education and ‘the process of secularisation’,
al bit a slower one, because of the
stranglehold of caste ideology and social
power of upper castes, the low caste were
doomed to remain in a ‘semi bonded’
existence. And that is precisely the reason,
as to why reservation was thought of, as one
of the means of breaking the deadlock, to
bring the low, backward castes out of the
prisons of their social situation. In
democracy the credo to be adopted and
followed is the one of Liberty, Equality &
Fraternity. Equality in turn can be ‘formal’
or ‘substantive’. Formal equality is seen to
require equal treatment, equality is equated
with sameness and the inherent inequality
can keep perpetuating itself ad infinitum.
Equality as such means equality amongst
those with equal background or equal
opportunities. Chief Justice Ray in
K.T.Thomas case pointed out2 “Equality of
opportunity for unequals can only mean
aggravation of inequality.”
In modern democracies, by and large states
do undertake different steps to alleviate
inequalities, to help the disadvantaged
sections of society1. These steps are (a)
preferential treatment: In a job or a seat,
all other things being equal a disadvantaged
person is preferred over the other, (b)
Affirmative action: Positive actions are
taken to help the disadvantaged groups: e.g.
financial assistance, scholarships etc. (c)
Positive or protective or reverse
discrimination: Even other things being not
equal, the disadvantaged group is granted
benefits. Reservation of seats or jobs falls
in this category. This is the ultimate
method and the only one, which can break
the ‘structural disadvantages’. Most of the
labor legislation is also built on this
principle. Thus reservations are all the
more needed to restore the social justice in
a country like India where the caste syste* )
has institutionalised the discrimination,
oppression and exploitation.
99 FACTS
have been the virtual slaves of landlords, is
painfully obvious. Upper castes not only
monopolised all the social resources but
also blocked all the avenues for acquiring
knowledge by the shudras. This rigidified
social system led to ‘structural inequalities’
which keep ‘self perpetuating’ on the
strength of the consciously created ideology
by Brahmi'nism. With modernity comes in
a social system of ‘functional’ or ‘fluid’
hierarchies where the people can enter
contractual relations irrespective of their
social-background. In India this, ‘structural
hierarchy’ of caste system went to the
extreme and upper castes hegemonised the
social and economic resources.
implemented reservations for Q®Cs.
Mandal commission implementation in
1987 was a major leap to do the justice to
the deprived the sections of society, the
OBCs.
The resreservation policy has so far not
been able to achieve the desired level of
social justice. In one sense what is normally
called reservation is actually a de
reservation as we have seen above. De facto
there already exists reservation to the
extent of more than 95% in high-ranking
jobs and for engineering and medical seats
for the upper castes. What the so-called
reservations for SCs., STs and OBC does is
to serve the long term goal of de-reserving
this de facto 95% reservation of the upper
castes, in favor of the oppressed groups of
society as a whole.
V^ccording to the Central Government’s
Department of Personnel and Training, in
1985, 2099 reserved posts were de-reserved
(i.e. removed from the reserved quota)
while, in 1986 the figure was 1994. The
figure for unfilled posts, which are not de
reserved, is many times more. Let us look
at the Maharashtra Governments latest
figures regarding Reserved Posts for SCs
and STs lying vacant Governments latest
figures regarding Reserved Posts for SCs
and STs lying vacant because of their not
being filled:
Year
Engineering
Medical
1978 79
3.5
6.4
1979 80
3.3
3.8
1980 81
4.8
3.0
1981 82
3.7
3.6
1982 83 .
4.3
4.1
1983 84
4.0
5.2
1984 85
4.0
3.8
It is obvious that utilization of reserved seats
has never been full and has nearly always
been less than half. Yet, open seats for which
reservation are about 70% invariably eats up
about 85% of the seats. But as the figures
themselves suggest, it would be wrong to
conclude that the reservation policy has
completely failed. Let us look at the increase
in SC/ST representation in the Central
Government services over a 10-year period.
It need not be stressed that the increase is
primarily due to Reservations.
Percentage of SC/ST in Central Govt.
service:
SC
ST
I
ST
SC
376
N. Tribes
397
Total
154
4.33
1.15
2.62
1.45
D
19.07
20.09
4.35
5.84
1.02
1.49
2,369
4,445
2,450
12,274
Let us look at the teaching staff pattern in
41 Universities.
Percentage of SC/ST representations in
Public Sector Undertakings:
0.30%
Q FACTS against MYTHS
Increase
1.1.77
1.1.87
(126 undertakings)
(211 undertakings)
sc
ST
SC
ST
SC
ST
A
1.81
0.43
4.86
1.17
3.07
0.74
B
3.09
0.55
6.17
1.55
3.08
1.00
C
16.76
7.68
18.54
8.82
1.78
1.14
D
22.53
10.32
30.82
17.07
8.29
6.75
SC
10.53%
1.28
1.92
IV
Research Assistants
4.07
4.23
27,630
0.60%
0.77
2.78
4,501
3.16%
8.23
0.77
14,633
Lecturers
4.16
14.46
8,496
0.15%
2.05
Increase
10.40
III
1.04%
1987
6.07
2,467
Readers
1977
1-1.84
356
0.05%
1987
O
1,438
0.6%
.
1977
B
673
Professors
*ST
923
II '
ST
A
SC
Increase
Group
Class
LCiCl.Lu iu*
’Ob»
in Engineering and Medical faculties in
Gujarat which are utilized:
Source Mihir Desai: Lokayan Bulletin
5
SC
ST
OBCs
Total
Reservation
Andhra Pradesh
14
4
25
43
Bihar
14
10
24
48
J&K
8
5
42
55
Karnataka
15
3
50
68
Kerala
8
2
40
50
Madhya Pradesh
15
18
29
62
Maharashtra
13
7
14
34
Punjab
25
5
5+20
55
Uttar Pradesh
18
2
15
35
Tamil Nadu
18
50
68
Harayana
20
10
30
Himachal Pradesh
15
7
5
27
Assam
7
12
Gujarat
7
14
Manipur
15
7
22
Meghalaya
58
48
98
45
45
State
Nagaland
Orissa
Sikkim
16
19
10
31
24
28
.
Rajasthan
16
12
42
Tripura
13
29
20
West Bengal
15
5
16
Andaman/Nicobar
16
45-
Arunachal
45
20
22
Chandigarh
20
Dadara/N. Haweli
15
7
22
Delhi
15
7
7
Goa, Daman, Die
2
5
15
Lakshdweep
15
21
Mizoram
Pondichery
16
Source: Mihir Desai
FACTS against MYTHS
5
Though the overall percentage of
both the SCs and STs is still much
below their population proportion,
it has virtually doubled in 10 years
which itself is a positive step
forward.
But again, the representation of SC/
ST in class III and class IV posts
should not be seen as a very
significant trend because many jobs
in class III & IV are such that even
poor forward caste persons are
unwilling to take them up One
significant reason for unfilled quota
apart from availability of sufficient
reserved candidates is the neglect
and deliberate manipulation by
authorities. Often reserved posts
are not advertised. Interview
letters are sent to reserved^;
candidates in such a manner that
they reach only after the date of
interview. Age relaxations and
other concessions are regularlyomitted from the advertisements.
Instead of saying that the posts are
reserved, “preference will be given
to SC/ST” in mentioned. Separate
interviews are not taken despite
the legal requirement to that effect.
No roster is maintained.
The target sets for reservations of
SC/ST as well as OBCs (in seats)
have not been achieved. The
question of doing away with
reservations
or
reducing —
reservation can only arise when the ™
representation of these groups in
seats as also in various rungs of
employment stabilizes adequately
in proportion to their population.
Even then, it would have to be
ensured that removing or reducing
the plank of reservation does not
lead to a collapse in their
representation.
Reservation for OBCs is not a new
phenomenon. Most of the States
have already provided some
reservation for OBCs. These
reservations are applicable only to
State Government Services and
6
Percentage Representation of OBCs, STs. In Central Govt. Services.
Class I
Class III & IV
Class II
To tai
SC/ST
OBC
SC/ST
OBC
SC/ST
OBC
SC/ST
OBC
7.18
2.59
13.66
3.98
30.95
8.41
16.83
4.83
In Autonomous bodies Attached & Subordinate Officer
6.64
5.09
18.16
11.74
20 .78
20.98
18.06
14.43
15.77
19.95
10.61
18.98
18.72
12.55
In Public sector Undertakings
4.51
4.59
18.74
31.72
9.91
Total
5.68
4.69
18.18
10.63
^tate Level educational institutions. The
present situation of reservation quotas in
various States is as follows:
In the Southern States, reservations have
been institutionalised since before 1947.
Maharashtra has OBC reservations since
1964. Each state has formulated its own
criteria for backwardness and therefore
there is much variance in the classification.
Mandal seeks to apply uniform criteria for
backwardness for the whole of India, and
introduce reservation for OBCs in Central
Government services. The reservations as
recommended by Mandal are not over and
above the State reservations for OBCs.
But are the OBCs really backward? Let
'Ms look at some statistics regarding their
representation in Central Government
services. (The table is reproduced from the
Mandal Report.) Thus the SCs, STs and
OBCs which constitute 75% of the
population occupy totally only 10% of
Class 1 posts and that too after 40 years of
reservation for SC/ST.
24.40
Similarly despite the implementation of
schemes for OBCs (in southern states since
1947, Maharashtra 64), the SCs, STs and
OBCs which constitute 75% of population
occupy just 10% Class I posts after 40 years
of reservation policy.
These clearly go into show that due to slow
pace of development and still slower pace
of social change the educational and social
condition of backwards castes have not
changed substantially. The reservation
policy has yielded some results, but not
enough results to even think of scrapping
them.
VIDYA COLLEGE
100% RESERVED SEATS
Percentage Representation of OBCs, STs.
In Central Govt. Services. (See above)
Courtesy: Manushi, (New Delhi), Nos. 63 to 64.
FACTS against MYTHS
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Dalit Visions
If you had kept your thumb
History would have happened
somehow differently.
But... you gave your thumb
j;
Ekalavya,
"
since that day they
have not even given you a glance.
Forgive me, Ekalavya, I won't be fooled now
will never be broken.
I stand today at the very end
of the twentieth century.
All around me is in flame...
Taking in one hand the sun, in the other the moon,
/ am conscious of my resolve,
the worth of the blood of Ekalavya's broken finger.
-ShashikantHingonerkar
r —— — — — — — — — — — — — — — T
I Facts Against Myths is a monthly bulletin offactual I
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information on a number ofdevelopment myths and
[j
j fallacies, etc, including information against alien |
development models, paradigms and false concepts
on caste, creed and gender.
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FACTS Reservation 1 1 A
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and history also
became theirs.
Position: 4374 (2 views)