FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VI-11-2000
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- FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VI-11-2000
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VIKAS ADHYAYAN KENDRA
Vol VI #11/2000
INFORMATION BULLETIN
The Tyranny of Untouchability:
The Purity/Pollution Myths of Caste — II
•O MMENT
rotests and resistance against
Untouchability and caste oppression
have not known to have taken place.
Untouchables lacked any scope to protest.
Dissatisfaction was generally expressed by
performing the work carelessly and
inefficiently. Any attempts to change the
status quo were condemned as immoral.
Mythological history of India also fails to
provide details of direct revolts against
Untouchability. At most, opposition was in
the form of religio-ideological movements
through Buddhist, Jain and Bhakti
iwvements. Recent history is also devoid of
direct forms of revolts. Reformist
measures were, however, wide and varied.
A number of social reformers and religious
leaders tried to eradicate it either by
propagating a new religion/sect or laying
down a set of principles free from prejudices
of “high” and “low” to be observed by their
followers. (See Box on pg.5) The impact of
these endeavours was, however, localised,
temporary and in many cases inadequate.
The issue was also tackled by a number of
princely States before Independence
enacting a number of laws to eradicate
Untouchability. There were 27 such Acts. In
1921 Krishna Raaje Wodiyar, the Prince of
P
Mysore introduced the reservation of
government jobs for non-Brahmans. In 1936
the Maharaja of Travancore had issued the
“Temple Entry Proclamation”. Limited as
these efforts were towards even reforming
the caste-system, they were strongly
opposed by the orthodox Hindu sections of
Indian society. Thus, there were also
movements in support of status quo of social
iniquities to the extent of valorising the
'uarnasharam’ order based on birth. The
Sanathan Dharam, Sabha was founded in
1889 with the sole aim of protecting the
interests of the caste Hindus. They founded
such organisations as the Sri Bharat Dharma
Mahamandal and the All-India Vamashram
Swaraj on behalf of karmic relations and
obligations. There are forces even today who
defend the caste system and those who whilst
conceding the system’s negative features also
see positive features in it.
During the Independence struggle,
Untouchability was incorporated into the
programs to eradicate poverty. On
Independence, incidentally, nine months
after the assassination of Gandhi, the Indian
Constitution (adopted in the Constituent
Assembly in 1949), declared the use of the
term and social restrictions illegal and made
enforceable through an Act in 1950 viz., The
Protection of the Civil Rights Act, 1955.
Untouchability, however, has not been
( FACTS against MYTHS
FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY
defined in the Act. Some members during the
debates in the Constituent Assembly
demanded for a precise definition of the term
but was criticized as an attempt in hair
splitting and a ploy to distract the issue of
Untouchability. The Act was later amended
and renamed in 1976 as Protection of Civil
Rights Act, 1955. The Constitution
proclaimed Fundamental Rights enforceable
by courts. A clause was added in the First
Amendment, the following year, making it
clear that this is not to be incompatible with
‘special provision for the advancement of any
socially and educationally backward classes
of citizens for the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes’.
Despite all such reform efforts no significant
impact in the lives of the Dalits has occurred.
The reforms failed to address the basic
problems of economic dependency. Instead it
merely gave credence to the popular
rationale for avoiding contact with all
Untouchables by suggesting that ignorance
and poor manners were the cause rather than
the
result
of caste
oppression.
Modernisation and economic development
has had some impact but it has mostly tended
to modify the caste system rather than help
in eradicating it. Thus, the caste system is
being made to adapt to situations and exiting
socio-economic reality and Untouchability
continues to be practised particularly in
rural areas. A study of 69 villages in Gujarat
by the late Dr. Desai9 showed that
Untouchability is widely practised in
Gujarat. A report by National Commission
for SCs and STs also underscored its
prevalence throughout the country. The
practice was noticed by the UN Committee
on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
in 1996, while reviewing India’s 10lh to the
14th periodic report under the Convention of
the Elimination of all Forms of Racial
Discrimination. Little wonder then the issue
of caste discrimination and Untouchability
has been included into the agenda at the
World Conference against Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related
Intolerance at Durban, South Africa in
August 2001. Government of India is
however attempting to scuttle the inclusion
of the caste system into the Conference
agenda. It maintains that caste
discrimination is not a form of racial
FACTS against MYTHS
discrimination but a “social” or “class”-based
category rather than a racial one (See Box
on pg.3)
The fact that Untouchability and the caste
system continues to be highly discriminatory
and oppressive and has drawn international
attention needs not only to be re-examined
closely from the point of view of the
oppressed people the Dalits themselves but
to also re-appraise and de-mystify the
reformist measures of the past. There is need
therefore to also once again critically
examine Gandhi’s views some of which were
retrograde. For instance his well-intentioned
view on Untouchability and his struggle
against it is as old as his public life, calling it
the greatest blot on Hinduism. His approach
however towards eradicating Untouchability
vis-k-vis the caste system was ultimately
based on a trickle-down approach. Gandhi
is no doubt a personality of the millennium
and continues to be an inspiration, in thwe
times, for a vision of the world without ware,
a world where there is enough for everyone’s
need but not for everyone’s greed. That being
said it is necessary to also realise that some
few of his ideas and perspectives on issues
like Untouchability and caste, for instance,
was out of synch with reality and abominable.
MYTH: Gandhi was the foremost of all
leaders to protest against 'Untouchability
and his Constructive Programme, as a
The “Indian Position” on Caste
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“Art.l of the Convention includes in the definition of racial discrimination
the term, 'descent’. Both castes and tribes are system-based on 'descent’
since people are normally born into a particular caste or a particular tribe.
It is obvious, however, that the use of the term, 'descent’ in the Convention
clearly refers to 'race’. Communities which fall under the definition of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are unique to Indian society and its
historical process...it is, therefore, submitted that the policies of the Indian
government relating to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes do not come
under the purview of Art.l of the Convention”. - Government of India, 1996,
CERD/C299/Add.3, para.7 (State Party Report)
8
In response to this Government’s position, on the issue, reproduced below
is the Statement from the UN Human Rights Mechanisms on it:
►► “The Committee states that the term “descent” mentioned in article 1 of
the convention does not solely refer to race. The committee affirms that
the situation of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes falls within
the scope of the Convention”.
I
— Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination 1996, CERD/C/304
Add.13.para.14 (Concluding Observations/ Comment)
►► Given, on the one hand [“d’une part”], the above-mentioned information,
particularly as it relates to the constitutional provision cited by the
Indian Government in its communication of 3-0 September 1997 - “Under
article 366., the Scheduled Castes are defined as castes, races or tribes or
parts of or groups within such castes, races or tribes as are deemed under
article 341 to be Scheduled Castes for the purposes of the Constitution”
- and given, on the other hand (“d’autre part”), the fact that the
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, in its concluding
observations on India’s periodic reports, states, “the situation of the
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes falls within the scope of the
Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination” (CERD/C/304/
Add.14 para.14), the Special Rapporteur believes that the specific
attention should be given tot he situation of the untouchables in India”.
|
— Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Related Intolerance 1999, E/CN/4/1999/15, para. 100.
———
.—
——
——
——— — — —
crusade against its abolishment was a
revolutionary initiative.
FACT:
All social reformers even before
Gandhi, from Rammohan Roy onwards had
denounced Untouchability in unequivocal
terms and Dr. Ambedkar even called for the
eradication of the caste system itself.
On Gandhi’s constructive program, his
religious convictions and political arguments
FACTS against MYTHS
— — ——
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were fused to eliminate the observance of
Untouchability. This was to be achieved
through constructive activities to arouse the
masses against untouchability. He called on
the more progressive caste Hindus to secure
for the Untouchables their basic human
rights by convincing the orthodox among
them of their unjust and harmful practices.
On the other hand, however, no efforts were
undertaken to organise the Untouchables
The inner contradiction of Gandhi’s
programme was that if untouchability was
basically a religious phenomenon, then the
penitential work should have polluted the
high castes down to the Untouchable level
irrevocably. Instead, nothing of this took
place! Most of the high castes actively
participated without even having to resort
to purification rites!
Dalit Bastis Torched!
In outlining this Constructive Programme,
Gandhi stated that ‘The Untouchable
should observe common cleanliness, should
refrain from eating carrion and from drink,
send their children to schools, remove
Untouchability amongst themselves, and
generally carry on such reforms from within
as is possible’.
themselves in a strong movement for their
own liberation. Instead, the initiative was
placed exclusively in the hands of caste
Hindus on the rationale that welfare work
for the Untouchables was penitence and
moral rehabilitation for caste Hindus.
The Constructive Programme was
essentially concerned with symbolic
episodes of repudiation of ritual taboos
rather than with a long-term sustainable
change in behaviour and attitudes. Thus the
high castes were put on latrine cleaning for
a penitential period, but after they had
demonstrated their humility they were
assigned other tasks leaving the everyday
drudgery of menial work to the
Untouchables.
Preventing a Dalit to Use the Well
This paternalistic advice was anything
revolutionary! Social reformers had all
advocated it earlier as already stated.
Their efforts had however failed as it had
not addressed the basic problems of
economic dependency. Instead, it merely
gave credence to the popular rationale for
avoiding contact with all Untouchables by
suggesting that ignorance and poor
manners were the cause rather than the
result of caste oppression. This does not
imply that there was no scope for self
improvement among Untouchables (many
recognised the need for this themselves)
but by focussing .on the negative
stereotypes, caste Hindus arrogantly put
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Reformers Against Untouchability
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►► Jyothiba Phule tried to unite Shudras (non-Brahmins) and ati-shudras
(Dalits)and founded the Satyashodak Samaj (1875)
►► Kisan Fagui Bansode, a pre-Ambedkar Dalit leader, demanded the
‘Aryans’ to stop harassment and torture of Dalits;
I
►► In Hyderabad, it was Bhagyareddy Varma, whose followers called
themselves as adi-Dravida supported Ambedkar;
In UP, an untouchable ascetic from Manipuri district, calling himself
Achutananda, organised Dalits on the basis of adi-Hindu identity;
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>► In Punjab, Mangoo Ram launched an ‘adi-dharm’ movement thereby
creating a seperate identity as ‘quaum’;
►► In Tamil Nadu Ramaswsamy Perrier’s self-respect league in 1926
led to a mass upsurge against the caste system. Apart from opposing
Brahminism he also supported women’s’ liberation;
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►► In Kerala, Ayyapan demanded ‘no-religion, no-caste and no God for
mankind’. Sri Narayan Guru angered orthodox Hindus by
consecrating idols in Kerala temples. Asked how a ‘low caste’ could
dare to perform such sacred rites, he responded: “Those who object
can go worship in their temples. People will worship in the temples I
have consecrated.”
the blame on the discrimination on the backs
of the victims themselves!
Further, Gandhi was opposed to any
confrontation between the Untouchables and
the caste Hindus. He warned them against
any strategy involving Direct Action.
Although he acknowledged that drastic
pleasures such as strikes by city sweepers
would probably succeed in removing
disabilities, he insisted that such militant
actions would not change the minds of the
opposite party but only precipitate their
hatred. Hence, he instructed the
Untouchables not to antagonise caste Hindus
but to maintain a dignified attitude to make
their oppressors feel ashamed of themselves.
For the rest they had to depend on the
welfare measures undertaken by the
reformists.
To conclude, as Dhanagare (1983) points out,
Gandhi’s perspective reflects on the
superficiality of the entire campaign against
Q FACTS against MYTHS
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Untouchability: ‘The hiatus between public
morals and private conduct was so large then,
that there is no reason to believe that the
new political enthusiasm, unleashed by the
‘Constructive Programme’ had narrowed it
or had altered the status of the
Untouchables..’
MYTH: Harijans convert to religions like
Christianity, etc., because ofallurements
and inducements, etc.
FACT: As mentioned above, Untouchables
had no scope to offer resistance against the
tyranny of Untouchability. The only means
they could express discontent with their
plight was through religious strivings. This
manifested itself by a number of religious
movements that proclaimed the spiritual
equality of high and low castes. By
emphasising that even an ‘Untouchable’ could
gain access to spiritual salvation through
devotion to God, or Bhakti, some groups of
Untouchables rebelled against the dominant
ideas and belief-system of the Hindu caste
system which legitimised their oppression.
They and other oppressed groups tried to
escape their misery by a break with
Hinduism and the transition to another
religion. Islam, for instance, formed such an
escape in medieval India after Afghan
Muslim tribes established their reign in the
Northwest India in 1206. Large numbers of
socially underprivileged had converted to
Islam particularly when the Moguls were in
power.
Incidentally, the regions of mass conversions
were not those that were sites of orthodox
Brahmins. Western Punjab, for instance,
after the gradual push of the Brahminical
religion, moved to Buddhism and then to
Islam. In the past 200 years, the largest
conversion has taken place in the Northeast
and Central India Adivasis belt, which were
never Hindu. This, however, does not deny
that the changes brought about by
Christianity or Islam do not contain the
elements of reaction and anti-people thrust
and despite the fact that conversion did not
lead to a general uplift of the whole
community nor fulfil the promise of
humanisation. However, this is a different
matter altogether and not the issue at hand.
Even in these circumstances, the option of
conversion largely remained for some section
of the Untouchables a useful tool or threat
by which they could raise their bargaining
power with caste Hindus.
Conversions should not therefore be
explained simplistically and merely as a
result of mystical or emotional experience.
It is also not for mere material gain or due
to force and allurement. And besides, to hold
such a view is to undermine the intelligence
of the Dalits.
Above all, the Hindutvadis have
manufactured a situation where it appears
that conversions by coercion are the alpha
and omega of Christianity conveniently
overlooking the fact that they themselves are
equally if not more guilty on this count. They
have been aggressively promoting re
conversion exercises named 'Shuddi’
(purification)
and
‘Ghar
Wapasa’
(homecoming) for years. Thus, the activities
of the Hindu revivalists among also Adivasis
Q FACTS against MYTHS
(termed adharmi) whose cosmological
worldview and faith systems, anathema to
mainstream Hinduism, are tantamount to
conversion and colonisation.
There is need to therefore differentiate
between the issue of conversion per se and
the issue raised by Hindu communal forces.
The former is an opportunity for change,
while the latter is a set of canards.
(For a further elaboration of this myth see
FAM #7/1999)
MYTH: Untouchables cannot perform
‘mantra pattana’ in temples as a means
against untouchability since they lack
the essential prerequisite viz.,- the
knowledge of Sanskrit - to chant these
mantras.
FACT: This is a casteist claim, conveniently
blind to the fact that in defining any kind of
relationship — even if between god an^j
people — it is the content of the discourse of
communication and not the medium —
language in this case — that is of paramount
importance! The content is the message — not
the medium!
The universal assumption is that gods and
goddesses can be worshipped or prayed to
in any language within the sphere of the old
prayers they can be translated into all other
languages and new prayers can be written
in any language that the ‘bhakta’ of that
goddess can communicate in. Besides, it is
both absurd and unethical to maintain that
communion with gods or goddess can only
be in Sanskrit — not in other languages. “But
how can they presume that a Goddess likgj^
Pochamma (to propitiate whom they recite1"
Sanskrit mantras) would also understand a
Sanskrit shloka. How can the priests
presume that Shirdi ke Sai Baba, a son of a
boat-man/woman who talked to people in
Marathi wanted a mantra to be recited in
Sanskrit”10.
People have every right to communicate with
God/Goddess they believe in, in their own
language. If a particular religion claims that
a particular community is a part of that
religion, it stands to reason that it should
grant it the right to priesthood. In any
organisation, the right to reach the highest
position is central to the organisation —
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Where Gandhi Failed
nlike Dr. Ambedkar, Gandhiji was against the abolition of the caste
system. He held that eradicating it, or even giving the Untouchables
separate electorates, might lead to social conflict and too much for Hindu
society to handle. Therefore, he decided to call them harijans and make
them ‘touchable’ by working and eating with them, even cleaning people’s
shit as they, the Untouchables, were ‘ordained’ to do under the laws of
what had become of the caste system. Dr. Ambedkar, on the other hand,
being an Untouchable himself knew what it felt, for instance, to go to
class where Brahmin children objected even to his presence. In his time
an Untouchable, in certain parts of the country, would have to audibly
announce his or her presence before emerging out into public space so
that his/her shadow did not pollute a Brahmin’s path.
U
Gandhi’ devoted practically his whole life against Untouchability.
Ironically, his approach was a trickle-down approach founded on the
caste-hierarchy of “chaturvama" on which the structure of 'sanatan
dharma? is built. 'Santan dharma? - which in common language has
acquired the appellation “Hinduism” - does not admit into its fold anyone
not born a brahmin, a kshatriya or a vaishya. While farm workers,
goldsmiths, tailors, dhobis,malis, sutars, potters, masons, and other such
manual workers are at best accorded a kind of honorary membership to
this exclusive club of priests, warriors and traders; cobblers, sweepers,
butchers and Adivasis are summarily rejected as 'untermenschen* whose
very sight has been decreed as an ill omen by Manu, the High Priest of
the 'sanatanis’.
Instead of acknowledging the fact that a practicing ‘sanatani’ is duty
bound to abide by Manu’s diktat, Gandhi strove to keep the
“Untouchables” within the ‘sanatani’ fold, without however denying the
sanctity of caste. Gandhi’s failure as a social reformer was therefore
inevitable.
Still further, Gandhi also condemned the Untouchables who used his
own non-violent tactics in applying pressure on caste Hindus to give up
their discriminatory practices. He persuaded them to have complete
confidence in the work of the reformers and in the ability of self-suffering
to win their cause. He insisted that ‘need they offer ‘satyagraha’ no
Harijan need fast against anyone. Let them watch the caste Hindus who
are on their trial and see what they do to remove the bar that separates
Harijans from them. Let them have perfect confidence in the absolute
justice of their cause and in the ability of self-suffering to win it..’
L.
Q FACTS against MYTHS
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whether it is spiritual, political or economic.
Since Hinduism claims that Untouchables
are Hindus, the right to priesthood must
necessarily be granted to them.
REFERENCES:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Racism and Caste, Advocacy Internet,
NCAS, #20, Pune, 2001.
•
Jeyaharam.J. Dalit Culture ofForgiveness,
Vikalp, Vikas Adhyayan Kendra,#1-2,
Mumbai,2000.
Prashad,V.The Untouchable Question,
EPW., #9. Mumbai, 1996
Thapar, R.,History of India, Penguin, Vol.l,
London
Thekaekara, M. Endless Filth, Books for
Change, Bangalore, 1999.
Tiphagne,H. India’s Shame! Communalism
Combat, #59, Mumbai, 2000.
Pandit, V. A Handbook on Prevention of
Atrocities, Vidhayak Sansad, Thane, 1995
Broken People: Caste Violence Against
India’s “Untouchables”, Human Rights
Watch, London, 1999.
Desai,A.R.,D’Costa,W.State and Repressive
Culture, Popular Prakashan, Bombay 1994.
10. Ilaiah, K. Spiritual Fascism and Civil
Society, Civil and Human Rights
Organisation, Hyderabad, 2000
11. World Directory of Minorities,(Ed.)
Minorities Rights Group International,
London, 1997.
12. Prashad.V. The Killing of Bala Shah & the
Birth ofValmiki: Hinduisation & the Politics
of Religion, The Indian Economic & Social
History Review, 32,3,Sage, New Delhi, 1995.
13. Mukerjee, H.N. Gandhi, Ambedkar and the
Extirpation of Untouchability, People’s
Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992.
14. Ranade, M. (et al) Untouchability In the
Bombay Municipal Corporation, Kachara
Vahatuk Shramik Sangh, Mumbai.
15. Mathew,P.D. (et al). The Law on the
Abolition of Untouchability, Indian Social
Institute, Delhi, 1989.
16. Mendelsohn, O. (et al) The Untouchables^
Cambridge University Press, UK, 1998. Q
9.
17.
Kamble,R. Images of Servility, Vikalp, #1 &
2, Mumbai,2000.
GSSSJ caso caso.
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Facts Against Myths is a monthly bulletin offactual
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development models, paradigms and false concepts
on caste, creed and gender.
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IHMP, P.O. Pachod
Dist Aurangabad 431121, Maharashtra
E-mail: ihmpp@bom4 (IHMP, Pachod) and ihmp@vsnl.com (IHMP, Pune Centre)
Tel. No.- (02431) 21382 Fax: (02431) 21331 (Pachod), Tel. No. - (020) 7032462, 7031315 (Pune Centre)
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