FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VII-12-2001
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- FACTS againest MYTHS V0L-VII-12-2001
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VIKAS ADHYAYAN KENDRA
Vol VII # 12/2001
INFORMATION BULLETIN
Paradox of Hunger & Overeating:
The Myths behind the Nutrition-Malnutrition Complex - Part II
COMMENT
8975 V*M-«
istorically, the incidence of nutritional disorders was negligible as long as people were able
to eat well. Nutritional disorders emerged as public health issues as soon as human relations
of production changed with the emergence of unequal terms of global trade,etc. These
exploitative relations led to the collapse of the age-old livelihood support systems and the
disruption of the ecological balance compelling people to live in the most degrading
environment. Later, the cross-fertilization of the disciplines of chemistry, biochemistry,
physiology and clinical medical science gave rise to nutrition science and subsequently
triggered off a series of scientific breakthroughs: nutritional elements were identified, balanced
diets established, the complex pathways in the metabolism of proteins worked out, and
various forms of primary nutritional disorders identified as outcomes of specific deficiencies.
(2 FACTS against MYTHS
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In time, nutrition education, food processing and animal
nutrition became additional complements of the
sciences of nutrition. Undoubtedly, this advancement
made a major contribution to the body of knowledge.
However, with the increasing scientific content in this
body of knowledge, the focus of studies moved further
away from the problems of humans in their ecological
settings. In the process traditional knowledge systems
of both mainstream society and cosmological
worldviews of the Adivasis were neglected or
considered “unscientific”, and steadily displaced by
modern medical systems and structures. The age-old
customs, practices and habits on nutrition and
nutritious diet began to likewise diminish in relevance.
Instead, biochemical laboratories and animal houses
became the venues for the study of human nutritional.
This shift in emphasis was not unintentional. Market
interests promoted such research because nutrition
became fertile ground for the rapid promotion of the
food and drug industries. The symptoms were
emphasized while the root cause was obscured.
Nutrition education too was dislodged from its
ecological and socio-cultural moorings and
concentrated instead on 'selling* nutrional disorders,
prescriptions and their cures7 Nutrition scientists now
talked of the high incidence of protein deficiency among
people and advocated the use of animal protein, thus
creating a market for the protein food industry. The
same was true for baby food peddled by food MNCs
like Nestle and other food chains. The preoccupation
of these institutions with research has divorced them
from the ecological, sociological, socio-economic and
other factors that impinge upon the nutritional status
of a people. The situation today is no different on its
basic premises except that under the WTO regime
industrial agriculture and the production and trade in
food globally is being fine-tuned for mass consumption
in the South regardless of their nutritive content, need
and implications for human health and the environment.
Little wonder then undernutrition in India came to be
perceived as a medical problem requiring hospital
based medical interventions for cure and rehabilitation.
These interventions only rarely stressed the relevance
of antecedent factors such as poverty, even though
they were well known. As early as 1876, Dadabhai
Naoroji had estimated the level of poverty in India using
food intake statistics and calculating what it cost to
buy foods adequate in calories and proteins. Since
then various approaches had been examined in
tackling the problem of malnutrition with three
approaches getting established by the 60s viz., the
agricultural approach, the feeding programmes for
preschool and school-going children and pregnant and
lactating women and the approach called the ‘protein
gap theory*.
The first approach viewed malnutrition, as a problem
of inadequate food supply in the national aggregate
and thus the advocacy to increase food production
FACTS against MYTHS
became a major priority. It coincided, not accidentally,
with the launching of the so-called Green Revolution
to boost food production to (supposedly) eradicate
mass hunger once and for all. The second approach
was in recognizing the problem of maldistribution of
food among the population, the implementation of largescale feeding programmes would take care of the
residual problem in a short space of time. The third
approach involved in focusing in developing better
protein quality in farm crops, and protein-based
supplements. These three broad approaches formed
the core of later integrated efforts that began to evolve
through accumulated knowledge about the multiple
cause of malnutrition and got mirrored in the country’s
5-Year Plans.
Since then, long debates over whether it is calorie or
protein insufficiency that is the root cause of
malnutrition have taken place. Attention was initially
focussed on protein deficiency alone. Estimates of the
extent of malnutrition revolved around a mechanistic
view of measurement in terms of protein/calorie
consumption and relating this to the allowance
recommended by various national and global agencie^,
like the FAO, World Bank, among others, that is highly
questionable and Eurocentric. Nutrition scientists being
particularly vulnerable to manipulation by these market
forces are in turn hand in glove with political forces.
For instance, this diagnosis of malnutrition had resulted
in a huge market for so-called tonics and other spurious
supplements. Similarly with coconut oil that had been
replaced by powerful industries promoting refined edible
oil. Or, the case of common salt that is being displaced
by the so-called refined or free-flow iodized table salt
unnecessary for urban consumers but an essential need
in iodine-deficient regions but where the poor lack
purchasing power.
The crucial issue here, however, is that a large majority
of Indians especially women do not get enough to eat.
As mentioned in the earlier section multifarious factors
are at the root of malnutrition. The deteriorating health
of women and children is related to such crucial factoi^}
as food consumption, land use and food production
patterns.4 Most study and research reports on women
- National Institute of Nutrition (Hyderabad), the
National Family Health Survey (Mumbai), the National
Sample Survey - indicate that poverty and lack of
food first hits the women of the household. They are
the first one ready to forgo their share in the food.
Even after 55 years of Independence, India has failed
to ensure access to productive livelihoods and food
for all. In situations like drought and epidemics the
situation worsens. Caste and gender discrimination that
is ingrained .in society and which has a bearing upon
livelihood and food access further exacerbates this
situation making it imperative for a nutritional security
system that provides vulnerable groups especially
women and children with physical and economic
access to a balanced diet, safe drinking water and
2^)
proper sanitary facilities and arrangements. It is
essential therefore to demystify the whole issue of
nutrition and unravel some of the claims as it applies
particularly to gender and realities in the South.
MYTH: Undernutrition is one of the major causes
of underdevelopment in the South.
FACT: Undernutrition is a symptom rather than the
cause of underdevelopmentlThe genesis of this myth
goes back to the 70s characterized by the nutritionists
who suggested that low food energy was the cause of
low work output and tardy economic development. That
is, there was a severe lack of the essential proteins in
the diet. This paradigm was subsequently adopted by
the then Indian government2 who maintained that
"unless immediate steps are taken to supplement food
intakes...backed by massive food aid and family
planning, the economic and social development of the
people is likely to be completely arrested”. This has
led, eventually, to massive supplementary school
feeding programmes which, however, failed to
demonstrate any significant impact. It was an overjsimplified solution to a complex problem. When
Available data was examined, no clear evidence was
found to support the thesis that diet consumed lacked
the minimal quantities of protein. Instead it was noted
that the”... dietary problem is more often due to
inadequate energy which causes the body to catabolise
the protein eaten or due to additional stress from a
communicable disease insult which causes the body
to catabolise up to twice its normal protein need”.2
Furthermore, there is no correlation between the
quantitative level of food intake and productive work
output. Irufact, the poor often work much harder than
the rich!
Thus, the approach of food supplementation programs
is the answer to neither underdevelopment nor even
malnutrition. It is at best a palliative. Besides, merely
dumping food at school children is, 'inter alia’, not
enough but also a poor use of limited resources.
^Moreover, the provision of food at the individual level
Fwould be effective if anorexia is resolved first, if
recuperation from illness is achieved and if the child
is removed or protected - at least temporarily - from
his degraded environment. However, nutritional
recuperation is required in special cases, for instance,
for malnourished children and for those at high risk,
that is, when they are wasted” (wasting is defined as a
deficit of weigh for height greater than 20 percent).
Thus, energy-protein malnutrition will persist or even
recur with greater severity after dumping food unless
the basal social and biological conditions leading to
growth retardation are corrected...”2
A related myth viz., those children who were
hospitalized during infancy for malnutrition had low IQ
scores when they reached school age. This myth was
however exploded in subsequent studies in the 70s,
which showed that while undernutrition in early life
C FACTS against MYTHS
could directly retard brain growth and alter brain
structure, this did not in itself affect mental
development. These studies also indicated that it was
only when undernourished children were also deprived
of love and understanding, security and creative
pursuits, they showed symptoms of abnormal behavior.
Moreover, as experiences of community workers
working with street children show, children despite
growing up in a hostile environment of poverty, misery
and cultural deprivation tended to develop normally
and scored well in the so-called IQ tests when exposed
to congenial living and working conditions.
Whilst such studies convincingly disprove the myth
that under-nutrition leads to mental retardation they
also at the same time made use of to show that children
from poor classes are abnormal. This is because it is
believed that such children lack access to a rich and
stimulating environment. However, expressions like
‘IQ’, ('juvenile delinquency’ and the like) mirror the
socio-cultural prejudices and bias of western society.
Social researchers who hail from cultural and westernoriented backgrounds are at diapodes to those from
the South. Such studies naturally judge and measure
the poor from their own criteria and yardsticks. This
explains the warped perceptions on health of the poor
in the South.
MYTH: The application of the in ternational growth
standards to assess malnutrition is the explanation
behind India's high levels of child malnutrition.
FACT: As the above makes ii very clear this claim is
baseless!
This claim is related to another fallacious point that
because of their biological and genetic makeup Indian
children do not normally grow as fast or as large as
children in other countries do. However, extensive
studies by the Nutrition Foundation of India have
established that global standards of height and weight
apply to all Indian children as well. And the growth
patterns of Indian children who are well fed and well
looked after are similar to those of adequately
nourished children in other parts of the world, no matter
where they are born - in New York, New Delhi or New
Zealand.
MYTH: Poor health policies and delivery systems,
poor income and poor quality of food intake
including cultural-behavioral customs and
dynamics are also the major factors behind the
high rates of malnutrition especially among Indian
and South Asian women.
FACT: To corroborate the points made in Part I, this
claim as far as India is concerned, is largely
inapplicable and invalid! That is, the poor record of
nutritional achievement in India and South Asia does
not fit the pattern generally valid elsewhere, outside
the country.
3
Recent studies indicate that the missing variable that
impacts child nutrition in India is the incidence of low
birth weight babies i.e., babies bqrn at full term with a
body weight of less than 2.5 kg. South Asians fare
particularly badly with regard to this variable. 1 in 3
newborns of this region is low birth weight baby, as
against the average of 1 in 5 in other countries of the
South. Africa has a lower incidence of low birth weight
babies -1 in 6, which is just about half of the incidence
in South Asia.
The genesis of low birth weight can be explained by
examining the link between low birth weight with the
nutritional level of the child and adult population.That
is, the occurrence of low birth weight is mainly a mirror
of poor maternal nutrition i.e. women who experience
greater nutritional stress during pregnancy tend to bear
more low birth weight babies.These babies are born
with an initial handicap, having been deprived of
adequate nutrition in the foetal stage. The consequence
of this handicap can persist for a long time. Inadequate
foetal nutrition hampers the development of their
immunological competence, which is why neo-natai
death is far more common among these babies than
normal babies. Those who survive with a defective
immune system fall prey to frequent infections in their
early childhood and get trapped in the vicious cycle of
the nutrition-infection nexus. The deprivation of energy
and other nutrients that follows from this cycle retards
their physical and mental growth. Thus, a society with
a greater prevalence of low birth babies is likely to be
one that suffers from a greater degree of child — and
eventually adult — malnutrition, other things being
the same.1 But this begs the question as to what is
the explanation in the very high level of malnutrition in
South Asia?
As mentioned above; low birth weight is essentially a
manifestation among women of reproductive age is
likely to cause low birth weight as well. This brings us
back to all the variables imbedded in this claim, under
question, which indeed can have adverse impact on
maternal nutrition. An additional factor is that female
age at first marriage, because it is well known that
very young mothers tend to produce more low birth
weight babies. But these factors fail to explain why
the incidence of low birth weight is so high in- South
relative to the rest of the world. The explanation behind
this dilemma is that there are some aspects of maternal
nutrition in South Asia responsible for the exceptionally
high incidence of low birth weight in South Asia, which
in turn is responsible for the very high level of
malnutrition in this region, namely, that their mothers
happen to suffer from a peculiar disadvantage not
experienced elsewhere. South Asian women generally
get a raw deal in the allocation of food and healthcare
facilities within the family household. (Of. also pg 5)
)The result of such discrimination is manifested in
higher morbidity, and eventually higher mortality, of
women relative to men. This is what accounts for what
FACTS against MYTHS
Prof. Amartya Sen called ‘missing women' (Sen 1990)
- the fact that there are far fewer women per hundred
men in this region than in any other region of the world.
Age-specific comparisons of male-female mortality
shows that the disadvantage suffered by South Asian
women is not a simple biological phenomenon that
begins at birth. Neonatal mortality, i.e., mortality within
the first week of life, is in fact smaller for females
even in South Asia. The disadvantage actually begins
to emerge later; by the time the child becomes one
year old, the mortality pattern begins to get reversed.
This is the time when external food and healthcare
become much more important than mother’s milk for
the nutritional well being of a child.
Insofar as the treatment of girls is indicative of the
treatment of women in general, this is clear evidence
of discrimination suffered by Indian and other South
Asian women. But a more direct evidence of the
predicament of adult women is the high incidence of
anemia among pregnant South Asian women. Further,
there is also the evidence provided by the number of
effective life-years lost due to illness-related disability^
For women of reproductive age, this loss is generally* •
higher than for men of the same age group because of
the stress women inevitably suffer during pregnancy
and lactation, but in South Asia the gap appears is
unusually large. For instance whereas in the South as
a whole females of reproductive age tend to lose
effective life-years 30 percent more than men, in India
they tend to lose 60 per percent more.1
However, it must be noted that the etiology is much
more complex. The etiology and correction of some
intrauterine growth retardation still puzzles physicians
the world over. For instance, the weight gain of a child
is adequate during exclusive breastfeeding, despite
his low birth weight. With the commencement of
weaning - process extending for 1 to 3 years in villages
-the child underwent progressive malnutrition resulting
primarily from recurrent infections. Most employees in
hospitals and health centres or conducting nutrition^
surveys would classify such a child as malnourished*
if seen at any point after weaning began5. Little or
nothing would be known about his past; even if the
mother is interviewed, as language and other cultural
barriers will frustrate interpretation. The cause of the
child’s malnutrition will probably be accepted as “lack
of food”.
In the meanwhile new findings continue to emerge
making the situation more complex. For instance, a
John Hopkins study of nearly 22,000 infants born over
a 11-year period, found that only 1 in 12 babies bom
with seizures met the American College of Obstetrics
and Gynaelogy’s criteria for neurological diseases
linked to the birthing process, a low Apgar score (a
measure that identifies those in resuscitation) 5
minutes after birth, and a high level of acid in the
umbilical cord - a measure of oxygen deficiency. It
revealed that neurological problems in these infants
are not always related to the delivery process but could
be due to many other factors like the mother’s medical
history!
MYTH: The high status women and children enjoy
in Indian culture and civilisation rules out any
assumption of differences in the nutritional status
between women and children.
FACT: Micro level studies8 however shows that the
contrary is the case. That is, the diets of female children
and women in India are inadequate as a result of
discrimination in intra-household food allocation.
Discrimination against females begins during infancy.
Starting with breast-feeding, infant girls receive less
milk, less frequently and for shorter duration than boys.
Where there is already one surviving child, the girl child
has a greater mortality risk. Weaned earlier, they do
not get the required quantity of food, predisposing them
to malnutrition. These studies (again) have shown this
problem to continue through childhood and
adolescence. In times of food scarcity, women’s
access to food is further circumscribed.These studies
(illustrated above as well), of the nutritional status on
adults of different socio-economic backgrounds also
reveal significant male/female differences with poor
women being the most deprived. Females are also
discriminated against in terms of quality of food
available to them. Another study (Dasgupta, 1987)
found that fewer than 4 males in Punjab receive larger
quantities of cereals, fats, milk and total calories than
females. A major consequence of such discrimination
is that girls fail to achieve full growth potential. Other
data has since shown that between 12 and 33 per cent
of women in the 20 to 24 age groups have heights
less than 145 cm and between 15 and 29 per cent
have weight below 38 kg. Below this level women are
at risk from obstetric complication and tend to produce
low birth weight babies, thus furthering the vicious
cycle. One study showed that 35.5 per cent incidence
of low birth weight babies among poor short women,
while a 24 per cent incidence was found among poor
women over 145 cm in height.
In 1996, in a paper, ‘The Asian Enigma"9 the late Prof.
V. Ramalingaswami, physician and nutritionist, and his
colleagues had concluded that the single most
important factor behind the persistence in child
malnutrition in India and South Asia is the subordinate
Women and Nutrition
FACTS against MYTHS
5
status of women in these regions; a factor responsible
in hamstringing their ability to nurture their children. It
is also the factor explaining the prevailing disparity in
children’s nutrition between Indians and Africans.
MYTH: Motherhood being the most crucial period
in a child's health, the focus on expectant and
nursing mothers ensures the health of the child in
any Maternal and Child Health Programme.
FACT: While it is true that the child’s health is
dependent upon its mother this claim is no justification
for concentrating on a woman’s health only during
motherhood. For, such a view appears to be insensitive
with what happens to the woman before, between or
after her pregnancies. For instance, as shown above,
the incidence of iron deficiency anemia is high among
Indian women generally. Yet, anemia assumes an
importance in maternal services only because of its
relationship to still-birth and deaths during pregnancy.10
Such a myopic view of the health problem of women
mirrors the mindset of especially “mainstream” society
that includes the medical sciences and disciplines
whose focus is only the woman’s reproductive function
and not the other equally crucial aspects of her life. In
recent years there has been an added insult (to injury)
with the growing practice of “amniocentesis", a modem
form of female infanticide.(Cf.FAM #3,1995)
MYTH: Lack of food is the cause of child
malnutrition in India.
FACT: First and foremost, it is dangerous to equate
malnutrition with lack of food! Or the converse i.e. good
nutrition with adequate supply of food.
Good nutrition and health result from a constellation
of interacting factors, one of which is food availability.
It is well known that households the world over
generally have enough food to satisfy the needs of
most people particularly the highly vulnerable infants
and toddlers. Furthermore, many mothers not only know
how to make ends meet but more importantly they
know to maximize the good use of available resources.
However, many factors interfere with proper food
consumption and utilization, for instance, infections
and inadequate family or maternal technology.
If malnutrition is equated with lack of food, the likely
outcome is the prescription of food as the solution.
Food intervention programs have not had a resounding
effect on curtailing diarrhea and malnutrition, because
they leave causal factors undisturbed, namely,
deficient primary health.8
“Lack of food” indeed helped cause child malnutrition,
but not because food was not available! In fact, the
child does not eat, or ate poorly, as a result of frequent
and recurrent infectious diseases often accompanied
by anorexia. Actually, the longitudinal study showed
that most children experience chronic recurrent
diarrhea and other illness during one-third or more of
their first 3 years of life.0
FACTS against MYTHS
The effect of diarrhea and other infectious diseases is
multiple: anorexia, vomiting, impaired digestion,
impaired absorption, metabolic alterations and
increased nutrient needs and wastage (See pg. 3) To
illustrate one aspect of the impact of infection on the
nutritional state, is what is referred to as the negative
effect of two hormonal substances8 - Intaerleukin 1
and cachetin (tumor nectosis factor) - both released
by body monocytes under the stimulus of infectious
or other stressful factors. These hormones account
for formidable actions: in the brain, the beginning of
fever and anorexia; in muscle, the breakdown of
proteins and less of tissue mass; in liver, the synthesis
of abnormal macroglobulin; among others. These
phenomena represent a host defense against infection
- at a high nutritional cost. Even with mild infections,
the body loses cells, plasma, electrolytes, amino acids
and vitamins. Infected children may noi accept food,
even of the best quality.The paradox of “hungry children
who cannot eat” actually exists. Lack of appetite in
children is a common complaint of mothers worldwide.
Finally, nutritional deprivation also frequently relates
to deficient “maternal technology" (i.e. family^
technology, See Box on pg.7) That is, cultural and
technological endowment, and the application of
knowledge skills on prevention and control
(development of sanitary infrastructure and medical
services) are also equally relevant as socio-economic
factors in explaining the dramatic improvement in
health and survival.
Women as mothers or parents are not entirely
responsible for inadequacies in maternal technology,
inasmuch as they are trapped in communities and
social structures that have not permitted them to
acquire an understanding and knowledge of the
ubiquitous fecal contamination of food and environment
and other threats to child nutrition and survival. On
the other hand, many women in rural areas and urban
slums possess effective maternal skills and
technologies, and their children thrive well despite the
odds and hardships.
MYTH: Nutritional status of people improves
enormously through (cost-effective) schemes like
nutrition education, maternal tutoring, etc., that
induces the required behavioral change thereby
enabling families to enhance their diets without
the need for (even) additional income.
FACT: This formulation10 was the brainchild the World
Bank! At face value and in the short term it appears
to be a sound one. In the long term, however, it often
fails.
First and foremost, households with extreme cases of
malnourished members especially children are
frequently deprived of other essential needs let alone
family members having the purchasing power. Reports
from time to time show that a nutrition education was
effective only in those households that also received
a good subsidy. Apart from the other illustrations
elsewhere in this issue, deaths of Adivasi children in
the Amravati district of Maharastra due to malnutrition
had been reported during July-August 1993.However,
the then Government of Maharastra had stopped the
supply of nutritious *sukhdi'(a mixture of wheat flour
and jaggery) given as supplementary diet to school
going children. Further, the Adivasis had also been
deprived of their traditional livelihood because of severe
restrictions of their entry in their traditional forest
habitats to collect forest products. Deaths of Adivasi
children between July to September further increased
in the monsoon season because the water was polluted.
Several Adivasis starved, as they could not get any
work. Discontinuing food subsidies to these and other
vulnerable groups becomes a matter of life and death.
In such a situation, “nutrition education” and “maternal
tutoring” evidently becoming meaningless exercises.
Thus, while SAP imposed programs by the World Bank
♦and other global institutions result in more severe
impoverishment and lack of essentials especially food,
efforts continue to be made by these very agencies to
cloud the issue, claiming that education or management
principles and skills will uplift — via the trickle down
theory — the health status of the rest of society.
Good Maternal (Family) Technology8
3K
Adequate technique to store and handle water for drinking and cooking;
St
Correct handling and disposal of human and animal feces;
3K
Hand-washing and use of soap or ashes before handling children and preparing food;
sufficient hand-washing after using the toilet;
X
Successful breastfeeding and adequate food supplementation during weaning, and
during illness and convalescence; knowledge about adequate mixing of traditional foods
and child-feeding technique;
«
Capacity to recognise dangerous signs and symptoms of disease, and seek prompt
treatment;
•
x
Knowledge of oral dehydration therapy and other resources to treat diarrheal and
respiratory diseases;
Acceptance and demand of health care; prenatal care, immunisation, antibiotic treatment;
st
Acceptance of safe sex and adequate reproductive behavior.
Types and Effects of Malnutrition,
and Number Affected Globally, 2000
»
Type of
Malnutrition
Nutritional Effect
Number Affected
Globally (billion)
Hunger
Deficiency of
calories & protein
At least 1.2
Micronutrient
Deficienty
Deficiency of
vitamins & minerals
2.0-3.5
Overconsumption
Excess of calories
often accompanied
by deficiency of
vitamins & minerals
At least 1.2
Note: Hunger and overconsumption correspond to underweight or
overweight populations. There is considerable overlap between
micronutrient dificiency and other forms of malnutrition.
Q FACTS against MYTHS
9.
References:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Kumar, A.K Shiva, Exploding Myths, Finding
Solutions: Child Malnutrition in India, The Little
Magazine, Issue #6, Delhi, 2001.
Edmundson, W.C. (et al). Diet, Disease and
Development, Macmillan India, New Delhi, 1992.
Krishnan, P. Health Care Earth Care, Earthcare
Books, Mumbai, 1998.
6.
Balkishori:The Preadolescent Girl - A Preliminary
Report, VACHA, Mumbai, 2002.
State of India’s Health, Voluntary Health
Association of India (VHAI), New Delhi, 1992.
7.
8.
10. Sathyamala, Dr. C. (et al). Taking Sides: The
Choices before the Health Worker, ANITRA,
Madras, 1986.
11. Unhealthy Trends: The World Bank, SAP and the
Health Sector, PIRG, New Delhi, 1994
Patel, Dr. V. Gendering the Budget at State and
National Level: A Critical Approach, Sophia
College, Mumbai, 2002.
“Consequences of Food", Samvadini, #1, TATA
Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, 2002.
5.
12. Bhaskaran, R Malnutrition and Women’s Health,
Herald of Health, June 2002.
13. Gardner, G., Halweil, B. The Global Epidemic of
Malnutrition, Worldwatch Institute, Washington
DC, 2000.
14. Swaminathan, M. Excluding the Needy: The
Public Provisioning of Food in India, Social
Scientist, Nos. 3-4, New Delhi, 2002.
16. Bhatia, A. Lying Statistics and Dying Children,
Combat Law, Issue #3, Mumbai, 2002.
Mata, L. "A Public Health Approach to the 'FoodMalnutrition-Economic Recession to the Policies
in the Third World’, The Auburn Publishing House,
Dover, Mass., 1988.
GMO
Das,G.,"A South Asian Puzzle”, Times of India,
July 28, 2002 (gurcharan.das@indiatimes.com
or Post Box 3046, New Delhi, 110003).
17. India: National Family Health Survey (NFHSr
2),1998-99, International Institute of Population
Sciences, (UPS), Mumbai, 2000.
GMO
GMO
Note: The Previous issue of FAM was inadvertently misnumbered.
It should be read as No. 10-2001 and not No. 10-2002.
GMO
GMO
GMO
Please feel free to reproduce material from this publication but with due credit.
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Facts Against Myths is a monthly bulletin offactual
information on a number ofdevelopment myths and
fallacies, etc, including information against alien
development models, paradigms and false concepts
on caste, creed and gender.
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