FACTS againest MYTHS AUGUST-SEPTEMBER-2004
Item
- Title
- FACTS againest MYTHS AUGUST-SEPTEMBER-2004
- extracted text
-
VIKAS ADHYAYAN KENDRA
INFORMATION BULLETIN
AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
An Enumerative Tool or a Communal Implement?
The Myths behind Census Data 2001
^omment)
t’
he British colonial rulers brought many administrative instruments to India. Most of these
were to streamline their exploitative mechanisms. Nevertheless, many of these provided
the framework for administration and governance for the nation even after Independence.
The Census of India was one such instrument. As is well known it is a periodic count of
the population - and aggregation of very crucial and relevant data about the population,
providing a social and economic profile of the population of the country.
The idea of a Census was of course not unknown to the Indians. Kautilaya’s Arthashastra
written over 2500 years ago prescribed a periodical survey of the population - obviously
for the purposes of taxation and for political control. It is not known whether the idea was
ever put into practice.
The ‘modern’ census began in the IO”1 century under British aegis in 1871.
The major purpose must have been locating the taxable sections. The other obviously
was compilation of information on population for the sake of political control.
The British census then had no concept of ‘Indian citizen’ but sought to break up the
native population into varied sub-groups based on religion and caste - obviously to
further the strategy of divide and rule!
The government of independent India found this practice not in keeping with its thinking.
It saw the residents as citizens of India irrespective of religion or caste. The record of
caste was relevant only as far as the special groups were concerned - those who were
entitled to enjoy special privileges to overcome centuries and millennia of discrimination
and deprivation - namely the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Denotified and
Nomadic Tribes, etc. The rest were simply citizens of India - equal in all respects.
This trend and practice was apparently quietly reversed during the BJP rule. Not surprising
at all since the BJP and the parent Sangh Parivar have no concept of India or Indian
citizens. (The more erudite Sangh Parivar members, for example, did once indulge in a
poster campaign that defined ‘Indian’ as technical citizenship while nationality was defined
as Hindu. Thus in 2001, unknown to the others - the citizens of India, the government
seems to have reintroduced the religious census.
(
T
FACTS against MYTHS - AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
(
for private circulation only
'I
The results were not made public during the BJP
led NDA rule but only in September 2004. The UPA
led by the Congress had by then replaced the NDA
as the ruling combine. Nevertheless the Census
Commissioner announced these results as
findings of the first religious census.
The wisdom of such enumeration and analysis is
itself in question. It is also clear that the new
government did not apply its mind to the publication
- rather hasty as events proved - to the publication
of the ‘results’. The mischief however went far
beyond. The results declared that the Muslim
population was growing at a fast rate and the
Hindu population in the country had actually
declined as percentage of the total population. The
media reported the results with some alarm. The
Hindutva leaders expressed their great fears and
anxieties immediately.
This Census Report raked up an old controversy
viz., the growth rate of Hindu and Muslim
populations. Immediate interpretations of the data
provided ammunition to groups that abuse
demography to instigate communal disturbances.
The BJP expressed ‘grave concern’ over the rise
of Muslim population, “discovering" a
demographic “time bomb”; obsessed by the
“population growth rate". The BJP and RSS were
shocked by the report that among the 6 major
religious communities, the decadal growth of the
Muslims was the highest (36.0 per cent) whereas
the growth rate of the Hindu population had
declined from 25.1 per cent in 1981-1991 to 20.4
per cent in 1991-2001.
The BJP actually spoke too soon. The data
released by the Census Commission was
misleading, in fact it was wrong. The
interpretations and the rates calculated were not
factually correct.
The calculations failed to consider the fact that
the population of J&K, a state with 67 per cent
Muslim population, had been excluded in the 1991
Census as the census operation could not be held
owing to violence prevailing at the time. This crucial
information is revealed, as a footnote, on a later
page of Census 2001 which says that no census
was conducted in Assam in 1981 and in J&K in
1991. Yet, the Census Commissioner had
announced the decadal growth in Muslim
population, and that too without applying any
statistical correctives! The error was soon rectified
but not before considerable damage had already
been done.
The Hindutva lobby has for years held or
propagated a view that the Muslims growing at a
fast rate plan to out-number the Hindus in the
country in the foreseeable future. They have
always termed this a planned conspiracy. They
believe that this would deprive the Hindus of their
homeland. They evoke now fears of another
partition. The view of the Hindutva lobby is clear.
It refuses to view the population of the country in
any other terms except those of religious identity.
It also holds that Hindus must be in a majority in
India and thus India must be a Hindu nation even
if not (for tactical reasons) a Hindu State. Further
they consider the loyalty of all Muslims to India
doubtful. Religious population ratio is thus forthem
of strategic importance. Representatives of the
Hindutva lobby have at different stages advocated
the transfers of populations within the country so that Hindus remain a majority in every district
and overwhelmingly so in the border districts.
On rectification it became clear that between 1991
and 2001, the population of Hindus had declined
from 82 per cent to 80.96 per cent (and not 80A
per cent as initially misreported); the population
of Muslims has risen from 12.12 per cent to 12.90
per cent (and not 13.4 per cent as initially
misreported); the number of Christians, Sikhs,
Buddhists, Jains and those of ‘other religions and
persuasions’ has risen from 5.88 per cent to 6.14
per cent (and these groups must therefore,
presumably, share a part of the blame for edging
the Hindus out of the picture by all of 1.04
percentage points); the rate of growth of the Hindu
population has declined from 22.77 per cent over
1981-91 to 20.02 per cent over 1991-2001 (and
not from 25.1 per cent to 20.4 per cent as initially
misreported); and the corresponding rates of
growth of the Muslim population have been 32.86
per cent and 29.33 per cent respectively.
Census 2001 did not merely reveal population
growth rates but many other crucial trends as w®'
viz.,
>
fertility;
>
sex ratio especially the ratio of the girl
child
literacy rate of various communities and
>
>
Economic situation of the particular group.
The most alarming revelation of this Census is
the declining child sex ratio in the age group of 06 years.
Ironically, even as economic prosperity is rising in
several States, the girl child is becoming more
vulnerable. The overall sex ratio is also miserable,
though better than the girl child sex ratio. Next, is
the data on literacy. Of the total Indian population,
FACTS against MYTHS - AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
2
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
tI
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
Population Growth & Fertility Rate
A crucial determinant of population growth is the fertility rate, the average number of children a
woman has during her reproductive span. When fertility began to decline in Europe (France, for
instance) during the early 19th century, it caused much fear of shrinkage among the French and
led to pro-natalist rhetoric. However, by the late 19th century, fertility began to decline all over
Europe, and continued to do so right into the 20th century. By early 60s it had dropped to low
levels of 2 children or less among ‘white’ populations worldwide.That marked, however, another
crucial stage in population history, with the numbers in the South growing at unprecedented and
uniformly high rates, as a result of high fertility combined with rapidly falling death rates brought
about by modern medicine and the spread of health care measures. It appeared that the ‘non
white’ population would swamp the planet. There emerged politically strong lobbies, supported
by intellectual establishments in the US, and in several international bodies including those
under the UN, that propagated family planning and population control in the South. Fertility rates,
however, have taken their historical course since then even among poor countries. They have
been declining everywhere: in China, India and Africa. During the transitional phase growth rates
keeping changing, this country or that region recording bigger numbers
The Indian experience of the transition is very well documented. Fertility began to decline in
Kerala from the early 1960s. The current fertility rate in Kerala is described as ‘below replacement’,
that is, roughly, less than 2 children to a woman. (Two children are needed to replace parents to
keep the numbers stable).The Kerela experience led demographers to identify social advancement,
mainly in education and health, as an important factor that can drive fertility change in India. It
is only since the 1980s that fertility rates have begun to decline significantly in the country. But
the nature of the fertility transition has varied so much from region to region that no generalisation
is possible as to when the process would begin and what factors would promote. For example,
the remarkable reduction in fertility in Tamil Nadu was not linked with a significant decline in
infant mortality, a condition through to be essential one for fewer births. In AP, a dramatic
decrease in fertility took place along with a none-too—impressive record in the social sectors.
By and large, the Indian expedience thus far suggests that the course of fertility transition is
somewhat unpredictable, and different sets of factors operate in different regions that can promote
or hinder the process. It also shows that once begun, the rates of decline tend to be rapid, by
historical yardsticks.
7 years and above, 64.8 per cent are literate.
Further, contrary to the high rates of population
owth among most communities, Parsis are
cing gradual extinction in India. Their population
has declined from 76,382 in 1991 to 69,601 in
2001.
K
With such distorted interpretation of census data
even a demographic religious majority can still
mentally project itself as an endangered minority.
The conversion of the census into a fully-grown
and popular communal knowledge, increases its
flexibility even more drastically (without losing the
authority of statistics) allowing for much bigger
effects to dramatise baseless fears. Evidently,
such communal interpretation of the census data
is aimed at obliterating pluralism of identities, by
provoking a fear of the ‘other’ and constantly
propagating the myth of cataclysmic decline in the
Hindu population.
T
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
In any discussion on India’s population growth it
is necessary to examine the bigger picture. On
the Hindu-Muslim differentials in population
growth, for instance, it must be noted that Muslims
are spread all over the country: they are subject
to different regional environments and experience
and varied levels of social and economic
backwardness. It is meaningless to discuss Muslim
population growth and fertility behaviour, as if it is
one monolithic entity. The National Family Health
Survey of the International Centre for Population
Sciences (Mumbai) shows that all over India,
Muslims are increasingly accepting family
planning methods.
An important aspect in this whole controversy is
the BJP’s warped approach to India’s census data;
its myopia over India’s various communities
primarily on religious grounds to the exclusion of
other equally important factors. On the on hand,
it uses statistical data as a tool to launch attacks
Q FACTS against MYTHS - august-september 2004
on minorities and on the other to map Hindu
communities, to count them, and above all to
compare them with the religious minorities. From
this emerges its peculiar interpretation of
population growth rates viz., Indian Muslims are
multiplying like rabbits because of their religion,
Islam, and the growth rate of the Hindu majority
community has been declining. Related to this is
also the common misconception over the
prevalence of high fertility rates among the poor
resulting in high population growth.
Furthermore, according to the National Family
Planning Survey (NFPS) of 1992-93 the birth
control rate among illiterate Hindus and Muslims
is 35.1 per cent and 21.8 per cent respectively;
>
In the light of the above, it becomes important to
a) place such hysterical notions over population
growth rates in context and b) de-communalise,
once again, the myths generated through the
communal construct of census reports. This is a
major responsibility because demolishing the
‘other’ is easy but also blatantly dishonest and
often brutally consequential for all sides.
MYTH: India’s census data shows that Hindus
have been declining alarmingly whilst
Muslims (who do not observe family planning
because of their religion) are multiplying
rapidly, outnumbering the dominant Hindu
community who will become minorities in their
own country by 2050!
>
FACT: The population of Hindus has not declined!
The “decline” emanates from the fact that many
communities - classified earlier as Hindus earlier
viz.; Jains, Samas and Lingayats — are now
recognised independently in the 2001 census
data! Moreover, some population groups e.g. the
Adivasis, previously enumerated as Hindu, are
now- registered under the category of “other
religions”. Above all, officials point out that the
population of “other religions”, under which the
category several communities have broken away
from the Hindu fold are grouped, has recorded a
103 per cent rise from the last census.
>
Other factors to be noted as well are widow re
marriage. Also, male-female ratio among Muslims
is comparatively higher i.e. there are 936 female
per 1000 compared to 931 female per 1000 males
among Hindus Quoting an article by S.S.A. Aiyar
from the Times of India (12-9-04) Dr. Engineer
notes that female infanticide and foeticide reduces
population indirectly as well as directly. Even after
contraception lowers the total fertility rates (lifetime
births per women), population growth can be rapid
for two decades because of what demographers
called population momentum: future mothers
have already been born. But female infanticide
and foeticide ensure that future mothers are not
born, and so reduce population momentum.
The 1991 census shows that Muslims
constitute 12.12 per cent of the Indian
population i.e. 10 crore. In 1951 it was 9.91
per cent but in 1991 their number raised
to 12.12 per cent i.e. an increase of 2.21
per cent over the last 40 years (1951 -9.1).
A further corroboration on this is an article
in the Kolkata daily, Ganasakti, which
noted: “According to the 1961 and 1981
census reports, the number of Musalmans
in comparison to the total population of
the country during the last 20 years (196181) has increased from 10.7 per cent to
11.4 per cent i.e.0.7 per cent only; at this
rate the Hindus are not likely to become a
minority even in 1000 years”.
Hindu and Muslim women who passe®
high school and above, have high rates
of family planning progress i.e. 55.2 per
cent and 45 per cent. That is, there is not
much difference in population growth
among these communities;
The Indian Institute of Bio-Behavioural
Sciences-Kolkatta on birth control among
slum dwellers in 160 slums in and around
Kolkatta city showed that the "... Muslim
women have become conscious and after
the birth of 2-3 children are putting
pressure on their husbands to take steps
against having more children. When
husbands refuse, in many cases, they visit
family welfare centres and voluntarily get
themselves sterilised...”
> A Pune-based demographer, Dr. Malika ®
Mistry, in her survey of 800 Muslim
households noted that during the period
1994-95, 961 married women in the
reproductive age-group of 15-49, 914 of
whom were currently married, used
contraceptives and that the use of spacing
methods were higher than adoption of
sterilisation;
>
FACTS against MYTHS - august-september 2004
During the period of 1993-94 the Family
Welfare Operation Camps in a number of
districts of West Bengal noted that a large
number of Muslim women were getting
operated along with their Hindu
counterparts.
4
aim of ‘shuddhi’ and ‘sangathan’ was to
stop the decline of Hindu numbers. And
this also links up with the current
conversion issue with implications on
gender as well e.g. on widow re-marriage
in connection with censuses. The Census
Report of 1911 for UP, for example, not
only acknowledged that Muslims were
more prolific in comparison to Hindus, but
also linked this fertility to the status of
widows. Hindu propagandists, while
highlighting their alleged decline and the
simultaneous proliferation of Muslims, said
that one of the most important reasons
for this was the rising frequency of alliance
between Muslim men and Hindu widows.
The above evidently makes it clear that
Islam in no way impedes its adherents to
on whether or not to decide on matters of
family planning.
>
MYTH: The phenomenal growth of the Muslim
population in India will adversely affect the
population growth of Hindus in the near
future viz., by i) reducing them to a minority
and ii) driving them into extinction.
FACT: This is a bogey manufactured by
misinterpreting the census observation: “The
Hindu religion here becomes the Hindu
community counted and compared in hard
numbers with other communities, particularly
Muslims..."This information was perverted to also
publish a number of pamphlets e.g.
>
In 1912, U.N. Mukherjee published a
pamphlet, “Hindus: A Dying Race”
designed to become a part of the Hindu
communal 'common sense’;
>
In 1925, Swami Shraddhanand declared
that he had been seized by the
>
Dying out of the Hindu race’. That same
year, Jagatguru Shankaracharya in a
Mahasabha meeting at Nashik claimed
that with such rates it would just take a
century for Hindus to vanish completely!
>
In 1979, the Hindu Mahasabha issued a
publication, “They Count Their Gains, We
Calculate Our Losses" raising fears of a
growing Muslim population and again
fabricated the census data.
>
In 1922 a tract entitled “Hinduon ka
Sanrakshan aur Atmarakshan” (1922) was
published. Yet, another tract, 'Hinduon ke
Sath Vishwasghat’, saying that from 33
>
)
crore, the numbers had now been reduced
to a mere 20 crore. Using the statistics
from 1911 to 1921 Censuses, it was said
that over 10 years, Hindus had been
reduced in numbers by 8 lakhs while
Muslims had increased by 21 lakhs. If this
continued, after some years, no Arya
would be found in India. The press and
casteist publications too propounded
similar myths.
>
Bhai Parmanand, a prominent member of
the Hindu Mahasabha stated that the main
reasons for the Hindu-Muslim conflict was
the questions of numbers, where Muslims
were constantly increasing and Hindus
declining. In such a situation, the main
The latest census data shows that the (adjusted)
census data (excluding Assam and Jammu and
Kashmir to make the data comparable), Hindus
account for 81.4 percent and Muslims 12.4 per
cent of the total population. If Hindus formed 82.3
per cent of the rural and 75.6 per cent of the urban
p9opulation, the figures for Muslims were 12 per
cent and 17.3 per cent.Of the total Hindu
population, 74 per cent lies in the rural areas and
26 per cent in the urban areas; the corresponding
figures for Muslims are 64 per cent and 36 per
cent respectively.
The decadal rise (1991-2001) in population is 20
per cent for Hindus and 29.3 per cent for Muslims.
But the growth rate is decelerating, much faster
for Muslims (by 3.6 percentage points since 1981 91) than for Hindus (2.8 per centre points). This is
in line with the accepted demography theory that
population growth will fall with development and
ultimately stagnate.
Given these figures, there is not the remotest
possibility of Muslims becoming the majority
community in India in the foreseeable future. It is
only three centuries from today that Muslims can
outnumber Hindus and that too if the two
communities continue to grow at the same rate
as in 1991 -2001. In the short term (say) the next
3 decades, Muslims will account for no more than
14 per cent of India’s population. (Frontline). Even
the projections for three centuries are
mathematical, not realistic. For, it is nothing short
of the ridiculous to assume that Hindus and
Muslims will keep increasing at the same rate as
in 1991-2001. In that eventuality, the country’s
population would be roughly 5,000 times today’s
numbers.
According to standard demographic theory, the
birth rate will decline and the population growth
FACTS against MYTHS - AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
5
878:1000 in the 0-6 year’s age group,
Gujarat has 1 of the 5 worst sex ratios,
lower than even Bihar’s 938:1000 and has
been steadily declining over the years —
from 934 in 1991 to 919 in 2001. As
against this, the ratio for the rest of India
has risen from 927 in 1991 to 933 in 2001.
That is, the sex ratio is 14 point higher
than the sex ratio
will eventually stop. Demographers estimate that
India will reach this situation in the first half of this
next century, even at that time, Muslims will
account for around 14 per cent of the population.
This is only slightly higher than the percentage
(11 to 12) of Muslims in the population all through
the past century.
MYTH: Literacy and population growth are
inter-linked development related issues best
exemplified by the Muslims with highest
growth in population with the lowest literacy
rates amongst all religious communities in
India.
>
FACT: In terms of development indicators,
however, the relationship between literacy and
development is not always valid although the
literacy rates for all communities do indicate an
encouraging trend! For instance,
>
>
>
>
Of India’s total population, 7 years of age
and above, 64.8 per cent are literate. Of
this female literacy rate among Jains and
Sikhs as compared to other religions is
very high. Jains have the highest literacy
rate at 94.1 percent and Sikhs at 63.1 per
cent. Yet, these two communities have the
lowest child sex ratio - 786 girls per 1000
boys for Sikhs and 870 per 1000 for Jains.
In terms of work participation rate too
Jains rank the lowest at 9.2 per cent. Even
Buddhists, with lower female literacy rate,
have a much higher child sex ratio than
the Jains and the Sikhs - at 942 per
thousand.
Tamil Nadu has succeeded in keeping a
check on its fertility rate despite a low
literacy rate;
The lowest literacy rates are among
people of 'other religions and persuasions’
category - people who do never want to
report their religion - at 47 per cent. But
they have recorded the highest child sex
ratio of 976 per 1000 across the country;
In Gujarat, Muslims fare much better than
Hindus almost on all counts! Female
literacy of Muslims (63.5 per cent) is better
than that among Hindus (56.7 per cent).
Moreover, the overall literacy rate of
Muslims (73.5 per cent) is better than that
of Hindus (68.3 per dent). Child sex ratio
of Muslims is 913 per 1000. That of
Hindus: 880 per 1000. However, the real
problems facing the State are its abysmal
sex ratio and infant mortality rates. At
In the State (most States including Bihar,
Rajasthan, Orissa, UP and MP) have all
experienced a rise in the sex ratio during
the decade). This implies that a rather
different method of population control is
being used. Infant girls are being
eliminated soon after they are born. That
is, the cause of this decline in the overall
sex ratio is the severe fall in child sex ratio
(CSR) in the age-group 0-6. This is a
reflection of sexual discrimination rather
than as some erroneously maintain, due>
to migration of the men-folk. The CSR is^
equally low, having declined from 928 in
1991 to 878 in 2001. Low and declining
CSR is noted when a) the female foetus
is aborted in term of pregnancy b) female
infanticide and c)
neglect and
discrimination of the girl-child
MYTH: The adverse sex ratio — the number of
women to men — in India is a blessing in
disguise for women as their short supply
automatically enhances their demand vis-avis their social worth, status and prestige.
FACT: On the contrary!
The adverse social impact of such an imbalance
has already begun to emerge. Women are being
married off to men with different cultural
background who do not speak their language or|
eat their food. Census 2001 shows that all over
Punjab and Haryana there are fewer women to
men with brides being bought and brought from
the poorer regions of UP, West Bengal and Assam
where there is no shortage of women. According
to one study conducted in the 4 districts of Haryana
showed that at any point of time there are 300 to
400 men in search of wives
In most parts of the world, including in some of
the poorer countries of the South there are more
women than men. In India, there are 933 women
to men. Again, in most part of the world, there
are more girls than boys, because biologically a
girl child is sturdier than the boy is. in India, there
are 927 girls to 1000 boys. In 5 districts of Haryana,
the figure is between 783 and 796. 10 districts of
FACTS against MYTHS - AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
6
communal violence in 2002. A direct link between
communal violence and low CSR cannot be made.
Nevertheless, ...a society that discriminates so
much against its female members and goes to
the extent of killing the unborn ones so easily, may
not find it hard to discriminate against and kill (or
support killing) without remorse, members of
another religion...There is also no remorse when
the female foetuses are killed or women are kill
for dowry.”
the 17 districts of Punjab have a child sex ratio of
less than 800 with this situation getting worse. 10
years ago there were only two districts in India,
which had a child sex ratio, lower than 850. Today,
there are 44. There were 28 districts here it was
over 1000 - today there are just 13.
Far from improving their social status, the scarcity
of women leads to increased violence against
women - as the situation in Haryana and Punjab
indicates. A recent international study (Bare
Branches: Security Implications of Asia’s Surplus
Male Population, MIT Press 2004 by V.M. Hudson
& A.M. den Boer) underlining the link between
violence and unmarried men states that in China
all those young men - who fear they are never
going to have a family because there are just not
enough women around - called the Bare
Branches - so-called because they are limbs of a
family tree that will never bear fruit -will make up
12 to 15 per cent of the young adult male
■population in India and China by 2020.The
widening sex imbalance, according to experts, will
result in a situation where the more affluent man
will get married, while the one with no money or
education will not find a bride for himself. The
authors of the above study state that the surplus
males in the two most over-populated countries
viz., India and China would mean conscription and
high levels of militarization!
Though there is data or study that identifies the
exact causes for such a poor status of CSAR in
Gujarat but some sources do however indicate
that foeticide, neglect and discrimination of the
girl child are the two leading causes. Gender
discrimination is widespread in all the districts of
Gujarat with rich districts of Mehsana,
Ahmedabad, Gandhinagar, Anand, Kheda and
Jamnagar heading the list. With the exception of
Jamnagar district all other experienced severe
Apart from Gujarat, Punjab and Haryana are
biased against the girl child regardless of religious
affiliation. This is similar to the North-South divide
over economic and social indicators, which clearly
gets reflected in many of the key development
indicators. (Economists have long discussed how
social service functions much better in South
Indian villages as compared to those in the North.)
One of the reasons is the poor status of women
in the North. Historically, Punjab has reported
good economic indicators. In Kerela, the reverse
is true.
MYTH: The high population growth rate in
some rich states like Gujarat is owing to
migration from poor States
FACT: According to a study the high growth rate
is not due to in-migration though it has served as
a magnet in attracting people from other States.
When a closer look is taken at the district-wise
growth rates in the Gujarat this point proves to be
correct. The districts that have experienced a
decadal population growth rate above 25 per cent
are Valsad (29.66 per cent), Dangs (29.58 per
cent), Dahod (28.35 per cent), Banaskantha
(26.31 per cent), Surendranagar (25.34 per cent),
Rajkot (28.95 per cent), Ahmedabad (26.61 per
cent) and Surat (47.04 per cent). Except the last
three districts, which are industrialised, all other
districts are the one, which are drought-prone, or
Missing Sikh & Jain Girls!
Overall sex
Hindus
Muslims
Jains
Sikhs
Christians
Buddhists
Others
931
936
940
893
1,009
953
992
Child sex
ratio
(0-6 years)*
925
950
870
786
964
942
976
Proportion
in India’s
population**
81.4
12.4
0.4
1.9
2.3
0.8
0.7
.
* as number of females per 1,000 males
FACTS against MYTHS - AUGUST-SEPTEMBER 2004
Overall
literacy
rate**
Female
literacy
rate**
Female work
participation
rate**
65.1
59.1
94.1
69.4
80.3
72.7
47
53.2
50.1
90.6
63.1
76.2
61.7
33.2
27.5
14.1
9.2
20.2
28.7
31.7
44.2
** as per cent
7
Adivasi regions, from where population outmigrates regularly, on permanent or seasonal
basis. How can then in-migration explain high
population growth rate? National increase is the
important factor responsible for the increased
population growth rate of the State.
References:
1.
Subramanian, D.Jayaraj S Manufacturing
Hysteria: On Census-Inspired ‘Nationalism’,
EPW,#39, Mumbai, 2004
2.
(Ed) Population Numbers, EPW, #38, Mumbai,
2004
3.
Engineer, A. Ah'. A Handy Tool forAnti-Minorityism,
EPW, #39, Mumbai, 2004
4.
Shah, C. Census: The Real Bad News, Down to
Earth, #10, New Delhi, 2004
5.
Sarkar, de Bishakha. Girl interrupted, The
Telegraph, Calcutta, September 19, 2004-11-22
GMO
GMO
6.
Mahadevia, D. Gujarat's Development
Experience & Success ofHindutVcT, Lessons from
Gujarat, Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, Mumbai, 2003
7
Rajalakshmi, T.K. The Population Bogey,
Frontline, October 8, 2004
8.
Yasser Arafat, P.K. Indian Census: For a Better
Understanding, September 18, 2004 http.//
www.countercurents.org/comm-arafat
180904.htm
9.
Krishnakumar, A. Myths and Reality, Frontline,
October 8, 2004
10.
Raman, J. Sri. Of Figures & Indian Fascists,
September 13, 2004
http://www.countercurrents.org/comm-sriraman
11.
Panse, Prof. S. Hindu Rashtra: What will it Be like,
Vidnyannishth Bharat Prakashan, June 1993
(Mumbai)
12.
Jayaraj, D. & Subramanian, S. Women’s
Wellbeing & the Sex Ratio at Birth: Some
Suggestive Evidence from India, Journal of
Development Studies, #5, June 2004.
GMO
Please feel free to reproduce material from this publication but with due credit.
r — — — — ———————————t
Facts against Myths is a bi-monthly bulletin of factual
information on a number of development myths and
fallacies, etc, including information against alien
development models, paradigms and false
concepts on caste, creed and gender.
“
p
b
: A
j
q
I
/
j
J
■
'
J
|j
BOOK-POST
Produced and Published by:
<
Vikas Adhyayan Kendra
D-1 Shivdham, 62 Link Road,
Malad (W), Mumbai 400 064, INDIA
H
ti
» 2882 2850 & 2889 8662
Email: vak@ bom3.vsnl.net.in
Website: www.vakindia.org
Fax: 2889 8941
I
I
I
Design & Layout: Kartiki Desai
I
J
Printed by: Omega Publications
2 $ 3 Emerald Corner, Maratha Colony, Tilakwadi,
i'
?
Belgaum 590 006
■
a
094481 -44124
- — — — — —i — — — — — — — n
I
printed mati^
I
!
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
Position: 3260 (4 views)