PANCHAYAT RAJ AND HEALTH
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RF_POL_3_A_SUDHA
EMPOWERMENT OF PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS IN
POPULATION, HEALTH AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT:
A TRAINING AND EVALUATION PROJECT IN CHITRADURGA
Ah Overview
T. V. Sekher
Assistant Professor
Population Research Centre
Institute for Social and Economic Change (ISEC)
Nagarabhavi Post, Bangalore - 560 072
November 1998
EMPOWERMENT OE PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS IN
POPULATION, HEALTH AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT:
A TRAINING AND EVALUATION PROJECT IN CIIITRADURGA
AN OVERVIEW
INTRODUCTION
The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments have led to the emergence of elected
representatives and participative self-governing institutions at all levels. An outcome of the 73rd
Amendment, Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRls) of local self-governance arc involved in planning,
formulation and implementation of various development programmes in rural areas. Under die
Karnataka Panchayati Raj Act, 1993, one-third of die total seats are reserved for Scheduled Castes
(SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC) in proportion to dieir population.
Furdier, 'one-diird seats arc also reserved for women. In effect, considering the reservation for
SC/ST and OBCs and die need for reserving seats for women in all categories, out of a total 80,631
seals in 5,641 Gram Panchayats in Karnataka, 35,334 seats are reserved for women. This constitutes
43.6% of die total gram panchayat scats (see Appendix - A).
The policy of reservation has provided a unique opportunity to die weaker sections,
particularly women, for political participation and decision-making in the local governance process.
Most of diese members would be taking up die role of decision-makers for die first time. Given the
relatively lower educational qualifications of members, lack of any kind of exposure outside
(overwhelming majority of the women members arc housewives and belong to deprived
communities), and dieir lack of political experience, their participation in die PR1 system of local
governance and dieir ability to discharge dieir responsibilities is not very effective. Therefore, in
1
order to make decentralised democratic planning effective and functional, it is imperative to empower
these grass root level leaders through motivation and education. Thus, there is a need to train these
local leaders in fulfilling'tlieir new roles and responsibilities.
In this context, it needs to be mentioned that the expert group on population policy set up by
Govenunent of India in 1993, under the chairmanship of Dr. M.S. Swaminathan, has suggested a
radical shift in the overall planning process by adopting the principle of “diink, plan and act locally
and support nationally”. The planning tool recommended for grassroots level social development is
a Socio-Deniograpltic Charier (SDC) for use at tile village, town or city level, which helps the
elected members of local governments to prioritise their unmet minimum needs and develop a
Ike
feasible strategy for meeting needs within a stipulated time.
A
The ICSSR/ICMR report of 1981 categorically stales that the overall improvement in health
condition^ is only possible under the Panchayati Raj Institutions which would rightly return the health
and illness care to the people to whom it rightly belongs. Women and children comprise over 70% of
our population, the problem of healtli and nutrition primarily affect this segment of society. Most of
the healtli problems can be solved at the local level by imparting healtli education and provision of
primary health care, within a relatively low cost which people can afford. The major pillars of healdi
care are education, water supply, sanitation, hygiene, environment and availability of food with
nutrition. There is, therefore, a need to develop an integrated action plan on healtli, nutrition,
hygiene, environment and education with sensitivity to gender and population issues. Accordingly,
the elected members have to be trained so as to promote their participation in the process of social
development.
2
PROJECT DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
In (his context, (he Population I'onndation of India, New Delhi, requested (he Institute for •
Social and Economic Change (ISEC), to undertake a training project for Gram panchayat members in
one district of Karnataka as part of a pilot project in six states commissioned by diem. The basic
objective of die pilot training programme is to empower die elected men and women members of
Panchayati Raj Institutions in die areas of population, health, nutrition, hygiene, education and
environment dirough innovative training strategies and approaches. This will help diem to develop a
socio - 'demographic charter for their area with twin goals of priority setting in meeting die unmet
minimum needs of die local population and achieving harmony widi nature by promoting the
conservation and sustainable utilisation of natural resources. Ultimately, diis will help in improving
die quality of life and promoting social development. The training programme will
help in building confidence, courage and capabilities for participatory decision-making and positively
influence die attitudes and perceptions of the elected members at die grossroot level. Secondary
objective of die study is to demonstrate die effectiveness and viability of die training mediodology for
gram panchayat members through local level trainers and voluntary organisation and its
replaceability. The project was also intend to develop training materials like modules, video
programme and guidelines for training.
As a first step, ISEC identified one district to carryout this training project. Chitradurga
district was selected after consultation with officials and others. This district can be considered as a
typical Karnataka district in terms of many socio-economic and demographic indicators. It is located
in die central part of die stale and lies in between die old Mysore and Nordiern Karnataka regions.
The district has a higher concentration of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe population.
Administratively die district belongs to die Bangalore division of die state. The district comprises of
ten town/urban agglomerations and 1266 inhabited villages widi a total population of 21,80,443. as
3
per die 1991 census. ( later die district was bifurcated in 1997 - Chitradurga and Davanagere). It was
decided to undertake die project in four out of die six taluks present Chitradurga district- Holalkere,
Challakere, Chitradurga and Hosadurga. Selected socio-economic and demographic characteristics of
Chitradurga district is presented in Appendix - B.
The training programme should be carried out by a lead voluntary organisation working in
die district. This has many advantages. NGOs work and live closely widi die people and diey are
able to perceive and internalise the felt needs, interests and attitudes of die people. Based on die
experience, innovativeness and flexibility, NGOs can evolve appropriate mediodology as well as
ensure die participation of all concerned. Their expertise in conducting training programme and
familiarity widi local conditions are die positive aspects of this type of a mediodology. Accordingly,
MYRADA, a prominent voluntary organisation was approached and they expressed dieir willingness
to collaborate in diis important project. MYRADA was started in 1968 and during 1968-78 period, it
was involved widi die government in resettling 15,000 Tibetan refugees in the state of Karnataka.
From 1978 onwards diey have been involved in various rural development programmes in die
backward districts of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu. MYRADA has also been
providing regular training and exposure visits in participatory mediodologies, formation of self-help
groups and local area development and working directly with about 75,000 families. In Chitradurga,
MYRADA has been involved in various developmental programmes for the last two decades.
MYRADA took die responsibility of training Gram Panchayat members in diree selected
taluks and anodier local voluntary organisation, GRAMA, under die guidance of MYRADA, carried
out the training programme in one taluk. GRAMA started in 1989, is mainly involved in forming
self-help groups in backward and poor villages of die two taluks of Chitradurga district.
4
PREPARATION OF TRAINING MATERIALS AND ORIENTATION WORKSHOP
It was die responsibility of die consulting organisation (ISEC) to prepare and develop
appropriate training materials and also conduct Orientation workshop for die Master trainers of the
implementing agency (NGOs). Based on the available information from various sources and also in
consultation widi state government officials, ISEC prepared and compiled eight training modules
focusing in die areas of Primary Healdi Care, Reproductive Health, Nutrition, Population and Family
Welfare, Hygiene and Sanitation, Education, Environment and Gender Issues. A video documentary
was also prepared highlighting the existing scenario in rural areas and explaining die ongoing
government programmes in die above mentioned eight topics. Appropriate posters conveying
important healdi messages were also collected from different agencies including government for use
during training. After preparing the draft training materials, ISEC organised an orientation workshop
for die Master Trainers in September - Octobe_r_ 1997. Twelve Master Trainers belonging to
MYRADA and GRAMA working in Chitradurga district participated in die orientation programme
for five days conducted at ISEC. They were informed about die evolution of panchayat Raj system,
die present decentralisation set up in Karnataka and die issues and problems widi regard to health and
Ho
social development. Sufficient orientation were given to diem as to equip diem to undertake die task
of organising and co-ordinating the training of local leaders and die local volunteers. Apart from
ISEC faculty, NGO functionaries, administrators and experts in different fields were invited to act as
resource persons during die workshop. The contents of the training modules and video documentary
were thoroughly discussed during die workshop and the suggestions given by die participants were
incorporated before finalising them.
Later ISEC printed die training modules in Kannada in a
booklet form for distribution to local volunteers and panchayat members at die time of dicir training.
The video documentary was also prepared and handed over to the implementing agencies (NGOs) for
dieir use. Once die training materials were ready and die orientation workshop was completed, all
•■■i. activities shifted to the selected district and taluks.
5
SELECTION OE LOCAL VOLUNTEERS (RESOURCE PERSONS) ANO THEIR TRAININC.
The volunteers were identified and recruited from die selected taluks for the training
programme. The criteria adopted for selecting volunteers included their willingness, educational
background, capability to organise and undertake training and familiarity with the local conditions.
After the selection of the volunteers, three training programmes (TOT) were organised in
Chitradurga district. Volunteers belonging to Ilolalkere and Ilosadurga taluks were trained at
MYRADA training centre, located in Ilolalkere. Volunteers belonging to Challakere Taluk were
trained at MYRADA project office in Challakere and the volunteers from Chitradurga taluk were
trained at RUDSET Training Institute, Chitradurga.( Appendix - C ) These four days residential
training programmes were intended to provide orientation to die participants not only in the selected
topics but also in the organisational and methodological aspects of training. District and taluk level
officials attended as resource persons for tliis training programmes. The training schedule consisted
of providing information regarding panchayat Raj system, creating awareness in the selected topics,
discussion on rural situations, case studies of success and failure stories, details of government
programmes and welfare measures. Pre - and post - training evaluation were conducted to gauge the
capabilities and awareness of the volunteers and the effect of the TOT. It was found that after the
TOT, die volunteers were sufficiently equipped to carry out the prescribed task of training GP
members by using the training materials prepared for this purpose and they were given necessary
motivation in tliis regard.
TRAINING PROGRAMME FOR GRAM PANCHAYAT MEMBERS
The implementing agencies at die district level, MYRADA and GRAMA, approached die
district and taluk level officials and appraised diem about die training programme. They sought die
co-operation and support of die government officials for die successful implementation of die training
programme. The officials, in turn, instructed die subordinates at different levels to extend co
6
operation and provide necessary help and this message was communicated to Gram panchayat
presidents and secretaries.
The selected volunteers were given the responsibility of organising and conducting training
programmes in their respective areas. 2 to 3 volunteers joined together in organising and conducting
training at each gram panchayat level. As a first step, these volunteers approached die gram
panchayat officials and G.P President and explained to them about die training programmes and die
agencies involved in it. In consultation with them, a convenient dale and venue for die training at the
gram panchayat level was decided and the volunteers made the necessary arrangements for taking
classes, exhibition of video documentary and posters and food during training. Each volunteer was
provided widi necessary number of booklets, posters and video cassette. The four days training at die
gram panchayat level includes a brief orientation about the gram panchayat set up, roles and
responsibilities of die elected members and detailed discussions on eight modules. The exhibition of
die video documentary was also a part of the training programme. All die 138 panchayats were
covered in die progranune from the four taluks and altogedier 1651 members were trained. The
overall percentage of attendance is 81. This was possible mainly because of die strong presence of
the collaborating NGOs in the selected taluks as well as the active involvement of die volunteers.
Detailed information regarding die training programme is provided in Appendix - D. In most of die
areas, training was organised at each gram panchayat level and in few cases, two gram panchayats
were combined for the training purpose. Apart from die volunteers allotted to each Gram panchayat,
NGO staff members were regularly supervising the training programmes. ISEC project team was
also involved in monitoring the training programme.
A mid-term review of die training programme was conducted in May 1998 to take stock of
die activities. Apart from the ISEC project team, staff members of MYRADA and GRAMA as well
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as volunteers attended diis meeting. The training started in April and was completed in June 1998.
Evendiough there was a governmental provision to train all the Gram panchayat members by District
level training Institutes, it was found that practically there was no training given to most of (hem
during dieir last four years in office. In that sense, this training was the first exposure for majority of
die elected members. It was felt tliat diere is a need to orient the members after few months as a
follow up to ;this training. Instead of organising these meetings in each gram panchayat area, it was
decided to conduct die cluster level (Ilobli level) meets.
IIOBLI LEVEL MEETS
As a follow up for the training, a cluster level meets of panchayats were organised. The
purpose was to get a feed - back from die members about the training, clarifying their doubts, and
also appraise diem about die latest government schemes/programmes. This also provided an
opportunity for interaction among members belonging to 2-3 gram panchayats. Prior to this,
meetings of die volunteers were held at different taluks and detailed discussion about die purpose and
the organisational aspects of cluster meetings of panchayat members were discussed. The Gram
panchayats were made into clusters and meeting dates were drawn in consultation widi officials and
volunteers. Apart from die NGO staff and volunteers, taluk level officials participated in diese one
day programmes as resource persons. This was a rare opportunity for the officials and the elected
members to meet each odier and discuss dicir problems and difficulties. During die meet, die
members shared dieir experiences regarding training and also a plan of action at die village level was
also discussed. Altogedier 34 Hobli level meetings were conducted with a participation of 1151
members , out of which 518 were women. ( see Appendix - E ) The percentage of attendance is only
56 and this is much lower compared to die participation at die training programme. The reason for
diis low level of participation are the busy agricultural season and also die meetings of the gram
sabhas at die same time (to identify die beneficiaries for various development programmes). Widi
8
this, die training programmes for the panchayat members were completed - ( for details, see
Appendix - F )
EVALUATION OF THE TRAINING PROGRAMMES
After die completion of the Hobli level meets, the next step was to evaluate die impact of die
training in an objective manner in order to bring out its effectiveness and usefulness, as well as to
identify any loopholes in the training programme.
It was felt that die insights drawn from die
evaluation exercise would provide useful inputs for formulating training programmes in future and its
successful replication elsewhere.
As die consulting organisation for the study in Karnataka, 1SEC took die responsibility of
conducting die evaluation and preparing die report. Anodicr main purpose of die evaluation was to
test die viability and feasibility of die training inediodology adopted as well as to revise and update
die training modules and video documentary. For die purpose of die evaluation, information was
gadiered dirough structured questionnaire from trained panchayat members, gram panchayat
officials, local volunteers, NGO staff, government officials and odiers. Information from 147 trained
gram panchayat members ( including presidents and vice-presidents), 50 volunteers and die NGO
staff directly involved in this training project. Discussions widi government officials at various levels
were also held. This evaluation was carried out during September-October, 1998. Based on diis, an
attempt was made to identify the strengths and wcaknesstrof this project and make necessary
recommendations for replicating die training programme in odicr districts.
The evaluation of die effectiveness of die training project was studied based on three
important factors - attitudinal changes, behavioural changes and performance changes of local
volunteers ( resource persons) and trained panchayat members.
9
a)
Local Volunteers: The project was able to create a pool of trained volunteers who are willing to
help the panchayat members and are available in local areas. These volunteers were able to
acquire die requisite training and organising skills and most of them expressed happiness about
dieir performance in training die local leaders. In diis case, a good number of die volunteers had
had some previous experience and this helped diem to undertake die prescribed task in a
relatively easy manner : It was found that dieir knowledge and awareness regarding Panchayati
Raj set-up and healdi issues has improved tremendously. Now majority of diese local volunteers
are confident of handling similar training programmes for Taluk and Zilla panchayat members.
Even after die training programme, most of them are in touch with gram panchayat members in
dieir area. Surely, this is an indication diat dieir services will be available in die future also.
b)
Panchayat members: This, training undoubtedly had some impact on die attitudinal and
behavioral pattern of elected members. It was really a learning experience since this was die first
training for majority of them. They acquired the knowledge with regard to various healdi issues
and developmental schemes, irrespective of dieir educational and occupational background. They
also started using the newly acquired knowledge whether widi regard to preparation of ORS
solutions I storage of ORS packets, usage of iodised salt, functioning of Anganwadi centres and
die visit of healdi workers to their villages. They realised that they have many responsibilities
and diey can undertake many activities for the welfare of their community. Many expressed die
opinion that this kind of a training at the beginning of their tenure would have been much more
useful. Apart from health and odier developmental issues, they were very particular in getting
training on the concept and functioning of Panchayati Raj systems and, die roles and
responsibilities of elected members in preparing plans for providing primary healdi care,
drinking water and sanitation in dieir areas.
10
Women panchayat members expressed more interest and willingness to participate in the
training. They were very particular about attending die training for all the four days including seeing
die video show. Many of them felt that in die process of employment generation and developmental
issues, most of the health problems of women and children are neglected. After die training, diey
started visiting Anganawadi centres more frequently and also asked die ANMs to visit dieir villages
more frequently.
c)
Training materials: In diis programme, modules, video documentary and posters were used for
training. Majority of the panchayat members felt that the modules were very useful and
informative. However, during evaluation, diey suggested many improvements to revise die
module. One suggestion was to include one chapter on Gram Panchayat set-up and die roles and
responsibilities of elected members. They also suggested an inclusion of a detailed description of
all ongoing government programmes (from State and Central) in die modules.
the video cassette was found to be an effective medium of communication. In many places,
it was shown to die entire village. But the power failures created sonic problem in exhibiting die
video documentary in certain villages.
Interestingly, local cable operators also showed keen
interest to show diis documentary through their cable network in many places and diis was a very
encouraging development.
ADVANTAGES OF THIS METHODOLOGY
Even diough diere were few operational difficulties during the implementation of diis training
programme, die methodology is found to be more effective and adaptable to gram panchayat
members. The training arranged in dieir own villages which facilitates their participation in it. It was
done in a most informal atmosphere which also generated lot of discussions. The training modules
11
and video documentary were prepared using simple language and pictorial presentations. As a result,
it was observed that the contents and (he messages in them were grasped without much difficulty.
The local volunteers who imparted the training were from die same areas and dieir
familiarity with die local situations gave an added advantage to die training exercise and ensured that
dieir services would also be available to the elected members any time in future. The involvement of
voluntary organisations also ensured better participation and innovativeness for die training
programme, apart from bringing a convergence of expertise and skills of governmental and non
governmental sectors for better and more effective training at the grass root level.
Widi diis
mcdiodology, die training can be done simultaneously in many places and can be completed within’a
short period. In a situation like ours, where we have to train large number of elected representatives
in each district (preferably during die first six months of their tenure), die government alone cannot
handle this task. Il is, therefore, imperative to look for more effective, acceptable and participatory
training mcdiodologies at the grass root level. This pilot training project in Chitradurga is an
innovative effort in this direction.
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APPENDIX - A
The number of Grain Pnnchiiyats, Total Number of scats ami reservation made in the
____________________________ Districts of Karnataka State______
| Name of District
No.
of
GPs
Total
Seats
Seats reserved for
SC
ST
BC
of which No. Reserved for
women
t
OTHE
RS
sc
ST
BC
OTHE
RS
Bangalore (U)
115
1723
450
118
570
585
39
115
185
180
Bangalore (R)
226
3533
767
249
1183
1334
319
228
459
521
Chitradurga
275
4159
974
734
1361
1090
400
344
540
447
Kolar
305
4385
1175
456
1447
1307
486
320
608
537
464
Shitnog a
364
3565
940
409
1187
1029
425
367
483
Tutnkur
320
4931
1076
482
1642
1731
424
334
647
688
Chikkatnagalore
225
2203
548
234
729
692
250
225
301
311
D. Kannada
354
5182
950
426
1719
2087
399
359
689
813
Hassan
256
3422
785
260
1144
1233
312
256
467
501
Kodagu
96
1091
216
137
368
370
98
101
151
159
Mandya
228
3556
684
228
1188
1456
261
228
462
552
Mysore
361
5870
1409
457
1960
2044
567
375
756
801
Belgauni
473
7206
1279
548
2393
2986
562
485
958
1142
Bijapur
363
5677
1241
380
1893
2163
479
366
761
850
Dharwad
439
5832
1176
492
1947
2217
484
438
768
872
U. Kannada
209
2402
480
218
802
902
226
210
332
367
Bellary
220
3374
794
435
mi
1034
312
267
445
411
Bidar
176
2629
633
323
882
791
262
188
353
321
Gttlbarga
336
5095
1343
442
1706
1604
538
390
684
644
Raichur
299
4781
988
542
1590
1661
394
334
633
641
Grand Total
5640
80616
17908
7570
26822
28316
7317
5930
10684
11222
Total number of seats 80616, Seals reserved for women 35153 (43.60%), Scats for men 45463 (56.40%)
Percentage : SC- 22.21 %, ST - 9.39%, BC- 33.27%, OTHERS 35.13%
Source: Government of Karnataka, 1994.
13
/Appendix — B
Selected socio-economic and demographic characteristics of Chltradurga district, 1991
Density (per square kms.)
Number persons per househols
Percentage of population
Percentage of SC
Percentage of ST
Sex ratio (females/1000 males)
Literacy rate (aged 7 and above)
Percentage of main workers
Percentage of marginal workers
Total
SC
ST
Total
Male
Female
Total
Males
Females
Total
Males
Females
Percentage distribution of workers
by industrial categroy
I) Cultivators
II) Agricultural labourers
III) Live stock, forestry, fishing, hunting and
plantations, orchards and allied activities
IV) Mining and quarrying
V) Manufacturing, processing, servicing and
repairs
a) in household industry
b) in other than household industry
VI) Construction
VII) Trade and commerce
VIII) Transport, storage and communications
IX) Other services
Religious composition
Percentage of total population in the age group
0-14
15-59
60+
Source:
Hindus
Muslims
Christians
Others
Total
Urban
Rural
200.93
6018.59
148.01
5.62
5.58
5.63
100.00
27.00
73.00
19.84
12.67
22.50
14.60
7.31
17.30
943.97
913.58
955.45
942.17
917.42
947.41
950.65
913.30
956.62
55.48
73.52
48.69
66.88
81.20
61.36
43.36
65.05
35.42
38.70
29.76
42.01
53.21
47.71
55.29
23.33
10.10
28.11
4.34
0.63
5.71
0.72
0.37.
0.86
8.17
0.92
10.79
45.29
38.62
5.73
7.62
37.08
32.18
2.64
0.45
1.52
0.31
2.41
0.42
1.98
2.11
0.89
3.29
0.60
4.14
3.20
20.86
7.22
26.23
0.81
20.50
2.24
6.00
2.20
8.05
1.89
7.53
95.26
4.50
0.07
0.07
73.96
23.97
0.86
1.14
89.51
9.76
0.28
0 36
36.75
55.18
7.68
35.34
58.79
5.33
36.37
56.15
7.05
Census of
13 A
APPENDIX - C
A: VOLUNTEERS (RESOURCE PERSONS)INVOLVED IN THE TRAINING
PROGRAMME
|
TALUK
MEN
WOMEN
TOTAL
CHALLAKERE
18
3
21
HOSADURGA
6
3
9
HOLALKERE
19
1
20
15
9
24
58
16
74
CIIITRADURGA
TOTAL
....
B: EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF VOLUNTEERS
Educational level
Number
Percentage
SSLC
6
8.10
Pre - University
8
10.82
Graduation
22
29.73
Post - Graduation
38
51.35
Total
74
100.00
C: Occupational Status of Volunteers:
Percentage
Occupation
Number
Unemployed
10
13.51
School Teacher
15
20.27
27.02
Lecturer
20
Cultivator
08
10.81
Retd. Employee
05
6.75
Self employed
05
6.75
Social worker
08
10.84
Housewife
03
4.05
Total
74
100.00
14
APPENDIX - D
GRAM PANCI1AYAT MEMBERS TRAINING PROGRAMME
Il Name of Ute Taluk
--------------------------- -
No. of
G.P.s
Covered
Total
Members
Members
Attended
Percentage
Challakerre
39
556
530
95
Hosadurga
33
471
361
76
Holalkere
30
442
280
63
Chitradurga
36
569
480
84
TOTAL
138
2038
1651
81
APPENDIX - E
I1OBLI LEVEL MEET OF GRAM PANCHAYAT MEMBERS
Members Attended
Name of die Taluk
No. of
Meets
Total GP
Members
Men
Women
Total
%
Challakere
8
556
192
91
283
51
Hosadurga
10
471
194
156
350
74
Holalkere
8
442
97
70
167
38
Chitradurga
8
569
150
201
351
62
TOTAL
34
2038
633
518
1151
56
15
APPENDIX - F
Details of Training Programme in Cliitradurga District
1.
No of Zilla Panchayat Members :
2.
No. of Taluk Panchayat Samitis:
3.
No. of Taluk Panciiayat Sainili Members:
4. No. of Gram Panchayats included in the training
(in the four selected taluks for training)
No. of Town panchayats included
5. No. of Gram Panchayat members:
6.
No; of Gram Panchayat Members Trained:
7. No of Resource Persons (Local Volunteers)
Trained for the project:
8.
No. of Training programmes organised
for Resource persons:
4 days residential training(One for Challakere
taluk, One for Chitradurga taluk and One for
Hosadurga and Holalkere taluks together)
Total - 23
Men - 15
Women - 8
4
Total - 85
Men - 54
Women - 31
137
1
Total - 2038
Men -1202 (59%)
Women- 836(41%)
Total - 1651
Men - 958 (58%)
Women - 693 (42%)
Total - 74
Men - 58 (78%)
Women - 16 (22%)
3
No.of training programmes conducted by
resource persons for panchayat members
115
10. No.of Hobli level mcets(Clustcr meetings of
Panchayats) conducted
34
9.
ii. No. of Panchayat members attended in the
Hobli level meets
Total - 1151
Men - 634 (55%)
Women - 517(45%)
16
Empowerment Of Panchayat Raj Institutions On Issues Related To
Population, Health And Social Development
By
Population Foundation of India, New Delhi
1.
Background
In recent limes, much emphasis is being placed on decentralisation of authority to
the grass root level elected bodies for local self governance since these have been
accepted as the micro level instruments of change and social development. In 1993, the
Government of India appointed an expert group to draft a national population policy. It
suggested a paradigm shift and conceptualised population policies within the context of
overall social and economic development with greater devolution of authority and
responsibilities to the Panchayats. Towards the end of 1993, the 73rd amendment bill
was passed giving the Panchayati Raj institutions a constitutional sanction. This was
expected to provide the Panchayats opportunities for belter management of local
resources for their balanced and rational utilisation, plan and implement the need based
programmes and manage or generate additional resources according to their needs and
priorities.
In the eleventh schedule of the amendment, 29 items have been listed by way of
responsibilities of the Panchayats. Many of these overlap and only three of them directly,
and only two partially relate to health, family planning, MCH care, etc. Surprisingly, the
registration of vital events such as births and deaths, infant and under five year child
mortality, etc., do not find a mention in the assigned responsibilities.
Tlie devolution of authority has placed a great responsibility on the Panchayats as
planning, prioritising or implementing the social development programmes call for
certain level of expertise and skills, which the new members may not possess. On the
other hand, the task of training and reorienting the large number of the Panchayat
members may require innovative approaches to be able to reach all of them. The
enormity of the task can be judged from the fact that there would be around 3.5 million
Panchayat members to be trained with about a million of them being women.
II.
Basic Issues
1.
The members of the Panchayats need to be educated, motivated and
trained about their rights and responsibilities. Considering the wide
divergences and the element of heterogeneity in their social, economic
and educational backgrounds, it may turn out to be a difficult task.
Moreover, around one- third of these would be women members who,
from traditionally being housewives and mothers, would assume a new
role of decision makers for the welfare and development activities. This
would imperatively call for innovative training strategies and approaches.
2.
Reportedly, all the states have set up training institutes for the Panchayat
members. Presumably, their number, capacity to handle a large group,
training content and methodologies and professional competence would
be inadequate to undertake such a task. Training institutions under the
Government generally get bureaucratised whereas the need would be to be
innovative and flexible. Moreover, the number of Panchayat members in
every state would be far greater than any network of training institutions
in any state can conveniently handle.
Considering the above factors, a need was felt to evolve suitable strategies and
methodologies for training of the Panchayat members including development of training
material and the self teaching training aids. It may be pertinent to mention at this stage
that the primary focus of the training programmes has to be on empowerment of the
Panchayati Raj institutions to enable them perform their role effectively rather than on
training of the individuals. Besides, the methods of training need to ensure long term
sustainability of the programme which can be achieved with an effective follow-up and
evaluation system.
There is an urgent need to inform, train and motivate the members of Panchayats
on the issues related to female literacy, public health, including water supply and
sanitation, nutrition, family planning and womens’ status, resource management for
rational utilisation, preservation of natural resources and generating resources.
In order to discuss and develop various aspects and methodology of training to be
adopted, a Workshop was convened at M S Swaminathan Research Foundation on
Training and Project Design for Empowerment of Panchayati Raj Institutions in issues of
Population, Health and Social Development on 27-29 January 1997 at Chennai.
Based on the methodology developed at the Workshop, the Population
Foundation oflndia decided to commission a project on training ofPanchayat leaders in
seven districts, namely, Dharmapuri and Dindigul (Tamil Nadu), Chitradurga
(Karnataka), Pune (Maharashtra), Lalitpur (Uttar Pradesh), Sawai Madhopur (Rajasthan)
and Bankura (West Bengal). The need for such a project was felt because the number of
Panchayat members was so large in the country (around 3 million) that no state training
system under the Government could handle it within a reasonable time. Therefore,
innovative approaches to cover all the Panchayat members had to be evolved, using
training resources and potential outside the Government.
2
111.
IV.
Objectives of the Project
•
To train the Panchayat members on issues related to reproductive health,
family planning, population and environment, nutrition, maternal - child
health care, control of communicable diseases and resource planning.
•
To demonstrate the efficacy of the methodology of training of Panchayat
members in one district through training a number of local level trainers
by an implementing agency (a non-governmental organization) with the
support and guidance of a major consulting organization for each State.
•
To develop video programmes, training manuals and guides, modules,
systems for supervision and management information systems, etc., for
their wider application.
Methodology
The methodology of the project developed by the Population Foundation of India
and tried in different districts, comprises the following :
I.
Identification of a Consulting Organisation (CO) in a State.
2.
Identification of an Implementing Agency (IA), a non-govemmental
organization in the selected district as the Implementing Agency.
3.
Training of 1A members by a Consulting Organisation in the state in
various aspects of population, reproductive health including family
plaiming, gender issues, nutrition, environment, control of communicable
diseases and structure of the health services.
4.
Development of suitable literature in the form of modules on each of the
above listed subjects. Also production of a 3 - 3’/j hour video programme
based on real life situations on the subjects dealt with in the modules, to
be used in training.
5.
Identification and training of Resource Persons at the community level
who could be entrusted with the task of training of Panchayat members in
their own villages by distributing literature, showing the video programme
and initiating discussions on what the Panchayats could do. (Each
Resource Person would cover 3-5 gram panchayats.)
6.
The local Resource Persons would visit each village once a week, and
train the village Panchayat members collectively, covering one area at a
time.
7.
A mid-term evaluation would be done to identify problems and
constraints, to incorporate necessary modifications.
8.
Final evaluation and pooling of significant experiences for formulating
packages of programmes for wider application.
The above methodology has certain inherent advantages, as described below :
•
It would ensure training of all the Panchayat members in their own village
situation which, in a way, means empowerment of the Panchayat Raj
Institution.
•
A cadre of trained Resource. Persons would be available for continuous
interactions for three or four months.
•
It would help to upgrade the capabilities of the IA in undertaking similar
training programmes on other responsibilities of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions.
•
It would help to leave behind a corps of trained resource persons who can
always be depended upon by the Panchayats even when the project is
withdrawn from the area.
•
All the Panchayat members in a district can be trained in three or four
months, using printed literature in the local language and modem
communication technology.
THE APPROACH
I
PF'
1
I
6
VI.
Responsibilities Of Consulting Organisations, Implementing Agencies
And Resource Persons
1.
Consulting Organisations (CO):
•
The Consulting Organisation would be responsible for identifying a lead
NGO in the selected District.
•
It would organise a Workshop of three to five days duration for all Zilla
Parishad Members and the lead NGO, on the various topics connected
with the project. The purpose of the workshop would be not only to
inform and train the Zilla Parishad members on the various aspects of
population, family planning etc., but also to train the NGO personnel and
to develop educational material to be used by the NGO and the Resource
Persons.
•
The CO would also conduct a workshop of three day’s duration at the
district headquarters in the selected district along with the NGO and
selected Resource Persons. This may be done in one or two workshops
depending on the number of persons to be trained.
•
The CO would monitor one training programme at the village level
conducted by the NGO and the Resource Persons.
•
The CO would conduct a mid-term workshop of three-days duration with
the NGO and the Resource Persons to evaluate the effectiveness of the
various educational materials used, effectiveness of the methodology of
training, etc. A few selected Panchayat Members, who had been trained,
should also participate in the workshop.
•
The CO would be responsible for carrying out an evaluation through
survey of a sample of Panchayat Members trained under this project at the
village, block and district levels and assess the impact of the project, and
prepare a final report on the project.
•
The CO would be responsible for identifying the indicators to be used for
monitoring and evaluation of the project at periodical intervals and would
be responsible for compiling necessary data from the lead NGO.
•
They will also prepare and submit to the PFI a quarterly report on the
progress of the project, taking account of the report submitted by the lead
NGO.
'
2.
3.
Function of the Lead Implementing Agency (1A) in a District:
•
The lead Implementing Agency would be responsible for identifying the
Resource Persons in the district in different villages and blocks, who can
be used for training of the Panchayat Members at the village level.
•
The lead Implementing Agency should participate in the workshop and
training programmes organised by the CO and assist in the preparation of
educational materials needed for the training of Panchayat Members.
•
The lead Implementing Agency would be responsible for conducting
training programmes for all the Panchayat Samiti members along with the
concerned Resource Persons.
•
The lead Implementing Agency would also supervise and assist, wherever
possible, in the training programmes of the Resource Persons at the village
level. They can also organise Workshops for Resource Persons according
to the needs, but not more than once in a quarter.
•
The lead Implementing Agency should liaise, in the educational and
training activities, with the concerned officials of the Zilla Parishad and
the Panchayat Samiti. They should supply to the CO regular information
on various training activities carried out by them during the quarter
including information on number of training programmes held, number of
persons trained, etc.
Resource Persons :
•
The Resource Persons would participate in the workshops and training
programmes organised by the lead NGO. Their incidental expenses will
be covered from the project fund.
•
Each Resource Person would be responsible for a group of villages. He
would visit the villages assigned to him/her at regular periodical intervals
and conduct training programmes with the educational materials made
available to him/her.
He would report to the lead NGO on the activities carried out by him/her
in order to get necessary honorarium.
Chitradurga Project
As mentioned earlier, the district of Chitradurga was chosen to implement the
project in Karnataka. Since Chitradurga is one of the larger districts, it was decided to
implement the project in four blocks only (Holalkere, Challakere, Chitradurga and
Hosadurga).
The total number of Panchayat members elected in the four blocks of Chitradurga
district is mentioned below -_____ _________________
ZP Members
Chitradurga
(4 blocks)
Panchayat
Samiti Members
Panchayat Members
T
M
W
T
M
W
T
M
w
23
15
8
85
54
31
2038
1202
836
T : Total; M : Men;
Total
2146
W : Women.
The project took off in July 1997. The Institute for Social & Economic Change
(ISEC, Bangalore) was identified as the Consulting Organisation, while MYRADA was
chosen as the Implementing agency (LA), W'lfi
■
The original project methodology, wherein each Resource Person was to train all
the Panchayat members belonging to 3-5 Gram Panchayats, over a period of time, often
taking only one module per week, was changed after discussion with the CO, LA,
Government officials and Panchayat members of Chitradurga. It was envisaged that such
a long term training programme, which could take 2-3 months to cover each GP, might
not work in Chitradurga, as the drop out rate would be quite high. It was also opined that
instead of one RP being responsible for several GPs, a team of 2-3 RPs would do a better
job.
Hence, the project methodology was slightly changed.
The new strategy
developed included the following •
The RPs would work in groups of 2’s or 3’s.
•
Each training programme would be conducted for the Panchayat members
of one or two GPs.
The RPs would not visit the individual villages, but a central location (e.g.
school building/Panchayat Office) would be identified to conduct the
training programmes.
The duration of each training programme would be 4 days (10 AM - 4
PM), where sessions would be taken both by the team of RPs, as well as
local experts like school teachers, PHC personnel or Government officials.
•
Following completion of training of all the GPs, a second round of oneday refresher training would be conducted, clubbing 2-3 GPs together.
A series of meetings and discussions were held, where the methodology to be
tried out was discussed in detail and a detailed plan of action drawn up. The following
activities were carried our from July 1997 onwards.
•
Orientation Meetings :
The CO organised training programmes in September-October 1997 for the
Master trainers from the Implementing Agency.
Side by side, orientation
programmes were also conducted for the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samiti
members, to sensitize them to the issues being tackled in the project, and to get
their active support in the Panchayat members training programmes, later on.
•
Development of Training Material:
The training material developed includes modules, video documentary and
•posters. A booklet consisting of 8 modules was developed in Kannadaby the CO,
for distribution amongst all levels of Panchayats and the Resource Persons (RPs).
The topics that were covered were Primary Health Care
Reproductive Health
Nutrition
Population and Family Planning
Hygiene & Sanitation
Education
1
Environment
Gender issues.
A video documentary was also prepared on all the 8 modules. The video film
depicted tire existing conditions in rural areas and explained the ongoing Government
programmes in the related topics. Appropriate posters were also collected from.various
agencies. The Master trainers from Myrada were given sufficient orientation to equip
them to undertake the task of training the RPs in using the above mentioned training
material.
io
Selection and training of Resource Persons (RPs).
RPs were identified and recruited from the respective blocks for the training
programme.
The criteria adopted for selecting the RPs included their
willingness, educational background, capability in organising and undertaking
training, familiarity with the local conditions, previous experience in
training/social work, etc. After selection of the RPs, a 4-day residential training
programme was organised (in 3 batches) by the CO and the IA. The training
programmes were intended to provide orientation to the participants not only on
the selected topics, but also in organizational and methodological aspects of
training. Districts and Block level officials also attended some of the training
programmes. The training schedule provided information on the Panchayati Raj
system, created awareness in the selected topics, discussed rural situations and
details of Government programmes and welfare measures. Pre and post test
evaluation was conducted to gauge the capabilities and awareness of the
volunteers and the effect of the training. It was found that after the training
programme, the RPs were sufficiently equipped to carry out the prescribed task.
Panchavat Members’ Training Programme :
The Implementing Agency (Myrada) approached the district and block level
officials and appraised them about the training programme. They sought the
cooperation and support of the Government officials for the successful
implementation of the programme. The officials, in turn, instructed their
subordinates at different levels to extend their support and cooperation.
The selected RPs were given the responsibility of organising and conducting
training programmes in their respective areas. As a first step, the RPs approached
the Gram Panchayat officials and the Gram Panchayat President and briefed them
about the training programme. In consultation with them, convenient dates and
venues for training at the Gram Panchayat level were decided. The RPs were
responsible for making the necessary arrangements, conveying the training dates
to the Panchayat members, distributing the modules, and showing the video
cassettes. As mentioned earlier, unlike the other projects, where each RP was
responsible for training all the Panchayat members at the village level, in
Chitradurga, the training was held at the cluster level. 2-3 RPs were responsible
for training Panchayat members from either one or two Gram Panchayats. The
training was a continuous 4-day programme, supervised by one or more Myrada
staff. The 1SEC personnel also supervised the training programmes from time to
time. The CO was also involved in monitoring the project.
The video cassette was shown during the training programmes. All the 138 Gram
Panchayats were covered between April-June 1998, through 115 training
programmes (some for individual GPs and others by clubbing two GPs together).
1651 Panchayat members, out of a total of 2026, were trained, making the overall
percentage of attendance as 81%. A mid-term evaluation was conducted in May
1998 to gauge the effect of the training.
It was felt that a second round of
training would be beneficial, as it was observed that practically no training had
been imparted to the Panchayat members during their 4 years in office. For a
majority of the Panchayat members, this was their first exposure to any form of
training.
As a follow up, a series of one-day cluster level (Hobli level) meets were
organised in July-August 1998. The purpose was to get a feedback from the
Panchayat members about the training and also to clarify their doubts and
appraise them of the latest Government schemes and programmes. This also
provided an opportunity for Panchayat members belonging to 3-4 Gram
Panchayats to come together and interact. This was also a rare opportunity for the
district officials (who were invited to attend) and the elected members to meet
each other and discuss their problems and difficulties. During the meet, the
members also designed action plans for their respective villages.
34 Hobli level meetings were conducted, where 1151 Panchayat members. ‘
attended, 518 of whom were women. The reason for this low turn-out (56% as
compared to the earlier attendance of 81%) was the onset of the agricultural
season, and also the Gram Sabha meetings.
•
Evaluation of the Training Programmes :
After completion of the Hobli level meetings, the effectiveness of the training
methodology and impact of training was evaluated. The main objectives of the
end-of-project evaluation were To assess the efficacy of the strategy adopted for the project (which was
different from the other Panchayat projects being implemented in different
parts of the country).
To assess the effectiveness of the training modules and video cassette in
creating awareness and motivation and developing skills.
To assess the performance of the RPs.
To assess the Panchayat members’ views about the project and its
effectiveness.
To identify the strengths and weaknesses of the project and lessons learnt.
To plan for extension of the project to other districts.
For the purpose of evaluation, information was gathered from the trained
Panchayat members, Gram Panchayat officials, RPs, 1A staff and Government officials
involved in the programme. Information was collected from 1-47 trained GP members,
50 RPs and all the IA staff involved in September-October 1998. The detailed evaluation
12
4.
Training of Panchayat Members :
Nearly 81% of the Panchayat members attended the first round of training
programme, while 50% attended the Hobli level meets. All literate members
have read the training modules and found them to be useful and interesting.
Some of the Panchayat members have already started using the knowledge gained
through the training.
The Panchayat members have expressed that the training programme would help
them to address health and related issues while planning developmental
programmes for their villages.
Some of the Panchayat members have started putting their newly acquired
knowledge into practice. Some of the success stories are mentioned below
•
The Karnataka Government has a scheme called ‘Nirmal Karnataka’,
under which free latrines are provided to tire needy.
Most of the
Panchayat members did not have any prior knowledge about this scheme
and came to know about it during the training programme.
In the village of Sanahelly, the Panchayat members approached the BDO,
who in turn sanctioned the construction of 100 toilets. The Panchayat
members motivated the villagers to provide labour, while the Government
provided the latrines.
5.
•
During the course of the training programme, the Panchayat members
leamt that ORS packets could be acquired and stored by the Panchayat
members for distribution. Several Panchayat members have collected
ORS packets from the health centres and have started distributing them to
their community members.
•
The Panchayat members have become aware of the fact that ANMs are
supposed to visit each village regularly. In case the ANMs are not visiting
the villages, the Panchayat members have started sending complaints to
the respective PHCs. They have also started monitoring the functioning of
the Anganwadi Centres.
•
The Karnataka Government has initiated a Dai training programme. The
trained Panchayat members have started motivating the untrained dais in
their villages to get the training through the PHCs.
Strengths & Weaknesses of the Project & Lessons Learnt:
The experiences of PF1, in implementing the project in the different states has
been varied. Depending upon the socio-economic and cultural backgrounds,
geographical landscape, political awareness, and also the commitments of
organizations and the individuals involved (CO, IA and RPs), experiences have
been very different. For example, in the southern states, where literacy rates are
higher and political awareness is greater, and the involved organisations fully
committed, it has been easier motivating the Panchayat members to attend the
programmes. On the other hand, the purdah system in the north, together with
lower literacy and awareness levels, made it very difficult to identify women RPs,
and in getting the women Panchayat members to attend the training programmes.
Showing of video cassettes has also been difficult, due to lack of electricity, in
most of the States. Hiring of a TV, VCP and generator is too costly and the
project had made no provisions for the same, presuming electricity will be
available.
Monitoring of the project by both the CO and LA was found to be difficult in all
the project areas, as very often the villages were away from metalled roads and
quite a distance from where the CO/LA was based. The number of staff and
transport facilities were also found to be inadequate to cover the length and
breadth of the districts.
However, inspite of the practical difficulties encountered while implementing the
project, it was generally observed that the methodology was well accepted, both
by the Resource Persons (RPs) and Panchayat Members (PMs). Both the RPs and
PMs found the informal atmosphere to be more congenial in imparting
knowledge, where questions could be asked and problems tackled.
Compared to the Panchayat projects being implemented in the other States, the
attendance of the Panchayat members in the training programme in the
Chitradurga model is very high (81%). It may also be noted that the time taken in
conducting both the first and second round (Hobli level) of training sessions is
much less in Chitradurga project, where the first round was completed in three
months and the second round in one month only.
Certain measures, if incorporated, however, would definitely improve the
effectiveness of the training methodology. These are •
The State Government has to be more fully involved in the programme.
They should get the Health Department geared up so that the PHC gets
actively involved in the project.
•
The Block Development Officers can get the Gram Sevikas to extend
support to the GPs and RPs during the training programmes.
•
Panchayat members should be trained immediately after they are elected
into office and refresher training should be organised every 6 months.
This will facilitate their using the required knowledge and skills for the
maximum possible time.
6.
•
Other than health issues, other topics like agriculture, social forestry,
education, non-conventional energy, microplanning, Government schemes
including poverty alleviation programmes, small saving schemes and
general administration may also be included.
•
An alternate training methodology may have to be designed for illiterate
Panchayat members, for whom the module is of no use.
Future Plans :
The State Governments may take up this methodology, after making the necessary
adaptations, while planning their panchayat training programmes. Given the
available infrastructure and other resources with the Government, this
methodology may be more effective and less time consuming (as training takes
place simultaneously in the various villages/clusters).
16
STATE LEVEL WORKSHOP ON
"EMPOWERMENT OF PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS ON ISSUES RELATED
TO POPULATION, HEALTH AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT"
Organ i sed by
Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore
on 26th November 1998 at I.S.E.C.
Programme:
a.m.
10 to 11
Inaugural
Session
Cha i rman
Dr P.V. Shenoi
D i rector, I .S.E.C.
We I come
Prof.
Head,
About the project
and workshop
Dr T.V.
Inaugural
Dr K. Srinivasan
Executive Director
Population Foundation of
Vote of
address
thanks
Prof.
11
11.15 to 1.15 p.m.
K.N.M. Raju
Population Research Centre
Sekher
P.H.
India, New Delhi
Rayappa
to 11.15 am______ Tea
Sess ion
II
Training Programme for Volunteers & G.P. Members
Cha i rman
Dr G V Nagaraj
Additional Director
Health & Family Welfare Services, GOK.
Presentat i ons by
Dr T V Sekher
I .S.E.C. , BangaI ore
Sri C V i jayakumar
Project Officer, MYRADA (Holalkere)
Sri Yenjeerappa
Training Officer, MYRADA
Sri Doraiswamy
Programme Coordinator, GRAMA
Sri K.G. Hol laj i r
Project Officer, MYRADA (Challakere)
D i scuss i ons:
1.15 to2.00 p.m.
Lunch
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Panchayaff Raj: An Overview
After the independence. Community Development Programme was started in 1952 AD. But
because it was not attaclicu wrtn tnc people, tiieieioi’e it couiuit t prove to be a success story.
People took it as a burden put on them by the government. A team, under the leadership of
Balwanrrai Mehta tried to find out the cause for the failure of this programme and came up with
the inference that there should be an organisation at village level, which would select the true
beneficiaries and implement various government programmes and schemes.
This organisation would act as the representative of all the villagers and should ensure the
development of the village as well as participation ot villagers. In tins way Balwantrai Mehta
tried to achieve local self-government though Pane ha vats (the organisation). This concept of local
self-government was the right step towards decentralized democracy. In this precess, the State of
Rajasthan for the first time adopted the three leveled structure of Panchayati Raj — Village Level,
Interne diate I evel and District I evel.
Tn 1977 AD. Ashok Mehta Committee was set up to review the working of Panchayats. The
COiiiiiiiucc lOuiiu Out tuett r cbiviidVcui Raj i.S the SOUi Oi uci'ilOCi’acy emu tiiCiciOic It SiiOUiu be
empowered with more authority. Those Panchavats which formed after 1977 AD. are known as
Second Generation Panchayats. In West Bengal, the Panchayats became more effective after
accepting the suggestions made in this report
During the decade of 1990. it was realized that without constitutional power, the seif-govemment
can t Be fruitful, thereiore the Central Government passed the 73* Constitutional Amendment
.Act in 1992, which became effective from 20^ April 1993 (from the date of publication in the
Gazette of India).
Basie Concepts of Panchayati Raj
own socio-economic interests. Thus Panchavati Rai Act is related to village self-covemance
where the people in the form of an organisation will think, decide and act for their collective
interest. Self-government allows us to decide about ourselves without hampering others interest.
Whenever we talk about collective benefit one point is clear that there is no conflict between the
villagers' collective interest on one side and societal and national interest on the other, rather they
are- complementary'. Where the Panchayats end their activities the state govt, takes them up. The
s.aic gov’t, jylay s their major roles.
m *T'zv £111300*1 iTe
Lzotozylat .-o rc
• To co-ordinaic the village Panchayats
9 To ensure the implementation of this system.
Besides these, once the democratic institution in the villages and towns becomes strong, the
pcopic s representatives can express the problems of their constituency' in a better way. This will
help in policy determination for national interest. This plan for ‘Swaraj’ (Self-government) can’t
be fulfilled only’ by making a new law. For the success of self-government self reliance is must.
The self-reliance means: every’ village must produce according io its capacity and try to increase
its capacity, which can be achieved in following ways:
Ta.
*1
. .... .
niK'.’t: wiMuvws i t-ivirrancnayau Raj Legislative name wore, mm
4/1/04
» By identifying economic and human resources of the Panchayat area.
• By making decision for utilizing these resources,
• By formulating plans,
• Bv implementing plans.
* By evaluating plans.
Thus we find that self-governance is a concept which is the base for success of democracy. And
Tile 73rc Constitutional Amendment Act was passed in 1992 but became effective from 20l
April, 1993 after being published in the Gazette of India. This was included as Part IX of the
of the Constitution.
t hree Leveled System;
The Legislature of a state may, by law, make provisions for three leveled system-village level.
intermediate level and district level.
Election;
The representatives are elected for 5 years by the electorate of a Panchayat area.
Kcscrvstion of Scntsi
Some seats in the Panchayat shall be reserved tor the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
The number of reserved seats for Schedules Castes and Scheduled Tribes will be proportionate to
the ration of population of SCs and STs to Total Population of the Panchayat'ar ea.
Responsibility:
Panchayats have two main responsibilities
a. To plan for economic development and social justice.
b. To implement these plans.
Powers and Authorities:
The legislature of the State may authorize a Panchayat to levy, collect and appropriate taxes, tolls
and fees. It may also provide the Panchayat for making grants-in-aid to form the Consolidated
Fund of the State. These funds can be used for implementing the plans.
file://C:\WINDOWS\TEMP'\Panehayati Raj Legislative Framework.htm
4/1/04
Constitution of Finance Commission:
Finance Commission has to be constituted in every state to review the financial position of the
Panchayats.
Panchayat and environment:
in the Schedule IX
Alth ueh the 73Iu Amendm:
2. Land improvement, implementation of land reforms, lands consolidation and soil
Minor irrigation, water management and watershed development.
Social forestry and farm forestry.
Smail scale industries including food-nrocessing industries.
8. Rural housing.
9. Drinkini
Non-conventional encr°v sources.
Health and sanitation, including hospitals, primary health centers and dispensaries.
m Panchay
Burins
R:
r,f 1 99f)
or Panchayati Raj couldn’t be fruitful; therefore rhe Central Government passed the 73!
concept of Panchyati Raj is that the villagers should think, decide and act for their own socio-
an organisation will think,, decide and act for their collective interests.
For integrared rural development decentralization of power and resources to Panchayati Raj
itions (PRTs) is an csscnti
ctive role through drawing local people's participation tn sustainable harvesting and
tagement of local resources. If financial and technical assistance is provided to them, thev will
certainly take positive initiatives in solving local environmental problems. Agriculture, lana
improvement, forestry, tree planting, animal husbandry, village and conage industries, drinking
concern of the village Panchayats.
uC’vciOpHiCfit COiiSldciatlOii
(economic, political, technological.
providing insight into environmental problems and to promote enviromnental consciousness
'jovernment ol India, has set up E:
Centre on Panchaynii Raj anti Environment al Indian
nie:/7C:\wiNDOWS\iEMP\Panchayati Raj Legislative Framework.htm
4/1''04
rIVES:
• To develop facilities for collection, compilation and dissemination of information related
•to environment and rural development to the Panchayats.
>p networking of Panchayati Raj Institutions and work as connecting link bctwccj
ivliiilSil v c’u'iu r ctilCiiavctiS.
* To provide rcsuioi" input to PancliaVat about latest nappenm^s in ilio field of cnvironmcni
through Newsletter, other resource material and training programmes.
to conduct training programmes on various crucial issues of environment and related areas
TFS publish a quarterly newsletter named "Panchayat" to disseminate various environmental
ilcVVS. gOVciiiiiiCin SCiiclilCS diiu Otlicl’ ifiiv) mat1011 USCiul iOT cilipOWcl’iiicllt Oi PailChayatS 211(1
gyags root people Besides, tlie Centre 112s published resource 1n2.teri2.ls for environmental
and booklets are widely distributed among user groups, The Centre also provides useful
information about various publications and resource materials on Panchayati P,ai and
Environment as well as about organizations involved with Panchayats. The Centre is also
compiling Success Stories in this context from various parts of the country.
* State Legislations that may be made shall be in consonance with the customary law, social
and religious practices and traditional management practices of community resources.
• Every village shall have a Gram Sabha, which shall be competent to safeguard and preserve
the traditions and customs of the people, and shall be vested with the powers to approve the
programmes and projects for social and economic development as also identification of
beneficiaries under such programmes.
® Panchayats at the appropriate levels shall be endowed with ownership of minor forest
o The Gram Sabha or the Panchayat at the appropriate level shall be consulted for granting
prospecting licences or mining lease for minor minerals and their prior recommendation
obtained for acquisition of land in the Scheduled Areas for development projects or for
resettlement ol project allecled members ol the Scheduled Tribes.
♦ Panchayats at the appropriate level and the Gram Sabha shall have the power to prey ent
nle:'/C:\V^iNDOWS\TEMP\Panchayaii Raj Legislative Framework-hrm
4/1/04
land of a Scheduled 1'ribe, nave powers to regulate money lending io the members of the
restrict sale and consumption of any intoxicant.
hate Legislations snail endow the Panchayais at the appropriate ieveis with specific powers
nd provide safeguards to prevent Panchayais at the higher level from assuming the powers
Scheduled Iribes.
• i he reservation of seats at every' Panchayat for the Scheduled Tribes-shall not be less than
one-half of the total number of seats.
Source: Gramin Vikas. A monthly journal of ministry of rural areas and employment.
government oi India. January 1997, Vol. 13 No. 1, p. 7
file: ■•■'C:\WindOWS'' TEMP\Panehayati Raj Legislative Frainework.htm
4/1/04
poc- 3.
DECENTRALISATION AND POLITICAL POWER:
A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF
REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION IN
THE PANCHAYATS OF ORISSA
Research Proposal Submitted to
Mysore University, Mysore
for registration of the
Degree of Ph.D. in Sociology
By
Pratyusna Patnaik
Doctoral Fellow, Sociology Unit
Under the Supervision of
' Dr. Anand Inbanathan
Associate Professor, Sociology Unit
INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE
Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao Avenue, Nagarbhavi Post, Bangalore-560 072
Decentralisation and Political Power: A Sociological Study of
Representation and Participation in the Panchayats of Orissa
Pratyusna Patnaik
I. Introduction
Democracy, though practised differently in different countries, has a few essential
characteristics, one of which entails the participation of the citizens in government.
However, this participation may not involve the people in anything more than a periodic
voting for representatives. This represents a minimum sharing of power (Arblaster, 1999).
In a country' like India, with its heterogeneity in terms of culture, religion and region and a
vast population, it is not possible for everyone to participate directly in the process of
decision-making. Thus, there arises the need for decentralisation in governance. People
choose a few representatives who make decisions for them and are accountable for those
decisions. Hence, democracy derives its rationale by ensuring people's participation in the
political system and creates space for transparency and accountability.
A political system that involves decentralisation of power functions in a way that
the local affairs of the people are managed by themselves, with their active participation.
The Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences defines decentralisation as 'the transference of
authority, legislative, judicial or administrative, from a higher level of government to a
lower level'. In essence, decentralisation is a process of transferring responsibilities and
resources from the decision-making top towards intermediate and/or base level. Whatever
may be its peculiarities, every act of decentralisation implies a circulation and
redistribution of power. According to Smith (1985: 1), 'the phenomenon of
decentralisation is a political issue, which moves around the territorial distribution of
power. It is concerned with the extent to which power and authority are dispersed through
the geographical hierarchy of the state, and the institutions and processes through which
such dispersal occurs'.
Decentralisation, as it is conceived now, is somewhat different from what it was in
the late 1950s and early 1960s. Today when we speak of decentralisation, it does not
merely mean a system of governance through formal local institutions; rather it is a legal
transfer of power from state to the people at grass-root level to enable them to actively
participate in the process of decision-making that affects their development and progress.
In recent years it has been seen as a means of, first, improving the planning and
development of national development process - especially those concerned with rural
development; and secondly, facilitating effective popular participation in the process of
development in a more profound way than envisaged in the earlier decentralisation
programme (Bhargava and Samal, 2001: 7).
Rondinelli, et al. (1984: 13 - 32) identify four dimensions of decentralisation,
namely a) deconcentration, b) delegation, c) devolution and d) privatisation. Unlike
deconcentration and delegation, where the central government retains its supremacy,
devolution makes the local government autonomous by giving it legal status and keeping
its activities outside the direct control of central government. Meenakshisundaram (1994: .
12) thus, treats decentralisation as devolution of power resulting from the creation of
bodies separated by law from the national centre in which the local representatives are
given formal power to decide on a range of public matters.
The first manifestation of institutions of decentralisation in India was in 1959,
when a three tier Panchayati Raj system (as a form of rural local self-government) was
established in Rajasthan following the recommendations of the Balwantrai Mehta
Committee (1957). Since then, during the last four decades of planned economic
development, though decentralisation has been an accepted principle in the formulation
and implementation of policies, plans and programmes; in practice, it has never been so
(Bhargava and Samal, 2001: 8). Instead of devolving power to Panchayati Raj Institutions
for decision-making and development, the emphasis has always been on administrative
deconcentration. But the enactment of 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts
(1992) has furthered democratic decentralisation in India by devolving power to the
people and giving constitutional status to Panchayati Raj Institutions and other bodies of
local governance.
While Article 243G of the Constitution empowers the State Legislatures to endow
the Panchayats with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to
function as institutions of self-government, the provision of reservation for Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women (Article 243D) has given an opportunity to the
hitherto neglected sections of society to raise their voice and, in turn, be a part of the
decision making process. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, provides for the
reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their
population in all the three tiers of Panchayati Raj Institutions. Some state have also made
provisions for backward classes, which has been left to the discretion of states and not
provided for in the 73rd Amendment Act. Not less than one-third of the total number of
members has also been reserved for women and these may be allowed by rotation to
different constituencies in a Panchayat. The Provision has also been made for the
reservation of seats for women belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
IL Democratic Decentralisation in Orissa
Orissa had a three-tier structure of rural local self-government, even prior to independence
where the District Boards stood as the apex body of rural local government at the district
level, with Taluka Boards at the taluka level and Union Boards at the village level. Soon
after independence, the Orissa government passed the Orissa Grama Panchayat Act, 1948,
to establish and develop rural local self-government in the village communities of Orissa
and to make better provisions for their administration. The Grama Panchayats at the
village level combined with the already existing District Boards and Taluka Boards
formed the structure of rural local self-government in Orissa (Deb, 1985: 250; Rath, 1985:
285).
In 1961, Panchayat Samitis and Zilla Parishads were established at the Block and
District level according to the provisions of the Orissa Panchayati Samiti and Zilla
Parishad Act, 1959. Thus, with already existing Gram Panchayats, there emerged a threetier Panchayati Raj structure in Orissa. In the year 1964 that a new Act, i.e. Orissa Grama
Panchayat Act, 1964 (Orissa Act I of 1965) was passed consolidating all the laws relating
to Grama Panchayats in Orissa, which replaced the Orissa Grama Panchayat Act, 1948.
But again in 1968, the Zilla Parishads were abolished by the SwatantraParty-led coalition
government of Orissa (Mishra, 1998: 21).
2
In an attempt to reform the Panchayati Raj system the Orissa government in 1991
passed three important Acts, namely, the Orissa Grama Panchayat (Amendment) Act,
1991; the Orissa Panchayat Samiti (Amendment) Act, 1991 and the Orissa Zilla Parishad
Act, 1991. The enactment of these three Acts were landmarks in the history of Panchayati
Raj in Orissa. With many radical provisions, the new Acts of 1991 ushered in a new era
for the Panchayati Raj Institutions and entrusted them with powers to bring about rural
development through people’s participation and cooperation (Samal and Bhargava, 1999:
149-50).
Unlike the old Acts of 1959 and 1964, the amended Acts of 1991 had made
elaborate provisions for the reservation of seats for the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes and Backward Class Citizens (BCCs) in the Panchayats at all levels, on the basis of
their population. Further, the reservation of one-third of the seats for women (including
those belonging to SC/ST/BCC groups) in the Panchayati Raj Institutions at all levels on a
rotation basis was a revolutionary step. In comparison to the Constitution 73 Amendment
Act, 1992 the Orissa government had not only reserved one-third of the seats for women,
but also had gone a few steps ahead in reserving the post of vice-chair person for women
in the Panchayats at all levels, if the elected chair person was not a woman. (Bhargava and
Samal, 1998; Jena, 1995: 163; 2000: 231 and Mishra, 1998: 22-3).
Since 1991, the Orissa Panchayati Raj Acts have been amended several times. First
was in 1993, when the Governor of Orissa on 15th. January 1993, promulgated an
ordinance i.e., Orissa Panchayat Acts (Amendment) Ordinance, 1993 to amend the old
Acts of 1991. Thus, three new Acts, Orissa Gram Panchayat (Amendment) Act, 1993;
Orissa Panchayat Samiti (Amendment) Act, 1993 and Orissa Zilla Parishad (Amendment)
Act, 1993 came into force. Again in 1994, to bring it into conformity with the 73rd.
Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992; the state government passed three new
(Amendment) Acts i.e. Orissa Gram Panchayat (Amendment) Act, 1994; Orissa Panchayat
Samiti (Amendment) Act, 1994 and Orissa Zilla Parishad (Amendment) Act, 1994; which
came into force from April 1994.
III.
Representation
Representation is commonly taken to mean ‘a relation between two persons, tire
representative and the represented or constituent, with the representative holding the
authority to' perform various actions that incorporate the agreements of the represented’
(Grazia, 1968: 461).
The role of representation is multi faceted. Often, it is explained as broadly as the
range of expectations that people possess in regard to government and hence in regard to
public officials and leaders. Edmund Burke considered the role of representative as ‘one
who ought to respect his constituents’ opinions, who ought to prefer their interest above
his own, but who ought not to sacrifice his unbiased opinion in deciding for the good of
the whole nation’ (cited in Rao, 1998: 30). Taken in this sense, representatives can be
considered as ‘trustees’, who can act according to their free judgement for the good of the
whole nation.
The idea of representatives as trustees has been further elaborated by scholars like
Whalke et al (1962) who distinguish between three typical styles of representation, i.e.
‘delegates’, ‘trustees’ and ‘politicos’. The delegate role is based on the assumption that.
representatives should not use their independent judgement or convictions as criteria of
decision making. Further on the delegate theory of representation, McCrone and Kuklinski
(1979) show that this form of representation takes place only when two conditions are
fulfilled simultaneously. First, the representative must feel oblieged to respond to
constituents’ preference; secondly, constituents must instruct their representatives in a
clear fashion, so that the representatives can act in accordance with constituency opinion.
The trustee role finds expression in two major conceptions: a moralistic conception, in
which the representative is a free agent and follows what he considers right or just; and a
rational conception according to which the representative follows his own judgement
based on an assessment of facts and on his understanding of the problems involved.
Finally, the politico as a representational role type is disposed to both trustee and delegate
roles in various ways, in that he is more sensitive to conflicting alternatives in role
assumptions, and is more flexible in adopting a style that is suited to his decision making.
Representation should then be seen as a continuum of styles, with the trustee and delegate
orientations as poles, and a mid point where the orientations tend to overlap and within a
range give rise to a politico role (Rao, 1998: 31).
Sartori (1968: 465) discusses representation in terms of three quite different
meanings of the term: first, ‘the idea of mandate or instructions’; second, ‘the idea of
representativeness’, that is, resemblance and similarity; third, ‘the idea of responsibility or
accountability’. The idea of mandate is derived from private law and belongs to the
context of juristic representation. In the juristic meaning, a representative is often spoken
of as a delegate or having been given a mandate. Thus, a representative acting for others
by virtue of a contract or mandate between them is engaged in juristic representation. The
idea of resemblance is derived from a sociological or existential context according to
which representation is basically a fact of likeness that transcends all voluntary selection
and even awareness. In the sociological sense, to say that somebody is ‘representative of
means that he impersonates certain existential features of the group, class, or vocation
from which he is drawn. Here, a person is deemed representative because personal
attributes - religion, race, social status, education or communal membership - are typical
of a group. The idea of responsibility or accountability is treated as political
representation, which is closely connected with sociological representation on the one
hand and with juristic representation on the other, and additionally has a procedural
character, involving the acceptance of a general responsibility for the interests of.a group.
A person’s claim to be a representative depends upon what he represents. Viewed
from this point, one can find four different entities that are to be represented: identities,
beliefs, constituencies and interest (Squires, 1999: 178). Accordingly, which of these one
chooses to prioratise, one will advocate social, ideological, geographic or functional
representation respectively. The social axis involves representatives reflecting the social
composition of the electorate in terms of presence as secured by quotas, policies or
reserved places. On this model, representation occurs when the legislature includes the
same proportion of each relevant subgroups as the population from which it is drawn. The
ideological axis involves collective representation via parties. This is ‘representation from
above’ in, that there is a highly centralised, party-led decision making structure. The
geographic axis involves district-based delegates. Here, representatives are to act in ways
consistent with the opinions of citizens from areas which elects them. This is
‘representation from below’ with low levels of party discipline and minimum ideological
manifestos. The functional axis of representation involves representatives acting as
4
spokespeople for interest groups and new social movements. On this model,
representatives respond not primarily to party or constituents but to pressure from
organised interests (Norris and Michael, 1997; Squires, 1999).
Representation is a concept of social interest largely in the context of power
relations among leaders or representatives and their followers or constituents. Mansbridge
(2000) distinguishes between four types of representation, i.e. representation by
promising, anticipatory representation, introspective representation and surrogate
representation; and locates the first two of these in the context of power relations.
Representation by promising entails that the representative should be bound to
further the interests of the constituent. In this traditional model of representation, the
representative promises to follow the constituents’ instructions and act to further their
interests. Representation by promising, thus, uses a forward-looking concept of power,
where the power relation from constituent to representative runs forward in linear fashion.
This typology of representation corresponds with Dahl’s and Weber’s conceptualisation of
power, where power is visualised in terms of some future action by those upon whom one
exercises power.
In anticipatory representation the constituent looks back to the past behaviour of a
representative in deciding how to vote in the next election. Here, the power relation works
not forward but backward through anticipated reactions. This kind of formulation of
representation can be found in Bachrach and Baratz’s (1963) and Lukes’ (1974)
conception of power. In a power relation between A and B, B complies with A’s wishes,
because by doing so he will not be deprived of a value or values, which he regards more
highly than those which would have been achieved by non-compliance.
Thus, representation can be seen in different senses. First, it could be just the
articulation of the views of the people of the representative’s constituency. Second, it
could be a reflection of the views of the people of the constituency but influenced by the
representative’s own judgement. Third, it could be entirely the judgement of the
representative without any relation to what the people of the constituency think or expect
from the representatives.
IV.
The Concept of Power
Early political philosophers, trying to explain the bonds of social order that unite men into
cohesive organisations, relied on the concept of power and the manifestation of power.
Thus, Thomas Hobbes, wrote in Leviathan that “during the time men live without a
common power to hold them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called warre, as
is of every man, against every man” (cited in Olsen, 1970: x). Few problems in sociology
are more perplexing than the problem of social power. As an aspect of social relationship,
it confers certain privileges to some and denies it to others. Though different scholars
define it differently, yet, the central question lies in who holds the power and upon whom
it is held. An individual or group does not hold power in isolation, they hold it in relation
to others.
Dahl’s (1957) definition of power implies that (individual) A has power over
(individual) B to the extent that A can get B to do something which B would not otherwise
do. This is the most frequently cited definition of the concept, which embodies a specific
view of the nature of power, the social location of power, and the effects of exercise of
power. According to this view power is defined entirely in terms of its effect and can be
any kind of capacity which produces these effects. Secondly, power is an attribute of
individuals and is exercised in their relationship with other individuals. Finally, by
attributing it only to individuals and identifying it as that which secures compliance,
power is equated with domination or ‘power over’, and the effects of its exercise become,
almost by definition, exploitative and unproductive (Barnes, 1993: 198).
Dowding (1996) distinguishes between two concepts of power: ‘power to’ and
‘power over’. It doesn’t make much sense to say ‘actor A has power’; we have to say what
‘actor A’ has the power to do. ‘Power to’ can therefore be thought of as the most basic use
of power. Many writers, on the other hand, see the power of one actor over another as the
important use of power. ‘Power over’ implies ‘power to’, for A will have power over B to
make B do x. ‘Power to’ and ‘power over’ may be described as ‘outcome power’ and
‘social power’ respectively. Thus, ‘power to’ implies ability of an actor to bring about
outcomes and ‘power over’ implies the ability of an actor to change the incentive structure
of another actor to bring about an outcome and it necessarily involves a social relation
between at least two actors.
Dowding’s view can be complemented by that of Olsen (1970), who analysed
power in terms of consequence or cause of any organised social activity. On the one hand,
power does not exist until social actors begin relating to one another in some manner. It is
created through social interactions and relationships, as an outgrowth of social orderings.
Organised power exertions, thus, enable actors to perform collective activity and achieve
common goals. On the other hand, power is also a major factor contributing to the creation
and perpetuation of social organisations. Social relationships and patterns of social order
are often established as a direct or indirect result of power being exerted on actors.
Power is also distinguished often in terms of coercion and authority. Coercion is
that form of power which is not regarded as legitimate by those subject to it. On the
contrary, authority is that form of power which is accepted as legitimate, that is right and
just; and therefore obeyed on that basis. While Max Weber was much closer to the former
in his definition of power, Talcott Parsons' view was closer to that of the latter.
In Weber’s definition, power is regarded as ‘the chance of a man or a number of
men to realise their own will in a communal action against the resistance of others who are
participating in the action’ (Giddens, in Cassell, 1993: 217). Such a definition tends to lead
to a conception of power relations as inevitably involving incompatible and competing
interests, since what is stressed is the capacity of a party to realise its own aims, and the
criterion for gauging the ‘amount’ of power is the resistance which can be overcome.
Weber’s definition of power implies that those who hold power do so at the
expense of others. It suggests there is a fixed amount of power and, therefore, if some hold
power, others do not. This view is sometimes known as ‘constant-sum’ concept of power.
Since the amount of power is constant, power is held by an individual or group to the
extent that it is not held by others. Weber’s definition also implies that power holders will
tend to use power to further their own interests. Viewed in this sense, power is used to
further the sectional interest of power holders, which are in conflict with the interest of
6
those subject to that power. Power is, thus, used mainly for exploitation and oppression of
some by others.
Weber’s analysis of power is further manifested in his typology of authority, i.e.
legal-rational, traditional and charismatic. In practice, these three types can coexist in any
situation, but it is likely that one or the other will dominate. These three types of authority
are not power in itself; rather they are the basis from which power can be derived. In the
case of legal-rational authority, obedience is owed to the legally established impersonal
order. In the case of traditional authority, obedience is owed to the person who occupies
the traditionally sanctioned position and is bound by tradition. In the case of charismatic
authority, it is the charismatically qualified leader as such, who is obeyed by virtue of
personal trust in him and his revelation, his heroism or his exemplary qualities so far as
they fall within the scope of the individuals belief in his charisma (Weber, 1947 in Olsen,
1970: 35-39).
The major difference between these three types of authority is that while in the
case of charismatic and traditional authority, power is derived from personal qualities and
tradition respectively; in legal-rational type, the power comes from the legally established
impersonal positions of the power holder. In this case a person holds power only because
he is in that position and his power stems from that position. Here power is supported by a
legal base and those who violate power are punished by law.
In contrast to Weber’s and Mills’ (1956) conception of power, where power is
regarded as a scarce resource and mutually exclusive objectives to the extent that one
party enjoys power at the cost of the other, Parsons’ view of power can be treated as a
‘non-zero sum game’ where in the power relation, both sides may gain.
Power, Parsons proposed, can be seen as being ‘generated’ by a social system,
much in the same way as wealth is generated in the productive organisation of an
economy. The parallels which Parsons draws between the two are based on the
supposition that each has a similar role in two of the four ‘functional sub-systems’ of
society, which Parsons had distinguished in his previous work1. Power has a parallel
function in the polity (goal-attainment sub-system) to that of money in the economy
(adaptive sub-system). Power is conceived by Parsons as a ‘circulating medium’ in the
same sense, ‘generated’ within the political sub-system as money is generated in the
economy, and also forming an ‘output’ in to the three other functional subsystems of
society. Power is defined, therefore, as ‘generalised capacity to serve the performance of
binding obligations by units in a system of collective organisation when the obligations are
legitimised with reference to their bearing on collective goals’ (Parsons, 1963). By
‘binding obligations’ Parsons means the conditions to which those in power and those
upon whom power is exercised, are subject through the legitimation which allows them
that power; all power involves a certain ‘mandate’, which may be more or less extensive,
which gives power holders certain rights and imposes on them certain obligations towards
those who are subject to their power (Giddens, 1993; cited in Philip Cassell, 1993).
Power is thus, for Parsons, directly derivative of authority; authority is
institutionalised legitimation which underlies power, and is defined as ‘the
institutionalisation of the right of the leaders to expect support from the members of the
collectivity’ (Parsons, 1960). By speaking of binding obligations Parsons deliberately
7
brings legitimation into the very definition of power, so that, for him, there is no such
thing as ‘illegitimate power’. As Parsons expresses it ‘the threat of coercive measures, or
of compulsion, without legitimation or justification, should not properly be called the use
of power at all, but is the limiting case where power, losing its symbolic character, merges
into an intrinsic instrumentality of securing compliance with wishes, rather than
obligations’ (1963: 232 - 62). In line with his general approach Parsons stresses the use of
power as one among several different ways in which one party may secure the compliance
of another to a desired course of action. The other way of obtaining compliance should not
be regarded as forms of power; rather it is the case that the use of power is one among
several ways of ensuring that a party produces a desired response. Parsons argues that the
possession and use of power should not be identified with the use of force. In Parsons'
view, force must be seen as only one means among several modes of obtaining
compliance. Force tends to be used in stable political systems only as a last resort when
other sanctions have proved ineffective.
The power position of an individual group which has constant resource to the use
of force to secure compliance to its commands is usually weak and insecure. Far from
being an index of power held by a party, the amount of open force used is an indication of
a shallow and unstable power base. A party may wield considerable power while at the
same time having few coercive sanctions with which to enforce its commands if they are
questioned by subordinates. And this is possible if the power-holding party enjoys a broad
mandate to take authoritative decisions, i.e. if those over whom the power is exercised
agree to subject themselves to that power.
According to Parsons, the use of power frequently represents a facility for the
achievement of objectives, which both sides in a power relation desire. In this sense, it is
clear that a creation of a power system does not necessarily entail a coercive subordination
of the wishes or interests of one party to those of another. Nor is the use of power
inevitably correlated with ‘oppression’ or ‘exploitation’.
As Parsons recognises, this kind of power is necessarily legitimate, and so he
makes legitimacy part of his very definition of power. Parsons thus, rejects the frequently
held conception that authority is a ‘form’ of power or is ‘legitimate power’. To regard
authority as a type of power leads to a neglect of its principal characteristic; namely that, it
concerns the rights of a party to make binding prescriptions. Authority refers to the
legitimate position of an individual or group, and is therefore properly regarded as a basis
of power. It is for Parsons the only basis for power, rather than a kind of power (Giddens,
in Cassell, 1993).
The present research while aiming to study the use and exercise of power in the
rural social structure in the context of Panchayats, apprehends that those who enjoy legal
political authority may not always be in a position to exercise power in a real sense of the
term due to the interplay of several factors. The political authority gained through
elections to rural institutions of governance, and social and/or economic power acquired
through one's position in the caste hierarchy or through accession of landholding, i.e.
control over certain resources may go in different directions. Even though the different
representatives have equal political authority in the Panchayats, they may not enjoy equal
power, in the functioning of the Panchayats. Thus, authority and power need to be
examined as separate attributes. It might often happen that people without having any
8
formal political authority may influence the working of the Panchayats because of their
control over other sources of power. Thus, power may be conceptualised as the ability of
individuals or groups to influence the decision making process in the Panchayats and get
the desired outcomes. The outcome may affect the interests of different people, or it may
benefit the powerful individual himself.
V.
Social Structure and Power
Several studies have indicated the patterns of power relations in the rural social structure
and their inter-relations with other socio-economic and political processes. Caste structure
and the pattern of land distribution have been important sources of power in rural
societies. In many Indian villages a particular caste possesses much of the major power
resources, such as, high prestige, high ritual status, most of the land and other economic
assets. A caste enjoying all or most of these elements has a decisive dominance (Srinivas,
1955; Pathy, 1999; Mitra, 1980).
In rural Orissa, certain castes namely, Brahtnana, Karana and Khandayat, the
ritually higher castes in the social structure, hold most of the sources of power mentioned
above and thus, occupy dominant positions. Apart from their higher status in the caste
hierarchy, certain other factors, such as outside political linkages, possession of maximum
amount of land in the village and access to western education and government services
have enhanced their power in socio-economic and political spheres of the village (Pathy,
1999; Mitra, 1980). Often, traditional obligations and primordial ties including owner
tenant relations and creditor-debtor relations, Pathy adds, are extended for political
mobilisation by these dominant castes.
There has been an emphasis in sociological literature on the analysis of ‘group
dominance’ or ‘caste dominance’. Srinivas (1955) while conceptualising ‘dominant caste’,
states that among other factors, namely, numerical strength, western education and modem
occupations, etc; a relatively higher position in the caste hierarchy and land ownership are
crucial factors for caste dominance. Certain other scholars, however, opine that there can
also be alternate situations of dominance. Distribution of power and dominance have also
been located either in individuals/families (Dube, 1968), or in different levels of
leadership coming from different caste groups (Oommen, 1970a). In contrast to single
caste dominance, Oommen (ibid.) suggested that there was dominance by multiple caste
groups or different levels of leadership in a multi caste village. Dube’s (1968) view was
that it is the individuals/families who are dominant in the village and not the caste. This is
precisely because, pronounced inequalities of wealth, prestige and power are found
between the members of a dominant caste, and the dominant individuals of such a caste
also often exploit non-dominant members of their own caste as well as members of other
‘non-dominant castes’.
The basis of power in rural societies has shifted from the social sphere (one's
position in the caste hierarchy) over a period of time owing to control over land, expansion
of commodity production and the agrarian market, outside political linkage and acquisition
of political power.. Brahmins were the elite groups in the colonial period owing to their
higher ritual status and access over education, landed property and public services.
However, during the post-colonial period, non-Brahmin land owning castes emerged as
dominant groups in several parts of the country. The emergence of these castes as
dominant land owning castes enabled them to exercise power in the countryside
9
(Satyanarayana, 1998; Beteille, 1991). Beteille's study of a Tanjore village in Tamil Nadu
shows that these newly emerged non-brahmin castes owed much of their power to
connections with influential non-brahmin castes outside the village (1991: 344).
The transfer of power from traditional elites to a newly emerged middle class has
also been depicted by Bailey (1957: 184) from his study of rural Orissa. Land occupancy,
contacts with outside political parties and sanskritisation, through which these emerging
middle classes achieved high status in the social structure, have played a vital role in
enhancing their dominance upon the rest of the castes in the village.
VI.
Power in Panchayats
The introduction of local governments, such as, Panchayati Raj Institutions has made the
power structure more dynamic in rural societies. While on the oneliand it has enabled the
rural elite to retain their power and authority by entering into these institutions; it has also
created opportunities for backward sections of the society to acquire formal positions of
power and exercise authority. Satyanarayana (1998) from a study of the formation of rural
elites in rural Andhra during the first two decades after post-independence (i.e. 1947 - 67)
observed that with the introduction of Panchayati Raj and rural Co-operative Societies, the
rural rich could really become politically powerful. Besides their numerical strength,
landed property and social status, the acquisition of political power reinforced the power
and authority of the dominant peasant castes in the countryside. The Panchayats have been
an instrument of the most powerful group in the village. His study showed that kammas
and reddys, the dominant castes in rural Andhra controlled the rural institutions of power
in coastal Andhra and Rayalseema respectively.
While examining the village leadership, Satyanarayana mentioned that the upper
caste peasantry, such as kammas and reddles, monopolized the positions of power in
various local institutions. Though other castes have been represented in the Panchayats,
the decision-makers are the kammas and all others just obey their decision without any
sign of protest. Although the backward castes and Scheduled Castes were in a majority in
the countryside, they did not have any effective participation or say in decision-making. A
similar observation has also been made by Mishra (1979) in his study of a Gram
Panchayat in Bihar. The traditional dominant castes had a prominent role in the
functioning of the Panchayats.
The early of Panchayati Raj Institutions were dominated by members of the higher
castes and the ‘dominant castes’, due to their supremacy in the social and economic
spheres (Satyanarayana, 1998; Mishra, 1979; Narayana, 1998). However, the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, with its provisions for the reservation of seats for
weaker sections of society has created space for them in the Panchayati Raj Institutions.
Reservation in the Panchayati Raj Institutions through 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act
has provided for empowerment of weaker sections and women, who had hitherto not been
adequately represented in local councils. The local depressed groups have a better chance
of organising themselves in Panchayati Raj elections because of reservations (Narayana,
1998; Aziz et al, 1996). From a study of Mandal Panchayats in Kolar and Mysore districts
of Karnataka, Aziz et al. found that 25.5 percent of women and 36.2 percent of members
of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have entered the local government (1996: 151).
10
Though reservation has been an instrument for greater representation and
empowerment of disadvantaged groups, the study by Narain and Sharma (1998) shows
that people's opinion regarding such a step is not positive. Three reasons are mainly put
forwarded for not supporting the reservation policy: it limits the chances of competent
candidates; it creates socio-political difficulties in functioning and the leadership lacks
education, competence and experience. It was found that the upper castes and classes (in
economic-political sense) did not find such a step of empowering weaker sections by
giving reservations in the Panchayati Raj Institutions as a challenge to their power, which
they are enjoying for a long time.
In the context of rural political institutions, the reservation policy has made it
possible for a number of people, who otherwise would not have been elected members, to
play a significant role in the democratic process. However, Pasayat and Barik (1998)„
observe that in rural Orissa, the representatives of the disadvantaged groups in the Gram
Panchayats have remained subordinate to the dominant caste members. In another state,
Karnataka, Inbanathan (2000), states that being representatives in the Panchayats and
actually participating in the Panchayat activities are separate things and may not be always
seen together. According to him, reservation of seats besides providing representation of
weaker sections in Panchayati Raj Institutions also facilitates the further dominance of
local elites in the functioning of panchayats. Two structures of power are, thus, found
within the panchayats. One is the formal structure, related to institutionalised positions and
the authority and functions that are clearly established. The other is the informal power
structure, which refers to the ability of individuals or groups to exert any influence by
virtue of their personality, access to resources and ability to reward or punish. In this
context, Oommen’s (1970b) distinction between ‘power reservoirs’ and ‘power exerciser’
is useful. He mentions that power elites may not be found in formal positions of power,
but they influence the decision making process. They do not exercise power themselves,
but they control others who exercise power. Thus, power reservoirs are more powerful
than power exercisers.
The reservation provisions in the 1993 Act, often excluded the traditional elites
from contesting elections in panchayats by reserving the seats for certain disadvantaged
sections of society. However, the landlords, Inbanathan (1999) avers, retained their
influence over local politics through a form of indirect dominance over the panchayats by
putting their proxies into the formal positions in the panchayats. Further, analysing the
lower participation of the represented members from women and Scheduled Castes, he
states that low education and lack of political experience have been an obstacle in their
effective participation. However, the reservation has been instrumental in increasing the
social status of the disadvantaged groups to a limited extent.
The reservation of seats for women in the local bodies is intended to provide a sort
of counter ideology to the existing one which has restricted women to their homes, to
carry out household works and to look after the children. It was expected that their
entrance into political institutions would increase their participation, enhance their ability
in the decision-making process and help in empowerment. Panda (1995) from her study of
5 Gram Panchayats in the Ganjam District of Orissa, states that it’s a myth that women
will not participate effectively due to lack of education, ignorance and assetlessness. Her
study was conducted in two phases, first immediately after the Panchayat elections and
11
then after 9 months. It was found that, women's attendance as well as their participation
had increased considerably in the second phase.
However, certain studies reveal that though women's representation in Panchayati
Raj bodies is significant in terms of number, yet their participation in decision-making is
very low. It is often seen that husbands and family members influence the women
representatives in taking decisions. In most cases the women representatives were ignored
and were influenced by male family members. Illiteracy, poverty, lack of awareness and
communication skills, and family responsibilities are the major factors, identified by
scholars, which hinder women's participation in decision-making (Mishra, 1998; Panda,
1999; ISED, 1998).
VII.
The Research Problem
The present research intends to analyse participation of the elected representatives in the
Gram Panchayats and to see how 'power' is shared and exercised in the context of
Panchayats. Special emphasis will also be made to analyse the participation of members of
weaker sections, specifically Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women in the
Panchayats. Even though in principle Indian democracy affirms popular political
participation of all segments of society through universal adult suffrage, certain sections of
society remain neglected. Very often, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few
upper caste and upper class people in the rural societies, the elite (even if, on occasion,
they do not have formal political authority), who are the prime decision makers (Pasayat
and Barik, 1998; Inbanathan, 2000). However, the Seventy Third Constitutional
Amendment Act, 1992 accords women and Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
members, as elected representatives, a status that raises them above their earlier situation
as only women and/or just Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe. Some have also
become Presidents or Vice-Presidents of the Grama Panchayats (Inbanathan, 1999).
Reservation of seats obviously increases their numbers in the Panchayati Raj Institutions,
but whether this provides them with power in rural political institutions remains to be
examined; which the present research attempts to do. The research work will be carried
out in the state of Orissa, where a high proportion of the population belongs to
disadvantaged groups.
VIII.
Objectives
The broad objective of the study is to examine the power relations in the rural social
structure, in the context of Panchayats. The objectives listed below are essentially related,
and there would be some overlap. They are listed separately only to identify the focus of
the study. The specific objectives of the study may be stated as follows:
1.
To examine the relationship between the social structure and power; and the
factors which influence the distribution of power in the Panchayats.
2.
To analyse the political participation of the representatives of disadvantaged
groups, such as SCs, STs and women, who have been elected through
affirmative action;
3.
To examine the influence and power of rural elites and their effect on the
functioning of the Panchayats.
12
IX.
Methodology
The research work for the proposed study will be carried out in Orissa. Four Gram
Panchayats will be selected purposively. The criteria for choosing the Panchayats will be
as follows:
•
That the four Gram Panchayats should have a Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe,
Woman and a general caste president.
•
That all the four Gram Panchayats should fall within one Panchayat Samiti.
•
That the four Gram Panchayats should not be geographically close to each other.
Sources of Data
For the proposed study, data will be collected both from primary and secondary sources.
The secondary sources will include books and journals, etc. The primary data will be
collected from the field study.
Selection of the Respondents
There will be 2 sets of respondents for the proposed study. The first set will include the
office bearers and other elected representatives of the four selected Gram Panchayats. The
second set of respondents will be drawn from the villages of the four selected Gram
Panchayats, keeping in mind that the sample represents almost all sections of society.
Methods and Tools of Collecting Data
A combination of interview method and focused group discussion method will be used for
the study. Primary data from the field will be collected with the help of a structured and a
semi-structured interview schedule. The structured schedule will be used to interview the
members of the Gram Panchayats. The semi - structured interview schedule will be used to
elicit relevant information from the sample drawn from the villages. In addition, focussed
group discussion will be made in different villages to gauge the perceptions of the people
about the functioning of the Panchayats.
Reputational Approach2 will be used for the respondents selected from the villages
of the four Gram Panchayats to identify the elites in the villages. The respondents will be
asked to name the influential persons in their villages, why they are influential and what
are the objective conditions of their high status. After the information from respondents is
collected, few from the list of elites will be selected for the study.
13
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End Notes
' Parsons in 1951 developed the AGIL Model, which represents Adaptation, Goal Attainment,
Integration and Latent Pattern Maintenance, in 'The Social System', Macmillan Publishing Co. Inc,
New York.
‘ In the context of Community Power Structure, Reputational Approach was first used by Hunter
(1953) and Angell (1951). There are several variations of this approach, but irrespective of those
variants, tire respondents are desired to name influential persons in the community. The basic
assumption of this approach is that respondents understand the question well and they are able to
perceive the power structure accurately. The respondents may form a panel of knowledgeable or
they may be selected through a 'snow ball'. They may also be randomly selected from a cross
section of the population. Nominations are secured from the respondents, and then a cut-off point
is decided; and those who obtain a larger number of nominations above the cut-off point, are
considered to be elites (Lal, 1999: 158; Singh, 1973: 15- 19 and Mitra, 1991:397).
17
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tiate the specific measures to be enacted to give a concrete shap
a massive public meeting on October ifr1 in Hyderabad to celebrate the historic
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12/22/03
Page 2 of3
lOesi fo.»x oi iiSies. Sonus, yi iazais a* iu irtessages from 6 few noted leaders. flie event truly captured tire spirit
of peome’s empowerment and was broadcast live by cabie channels in Hyderabad.
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i itaranarn turned into a sea of people who thronged it to witness an
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communicate ideas ano build public opinion on governance reforms. It also provided an opportunity to
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in each state (Karn;
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ious methods or citizen action such as Peonies' Watch,
and special techniques
The recent political funding reform
eacning step in opening up legitimate funding avenues to
vita! pieces of legislation in the history of
constituting Indian Judicial Service and iacilitating independent crime investigation.
in the electoral
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>serveo mat it is imperative to institutionalize and strengthen the National Camoaign for
like-minded
inis oesire for change positively ana ensure that we transform India into a country
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we are seek the same acais and -are united in cur purpose and methods. LOK SATTA is only a platform for
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RF_POL_3_A_SUDHA.pdf
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