WHICH SILK ROUTE THIS
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- WHICH SILK ROUTE THIS
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A situational analysis of child labour
in the sericulture industry in Karnataka, India
SOCHARA
Community Health
Library and Information Centre (CLIC)
Community Health Cell
85/2, 1st Main, Maruthi Nagar,
Madiwala, Bengaluru - 560 068.
Tel 1080-25531518
email: clic@sochara.org I chc@sochara.org
www.sochara.org
Which Silk route this?
A situational analysis of
Child Labour in
the Sericulture Industry
MAYA
Movement for‘Alter natives and Youth Awareness
- a Development and Training Organisation
Summary
This report addresses issues of the growing
incidence of child labour in the sericulture
sector in Channapatna and Ramanagaram
talukas of Bangalore Rural district.
Karnataka - the largest silk producing state
in the country - continues to employ
children in the sericulture industry. The
employment of children, ostensibly to
provide employment to the poor families,
has in fact benefitted only the silk reelers
and filature unit owners and not the families
or the children employed. Further, it has
also been observed that the sericulture
industry acts as an incentive for parents to
send their children to work rather than to
school. The Government, on its part, has
failed to take any definitive action to prevent
children from being employed. On the
contrary, there has been an entrenchment
of child labour in this sector, which includes
designing child-sized reeling machines that
children can work on. More importantly,
the sericulture sector is an example of
gross violation of children’s right to
participation, survival, protection and
development.
Consequently, there is an urgent need to
redefine
our understanding of
‘development’ and highlight the ways in
which social underdevelopment is
sustained.
The development experience in our country reflects the extent to which economic
growth per se does not lead to improvement in the socio-economic conditions of
the people. Processes which speak of improved utilisation of resources and growth
patterns which give a boost to the economy have often led to increased marginalisation
of people, especially children and women, in the long run. A critical area of concern
in this regard should be to draw our attention to the thrust of development policies
and agendas. This should largely reflect people’s attitudes and responses both to an
immediate and a long-term macro-economic perspective and the social implication
Child labour of these policies on their lives. Progress, if viewed from an economic and
exists not
because of
development pathway appropriate to the conditions existing in a given socio
cultural milieu, will ensure a balance between economic development and the
quality of life of people. The political priorities which maintain the social and
poverty of economic order and the development agenda have ignored and pushed the poor,
income but
mainly
because of
and more so their children, to the edge of life.
In this regard, the development of sericulture industry in India is a case in point.
Sericulture is said to provide an excellent opportunity for socio-economic progress
in the context of a developing country like India, due to various reasons. First and
factors such
foremost, sericulture is a highly labour-intensive industry. Excluding moriculture
as
(mulberry cultivation) which is a cottage industry, silkworm rearing itself generates
1.5-4.5 person-years of employment per year per hectare of mulberry garden, under
community
rain-fed and irrigated conditions respectively.’ Sericulture and related activities operate
apathy,
on a relatively low amount of fixed capital making it easily affordable even for
parental economically weaker persons to invest. At the lower end, a fixed capital of less than
negligence,
Rs. 2000 on equipment can enable even a landless poor family to take up silkworm
rearing by leasing a plot of mulberry garden and using the premises of the dwelling
hostile school place itself. Similarly, a poor household needs to invest about Rs. 2500 on a charaka
environment
to take up silk reeling.
Hence, sericulture is often promoted by the Government as a low-cost, high-income
scheme. /Xssistancc from the World Bank of almost 400 million rupees has come
into Karnataka for development of the sericulture industry since 1980. The bank
believes that promotion of sericulture will create jobs to alleviate poverty and help
the disadvantaged groups. However, in reality, this has not been achieved even after
two decades. (It is estimated1 that 56.8% of the gross income from the sale of
i
Central Silk Board, Silk in India. 1992
Which Silk route this?
soft-silk fabrics (70g/mtr) goes to the cocoon producers, 16.6% to the trader, 10.7%
to the weaver, 9.1% to the twister and only 6.8% to the reeler2). The recent budget
(2000) of the Karnataka State Govt proposes to promote the sericulture sector as an
income generating activity, especially one in which women can be integrated.
Several development agencies have added to the Government’s promotion of
sericulture, seeing it as a viable regional development scheme and as one in which the
poor can be drawn
into the development
circle.
The flip side of
sericulture being a
cottage industry is
that it depends on
maximum amount of
work to be carried
out
by
children.
Children
are
employed in all stages of the silk processing, making sericulture a child-based industry.
The machines utilised are designed such that children can work on them. In the
sericulture sector, the child at present grows as an ‘exploitable commodity’ - denied
as a human potential who is entided to the fundamental right to exist. This sector has
over the past few decades been witness to a progressive and systematic marginalisation
of the poor. This situation has led to a total decadence of the social and cultural life
of people in this sector wherein, the children find themselves alienated from the
social mainstream. The administrative structures, institutional machinery and attitude
of the State continue to overlook the problems rather than enable people to
comprehend, access and utilise resources for their well-being. However, sericulture
and its processing are an industry that works at the cost of the health, education, and
social opportunities of children. The gross violation of children’s rights with regard
to their health, social life, education and their lost childhood should essentially be a
matter of great concern to policy makers, economists, employers, voluntary
organisations and other community members.
2
2
‘Rcclcr’ in this context refers to the filature unit owners and not the women and children working at the units.
Intervention by the Government and the voluntary sector
The growing incidence of child labour in almost all sectors has necessitated acdon
from various groups - including the government and Non Government Organisations
(NGOs) who have evolved different strategics to address the issue of child labour.
The Government is currcndy sponsoring National Child Labour Projects (NCLP)
throughout the country that seek to rehabilitate working children through non-formal
education and financial provisions for the families. r\ny attempt by the Govt toward
eradicating child labour in these talukas has been limited to establishing residential
....They
schools and hostels for working children (100 children per district), raiding filature
are of the
units, conducting meetings with the employers etc. However, none of this has fulfilled
opinion
the objective of reducing the number of working children in the sericulture sector;
on the contrary, the number of children seems to be increasing with more children
that
dealing
with the
dropping out of school and entering the workforce every year.
The Department of Sericulture and other associated Govt bodies view their role as
being limited to the technical aspects of the industry, research on the silk variety, etc.
issue of They arc of the opinion that dealing with the issue of child labour in the sector would
child
disturb the ‘economy’ of the industry. Prior to the intervention of die World Bank, a
study conducted by the Institute for Socio-Economic Change identified the incidence
labour
of child labour in the sericulture industry as an issue that needed to be addressed and
would
recommended that this aspect be included in the National Sericulture Project.
disturb
the
'economy'
of the
industry.
However, subsequent intervention by cither the Bank, the Swiss Development
Corporation and others has been restricted to conducting studies, analyses, and reports
on the issue. In reality, little has been done by them to improve the condition of the
children and the families toiling in the industry.
The various approaches amongst NGOs to address the issue of child labour can be
broadly classified as rehabilitative and preventive. Although most of these efforts
affect only a small number of children directly, they are effective to some extent, in
creating a climate that makes the employment of children difficult.
Rehabilitative efforts mostly consist of conducting non formal education classes,
enrolling working children into hostels, formal schools or providing vocational training
facilities for them. Many NGOs also attempt prevention through campaigns, working
with parents, and organising children. Although rehabilitation and prevention can be
viewed as separate approaches, some NGOs employ an integrated approach to address
the complex and multi-faceted issue of eradication of child labour. But in the two
talukas of Channapatna and Ramanagaram of Bangalore Rural district, there has
3
been no intervention even by the voluntary sector to mobilise public opinion against
employing children. In the absence of quality schools and relevant education for
children, sending them to work at the filature units has almost become a culture in the
villages and slums in these areas.
MAYA’s3 INTERVENTION
Drawing from observations and experiences, MAYA’s intervention and approach
towards the eradication of child labour is based on the premise that child labour
exists not because of poverty of income but mainly because of factors such as
community apathy, parental negligence, hostile school environment etc MAYA’s
role therefore is primarily to facilitate opportunities where communities are supported
to bring about change through their own effort and initiative rather than as passive
beneficiaries of charity. In this regard, MAYA has been addressing aspects of both
rehabilitation and prevention in its goal of working toward the eradication of child
labour since 1989. The organisation’s multiform approach includes direct work with
small children (aged 0-6 yrs), schoolgoing children and child labourers as well as
working with the immediate environment of the child i.e the family, school, and
community, .
The early childhood programme involves creating an environment in the area that
encourages children to go to school. The local community is supported to initiate
and run playschools where young children are prepared for formal schooling. To
complement the stimulation and learning needs of working and schoolgoing children
through games, cultural activities and other learning exercises, Child Development
Centres are initiated in the areas. Resource materials for these centres arc mobilised
from the local community. MAYA also works with school going children, parents
and the local government schools to reduce drop out rates and ensure that children
receive quality education. Efforts also include direct work with child labourers to
support them to explore viable alternatives such as pre-vocational education and
vocational training. Over the years, MAYA’s experience has shown that communities
have the inherent capacity to deal with issues faced by them and only require
support to perceive such opportunities. Experience has also shown that contrary
to popular belief, poverty of income is not the primary cause of child labour. A
study conducted by MAYA on the impact of wage pattern on the family and the
3
MAYA (Movement for Alternatives and Youth Awareness) is a development organisation registered as a society
under the Societies’ Registration Act of 1960.
child4 indicates that poverty is not only an economic condition but also includes a
culture that sometimes deprives children of their fundamental needs. A significant
finding of this study is that a child’s well being is more dependent on the
prioritisation of expenditure of the parents rather than on their income level.
Children of daily wage earners were found to be less likely to attend school than
those of monthly wage earners despite the fact that the absolute income (per month)
of the former is more than the latter.
“A child's
MAYA’s initiative to eradicate child labour in the sericulture sector of Bangalore
Rural began in January 19985. The purpose was to understand better the differences
well being
between the urban and rural setting in terms of social structure, cultural ethos,
is more
socialisation, and related factors that directly or indirectly impact the child’s
dependent
development. The high incidence of child labour in the sericulture industry, coupled
on the
with the complete absence of any effective intervention on the part of either the
.
.
I..
i ■ i
r
..............
,•
Government or the voluntary sector has also been a deciding factor in initiating this
prioritisation
project. In the light of these conditions, MAYA initiated a research study in order to
understand the factors that account for such a high incidence of child labour in the
expenditure
y
of the
area.
Objective of the Research Study
This study is not merely an academic exercise that seeks to establish or recognise the
rather than
on their
incidence of child labour in the area. On the contrary, die study starts from the premise
t^at tfoc jssue of child labour in the sericulture sector is a reality and MAYA is
committed to addressing this issue. It highlights the need for the Government and
donor agencies to recognise that the situation has become so grave that it is impossible
level.
for most people to even imagine the sector without children working. The condition
cays for a concerted effort by the Government, licencing authorities, community,
donor agencies and voluntary organisation to work towards the eradication of child
labour.Thc study also seeks to caution other states in the country who view this industry
as a ‘success’ and want to initiate it in their own state. Though sericulture has the
potential to be a successful, income- generation industry, one cannot afford to ignore
the plight of die people, especially the children, working in this sector and the price
they are paying for the ‘success’ of the industry.
4
Study on ‘Wage pattern and impact on the family and child* conducted by MAYA in 1997, in its working areas in
Bangalore Urban.
5
MAYA presently works in 40 villages and slums in the two talukas of Channapatna and Ramanagaram in Bangalore
Rural district. (These areas have been selected on the basis of the number of child labourers and the condition of
Government schools, basic amenities related to children etc).
There is a detailed description in this study of the different processes involved in the
sericulture industry’ and the condition of the children working therc(see Appendix 1).
The study concludes with a set of suggestions required for eradicating child labour in
the sericulture industry.
Methodology 6
Pilot Surrey
z\ pilot survey was conducted in 20 villages and slums in the two talukas of
Ramanagaram and Channapatna (Please sec zXppcndix 11 for details of these areas.
Through this survey, 14 areas were identified with respect to the incidence of child
labour and the socio-economic conditions prevalent in the area. Finally 6 of these 14
areas were selected for an intensive study on the basis of the diverse conditions,
characteristic of the particular village or slum that had contributed to the prevalence/
absence of child labour in the sericulture sector.
Si%e of Study
The study in the 14 areas covered a total of 5460 households, i.c. a population of
34,423 persons. The total child population surveyed was 6099, of whom the number
of child labourers was 1591. The average percentage of child labourers to the total
child population was found to be 20.3%. There were two areas, however, where the
percentage was found to be as high as 64% and 45.5%.
Aspects of Study
Primary socio-economic data of the families in these areas was collected and analysed
with regard to different indices such as monthly household income, family expenditure
pattern, schooling background of children, and gender of working and school going
children.
Analysis
Analysis of the data as illustrated shows that child labour is not a result of poverty of
the families but one of sheer neglect and indifference on the part of the parents,
community and the State. The secondary data collected also substantiates the results
of the analysis and further validates the need for immediate action on the issue.
6
This study has been conducted by MAYA in its working areas in Channapatna and Ramanagaram, with documentation
support by Dr A.R.Vasavi, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore.
Though India is the second largest silk producer in the World after China, it accounts
for just 5% of the global silk market, since the bulk of Indian silk thread and silk
cloth are consumed domestically. Germany is the largest consumer of Indian silk.
The sericulture industry is land-based as silk worm rearing involves over 700,000
farm families and is concentrated in the three Southern states of Karnataka, Tamilnadu
and Andhra Pradesh. (The states of rYssam and West Bengal are also involved in the
industry to a certain extent).
The present market context for silk in India
is one of vigorously growing internal
demand for silk fabrics, with growth rates of
above 10% per year. It is mostly for
traditional (sari type) design and docs not
impose sophisticated quality requirements
upon the industry. This situation is likely to
continue, unless Indian sericulture is able to
provide sufficient quantities of raw silk at
affordable prices. The present trends
represent a limitation to price increases for
silk produced in India by import from other
silk producing countries like China, Brazil,
Korea etc., as well as by substitution with
other fibres including by artificial silk. It also
appears unlikely that the present demands can be met merely by expanding mulberry
area in order to increase cocoon and raw silk production. Future additional output
in raw silk will therefore mostly have to come from substantial productivity increases
and labour productivity.
Concurrently there is an increasing demand for silk fabric among the growing Indian
middle class and young urban consumers. These modern silk fabrics typically are
produced by the expanding power loom weaving industry. The quality requirements
imposed by this trend can only be met by bivoltine raw silk, although it is possible to
produce high quality multi-bivoltine silk for conventional powerlooms. The bulk of
today’s world export demand is almost exclusively based on high graded quality
bivoltine raw silk. If Indian sericulture is unable to generate a substantial production
7
which Silk route this?
of bivoltine raw silk, these important market segments will continue to be lost to
outside competitors.
Hence, three main market segments offer great opportunity to India’s silk industry:
(i) the broadening domestic traditional demand multi bivoltine based, (ii) the domestic
demand for non-traditional silk fabrics, based adeast pardy on non-graded bivoltine
raw silk, (iii) the vast and expanding international market for raw silk, silk fabrics and
ready-mades, based on graded bivoltine silk, an export potential as yet relatively
little exploited by India.
In one of the efforts of die Indian Government to promote the sericulture industry,
the National Sericulture Project (NSP) was initiated as a national project operational
in 17 States in India. The project funded by the Central and State Governments
together with an input of foreign funds, has a credit portion from the World Bank
and a grant contribution from Swiss Development Corporation. The project was
started in 1989 for a period of six years with the objectives oriented toward increased
production, improved productivity, quality and equity. One of the critical elements
taken into consideration by the project was the dominant involvement of the Central
and State Government organisations in the promotion of sericulture.
8
Karnataka is the premier mulberry silk producing state in India. Rearing of silkworms
and commercial production of cocoons and silk in Karnataka date back to the 18th
century, when sericulture was patronised by the rulers of the erstwhile Mysore State.
Sericulture is practised both under rain-fed and irrigated conditions.
History of sericulture in the region7:
Pre Independence Period:
Sericulture is not new to this region — its
beginning can be traced back to Tipu Sultan,
the ruler of erstwhile Mysore State, who
organised a silkworm rearing unit in the
southern parts of his region. Channapatna is
believed to be one such centre. Emissaries
were sent to different parts of the world and
finally procured a yellow multivoltine race,
suited to the climatic conditions of the
region, which is surviving till today.
Sericulture did show progress between
1866-1875. There was much demand for
Mysore silk in the world market and it fetched
a comparatively higher price. In 1896, a new
silk farm was started by J RD Tata in Bangalore, which produced healthy eggs out of
its own tearings and offered training to sericulturists.
The Department of Sericulture was opened in 1913-14 and a Silk Farm established
in Channapatna in 1914. By 1917, high yielding varieties, modern methods of grainage,
silk farm works, and hybridisation were in operation due to the services of the Japanese
expert Yonemura. He also gave the idea of establishing an isolated seed area for
propagating the pure Mysore race and protecting the exotic races from European
countries. Efforts were also made to introduce the subject as a two-year course under
the State Education Department. The Second World War gave an impetus to the silk
industry. All the cocoons produced in the state were taken to the Mysore Silk Filatures
Ltd. and all the filatures were turned to war production (to produce parachutes).
This increased production and the area under mulberry also increased. The technique
of filature reeling was also improved. Cocoon harvesting also gained momentum.
Karnataka State Gazetteer: Bangalore Rural district, 1990.
9
which .bilk route this?
In 1921, the Government Silk Filature was established at Mysore to help the
sericulturists in reeling with cottage basins. Twelve Italian basins were also imported
during this period which worked continuously for 17 years. Efforts were also made
to assemble these machines indigenously. In 1925-27, the domestic basin was evolved.
This was a simple silk reeling device, inexpensive but adequately serving the needs of
the small-scale reelers. While the Government was paying attention to the developed
machines, die country ‘charaka’ was improving its production. In 1929, there was a
crisis in the waste silk trade abroad. Large quantities of silk waste had accumulated in
the State. The reelers had to face many problems- the reeling rate had to be reduced
and even the wages had to be curtailed.
Post war Period:
The post-war period saw a slump in filature production. The large production at a
high cost (till then paid for by the War Department) could not be sold in the open
market. The filatures ran into financial difficulties. The Government took over all the
filatures and continued running them even at a loss as it provided work for a large
number of persons and helped establish the price of the cocoons.The slump in the
post war period made the Central and State Governments think of means by which
the industry could be developed as it provided work for a large number of farmers
and landless labourers. At Delhi, the Government of India constituted a Silk
Directorate and a Silk Panel in 1945. The report of the Panel stressed the need for an
all India body to work up Five-Year Plans and provide the finances for this.
The All India body turned out to be the Central Silk Board. The Central Silk Board
Act, 1948 was passed and the Board came into being on 01 z\pril 1949.
Growth tinder Plans
Thefollowing data show that sericulture is a much-favoured industry in the State and has been given
adequate emphasis in the Plans:
• There was an increase in mulberry production and non-mulberry raw silk during
the First Plan. Though the production technique and cost of production were not
significant, various developmental schemes were designed to consolidate the
industry.
10
• The Second Plan was significant from the point of view of development of seed
organisation and improvement of silk reeling. Improved cottage basins were
introduced on a large scale.
•
During the Third Plan, chawki rearing centres were established and cocoon
markets started in the cross breed area.
• The Fourth Plan saw an increase in the number of families being covered by the
sector, larger area under mulberry cultivation, increase in the number of charakas
and cottage basins, and in raw silk production.
•
The Fifth Plan witnessed a growth rate of 7.5% in sericulture and several special
schemes were also taken up.
• The Sixth Plan had a larger budget allocation to the sector. During this period, the
industry suffered due to the attack of a fly called ‘Uzi’ which spread from Hoskote
taluk to other rearing centres in the district and other parts of the State.
•
The Seventh Plan saw an increase in Karnataka’s percentage share in India’s total
raw silk production. /\t the end of 1988, there were about 55,465 farmers culti
vating mulberry in 41,127 acres of land in 2032 villages.
• Special emphasis was given to the devel
opment of sericulture in the Eighth Plan
on account of its economic importance
and employment generation. In 1992-93,
the area under mulberry cultivation was
1.58 lakh hectares and nearly 6.65 lakh
families were employed in the industry.
•
In the Ninth Plan period, rhe number of
chawki rearing centres in rhe district has
increased to 219 and the cocoon produc
tion in 1995-96 was 16,051 tonnes.
Today Karnataka produces 9000 MT of
mulberry silk out of a total of 14000 MT
produced in the country, thus contributing to
nearly 70% of the country’s total mulberry
silk production. It has the largest area under
11
which Silk route this?
mulberry cultivation in the country. As much as 1.4 lakh hectares arc under mulberry
cultivation in this State alone. Unlike the other States, the Department of Sericulture
here has fully developed infrastructural facilities required to meet the demand of
Despite such
silkworm eggs not only of the State but also of some districts of the neighbouring
states, through organised seed cocoon growing areas. The State is producing nearly
heavy
20 crores of silkworm eggs enabling the farmers to produce about 48,000 MT of
investment...
cocoons annually.
Sericulture which was earlier confined to a few districts has now spread to other
little or no
attention has
areas, because of the introduction of new technologies, new varieties of mulberry
and new silkworm races which have made sericulture more profitable than other
been paid to
crops. The Karnataka Sericulture Project was functional from 1980 to 88 and aimed
the growing
at establishment of project infrastructure and services. Its performance was said to
incidence of
be satisfactory and it is said to have accelerated the growth of Karnataka’s raw silk
production from 2900 tons in 1980-1 to 4700 tons in 1986-87. Today, there are nearly
8 lakh families employed in the sericulture industry’ in rhe State. Despite such heavy
in the
investment to develop the infrastructure and other technological aspects of the
sericulture
industry, little or no attention has been paid to the growing incidence of child labour
in the sericulture industry’ in the State.
There are an estimated 36 lakh child labourers in the state. z\ccording to the 1991
census, the participation rate of children aged 5-14 as full-time workers is 8.2 for
boys and 6.5 for girls. It is 0.7 and 2.2 as marginal workers. The ratio of child workers
to adult workers in the industry is 2:1 for reeling and twisting. In weaving, the
employment of children is limited.
The Govt report ‘Human Development in Karnataka-1999’, cites the findings of a
study by the Human Rights Watch8 to state that 80% of the individuals involved in
reeling silk in Karnataka are between the ages of 10-15 years.
Despite this observation, however, there has been no definite action by the Govt to
prevent the employment of children in the industry.
The main silk regions in the State are the four talukas of Channapatna, Ramanagaram,
Kanakapura and Magadi in Bangalore Rural district (See appendix III for overview
of Bangalore Rural district), and Kollegal taluka of Mysore district.
8
The Small Hands of Slavery: Bonded Child labour in Karnataka, Human Rights Watch
12
child labour
industry in
the State.
Oericulture in -Bangalore Jtvural JLIistrict
Sericulture is a labour-intensive agro-based industry. It includes growing of mulberry
plants, rearing of silkworms, production of cocoons, and reeling of silk-yarn. While
cultivation of mulberry and rearing of silkworms are agricultural in character, reeling
of silk, twisting, and weaving are distinctly industrial in nature. The reeling of cocoons
is done in cottage establishments or in large factories called filatures. Sericulture is a
means of livelihood for over 51,700 families in Bangalore Rural district.
CHANNAPATNA
Channapatna situated on the State highway, approximately 62 km from Bangalore,
forms one of the eight talukas of Bangalore Rural district. In 1873, it was a sub-taluk
under Closepet (Ramanagaram) and only since 1892, it has been recorded as a full-
fledged taluka. Today it is a part of Division I (the sericulture belt) of Bangalore
Rural district, with a total of 145 villages.
Population:
According to the 1991 census, Channapatna taluka has a total area of 543.4 hectares
and a population of 239,203. The child population (5-14 years) of the taluka is 46,200.
The population density of the taluka is 400 persons per sq.km. The rural population
(183,994) accounts for nearly 77% of the total population while the urban population
of 50,725 for only 23%. Of the urban population, 45% are slum dwellers. There arc
22 slums in Channapatna. The total working population of the taluka is 103,400.
35% of the total population arc main workers. Of this, 8% arc agricultural labourers,
16.1% cultivators, and 11% constitute ‘other workers’. 4.7% of the total population
arc marginal workers while almost 60% are non-workers. Hindus and Muslims
constitute a notable percentage of the population in the taluka. Scheduled Castes and
Tribes also form a sizeable part of the population (16.4%).
Education and Literacy:
The literacy rate is 43% (an increase from 30% in 1981). There are a total of 245
Government primary schools in the taluka and the number of children enrolled is
30,702. There arc 247 anganwadi centres in the taluka. There are 31 High schools in
the taluka with 9038 children enrolled.
13
which Silk route this?
Economics:
There is a dam at Kanwa, 6 km from Channapatna town, after the construction of
which the agricultural production has increased rapidly. The main crops grown here
arc paddy, ragi, mulberry, groundnut seeds, etc. The place is also famous for its wooden
toys’ industry. There is an agricultural market committee established due to the increase
in rice and silk production. The town has trade links with 45 surrounding villages.
RAMANAGARAM
Ramanagaram situated (48 km from
Bangalore) in a valley surrounded by rocky
The total
hillocks has been the sub-divisional
child
headquarters from 1884. It became the taluka
headquarters in 1928 and the place was named
population
Ramanagaram in 1949. It is the largest cocoon
in the
marketing centre in Asia. Ramanagaram has
taluka is
a total of 135 villages within its taluka limits.
Population:
According to the 1991 census, the total
47,411 of
which
13,000
number of households in the taluka is 39,057
with a population of 205,956. Of this the rural
population is 75.5% (155,519) and the urban
population is 24.5% (50,437). The total child
population in the taluka is 47,411. Of the total
working population of 87,600,13,000 are child labourers. 52% of the total population
are cultivators, 16.1% are agricultural labourers, and 24.9% arc ’other workers’. 5.9%
are marginal workers, of whom 95% are women. Almost 60% of the total population
are non-workers.
Education and Literacy:
The literacy rate of the population is 49.21%, according to the 1991 census. The total
number of Government primary schools in the taluka are 256 with the total children
14
are child
labourers.
enrolled as 33,899. There are 7625 children enrolled in rhe 30 High schools in the
taluka. There arc 157 anganwadi centres for the (0-6years) child population of 33,508
(1991 census) in the taluka.
Sericulture in Ramanagaram
Majority of the working population in Ramanagaram taluka are employed in different
stages of the sericulture process. Since Ramanagaram is the largest cocoon market in
Asia, the average daily cocoon arrivals at the Ramanagaram cocoon market vary
between 15-50 tonnes. Most of the reclcrs do this job as this is their traditional
occupation. Muslims constitute about 90% of the reeling entrepreneurs. Hindus are
new entrants to the field, over the last 20 years. While most of the rcelers have been
living there for generations, more than 50% of the workforce arc migrants from
Kollegal, Yelandur and Chamrajnagar who have come- into town in search of work
during the last two decades of expansion in the sericulture sector.
Description of issues presently faced by the people in the two talukas
There arc approximately 630,000 people living in the 280 villages of Channapatna
and Ramanagaram talukas in Bangalore Rural district. The urban influence of the
slums on the villages is growing, creating a need for working simultaneously in slums
and villages. People living in the working area belong mostly to SC/ST and minority
community. The region is extremely sensitive to caste and religion problems and
prone to communal tension.
There is scarcity of drinking water supply in the areas and there is a lack of proper
sanitation and sewage. Basic amenities of toilets and electricity arc inadequate. The
educational institutions in the villages and slums do not function properly and face
problems of inadequate teaching staff, lack of water and toilets, which results in low
learning levels of children and drop-outs. Other institutions for children like
anganwadis and balwadis also function poorly. The women and youth in the area are
not adequately aware of the different Government schemes and programmes for
poverty alleviation, slum / village development and income generation. Existing
village and slum based institutions / facilities too are inaccessible and apathetic to
the needs of the people.
The area receives poor rainfall and is sometimes drought prone. This proves a major
problem for the area, as people cannot depend on agriculture as a means of livelihood.
The food-grain production has been declining over the past few years. The average
15
which Silk route this?
size of land holdings has also been declining over the past few years, forcing people
to move from agriculture to other sectors of work. Sericulture is one such sector that
has grown manifold over the past few years. However even in this sector, in terms of
crop development, little has been done to train and provide adequate support services
to farmers in mulberry cultivation.
Some statistics regarding sericulture in Channapatna and Ramanagaram
talukas:
Ramanagaram
Channapatna
Total no. of reelcrs
1923
433
Total no. of charakas
1065
284
Reeling:
No. of workers (male)
743
503
No. of workers (female)
867
832
Total no. of filature units9
854
149
No. of workers (male)
3280
628
No. of workers (female)
4392
711
34
-
No. of workers (male)
18
-
No. of workers (female)
22
-
Total no. of multi-end
reeling machines
Twisting:
163
37
Total no. of machines
628
114
No. of workers (male)
822
386
No. of workers (female)
722
66
Total no. of units
8
8
Total no. of machines
48
46
No. of workers
58
67
Total no. of units
Weaving:
9
Each filature unit has between 4 and 10 basins, i.e. an average of 8 basins.
16
Child Labout in the
Children work in the sericulture industry mostly on compulsion exerted by the parents
who have taken an advance from the employers (rcclers), not out of economic
constraints to eke out a living but for immediate expenditure. Of the total number
of families studied, nearly 80 % had taken loans for marriages, festivals, etc. The
children are made to work as bonded labourers till the advance money is adjusted
against the wages of the children or till it is paid back. Children work as turners and
helpers, pupae pickers, and cocoon cooks in the filature units. The preference for
children to work in the sericulture industry is because of the narrow space and the
low height (they have to be shorter than the height of the bobbin). They stand cornered
against the wall, and trapped under the machinery, as if in narrow cages, waiting for a
ladleful of cocoons to be put aside by the rceler every now and then. A lot of
concentration is necessary to avoid wastage and minor lapses are enough to invite
reprimand.
Child labour in the country is prohibited and regulated in various processes /sectors
by the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986. The Act classifies various
sectors and processes as ‘hazardous’ or ‘non-hazardous’ based only on the physical
working environment.. However such a perspective fails to recognise that any process
involving child labour is detrimental to the
child, since it hinders the overall
development and health of the child; health
in this context refers to the physical,
emotional and social well being of the child
(as defined by the WHO).
In this study conducted by MAYr\, besides
a detailed survey of particular villages and
slums in the two talukas, the children’s
health conditions and several critical
factors influencing their educational
opportunities were observed, analysed and
documented. These areas were identified
for a detailed study, due to the high
incidence of child labour and the specific
conditions existing in each of the areas.
Also refer tn 'Elcgalondluge elqraru* -a stutly done by K S Saroja on the condition of chJdrcn uxirking in twisting units in Ntagadi.
17
Wliicli Silk route this?
eas 11
Honganur
This village, 6 km from
Channapatna town on
the Sathnur Road is
spread over an area of
about 612 acres. It has a
total of 1125 households
with a population of
6820. The population
has both Hindus and
Muslims. The Hindus largely belong to the SC, Gowda, and Urs communities. The
main occupation of the people there is agriculture, filature, trading and goldsmith.
Honganur is the Gram Panchayat centre for the surrounding villages. There arc three
Government schools-1 Urdu Higher Primary School and 2 Kannada medium (1
Higher Primary and 1 High school) and four anganwadis for children. There is also a
Government ‘shishuvihara’ for SC/ST children and a Pre- Primary’ Centre for children
below five years. The village also has a residential Ashram school (l*'-4,h standard)
for SC/ST children, under a scheme from the State Government. There is a private
Higher Primary school in the village. Honganur also has a private Prc-Univcrsity
college. Honganur has a Government Lacquerware training centre to impart 1-ycar
training to 25 persons. There is also a Government tailoring centre under the TRYSEM
scheme. Being an important village, there is a Primary Health Centre as well in
Honganur. Other facilities like a Fair Price Shop, post office, milk dairy etc also exist
in the village. The members of the Masjid Committee in Honganur have formed a
Social Welfare Association, besides which there is an Ambcdkar Sangha in the village.
Despite these facilities and being the Gram Panchayat centre, of a total child population
of 870 in Honganur, 200 are child labourers. These children are employed in filature
units mainly, though some also work in garages, shops, housework, assisting goldsmiths,
etc.
18
For statistics regarding child population and percentage of child labourers in the studied areas, see appendix 1
Kariappanadoddi
Kariappanadoddi is a village in Channapatna taluka, 2km from Channapatna town. It
is basically a wooden toy industry-based village. The village has a total of 226
households inhabited by a population of 1188. Though the enure population belong
to the same caste of Bestha, there is a distinction made between the families that are
economically better-off and those who arc not. The main occupations of the village
are mainly agriculture, toy-making, and collecting firewood. Of the total child labour
population of 92 in the village, only 10 work in the sericulture sector. The remaining
are engaged in cattle grazing, at home, in brick-kilns, in the agriculture sector and a
few children work in the toy-making units. Kariappanadoddi has a Government
primary school from l*'-7'h standard and 1 anganwadi for children for children below
the age of six.
Molledodi
Of a total
Molledodi is a village in Channapatna taluka with 360 households inhabited by a
total population of 1700. The village population belong to a single caste of Bestha,
child despite which there are differences among those who are relatively better off than the
population others. A large percentage of the population live in thatched huts. The main
almost 27%
occupations here arc agriculture, sericulture and business. Of the total child population
of 408, 110 arc child labourers i.c., almost 27% of the total child population do not
do not attend school. These children work mainly in the sericulture sector, at filature units in
attend Channapatna town and some go to Honganur also to work. The village is devoid of
school
any developmental activity either on the part of the local Government or by the
people themselves. There is no association of women or youth in the area, unlike
what is commonly found in most villages. The village faces acute water scarcity ,
especially during summer.The area also has high incidence of alcoholism. There is a
Government Lower Primary school in Molledodi until 5,h standard. There are also
two Government-run anganwadis for children below the age of six.
Adi Jambava Colony
Adi Jambava Colony is a slum locality in Channapatna town, with a total of 125
households and inhabited by a population of 550. The entire population belongs to
Adi Jambava (mentioned in the Scheduled Castes list). Children from this area work
mainly in the sericulture industry. /Vdults work as daily wage labourers in the fields or
are engaged in hawking. Some of the women work as bottle cleaners in distilleries
situated in Bangalore. There is a Government school upto Standard 7 which is adjacent
19
which Silk route this?
to the colony. Though the school has adequate infrastructure, the enrolment in this
school is poor. The area does not have adequate basic amenities. There arc no organised
groups or sanghas in the area that would undertake any developmental
activities.Though the income levels of people is not very poor, compared to other
slums in Channapatna, the parents prefer to send their children to work in the silk
units. Even though it is a homogenous community, there are various informal groups
who work against the common good of the community. A women’s sangha has recently
been formed to address children’s issues and look into the developmental needs of
the area.
Badi Gali and Choti Gali
This is a slum area located in the centre of Channapatna town. It is unique in that it is
a slum locality surrounded by a high income residential area. The number of child
labourers working in the sericulture industry is fairly large. The total population of
the area is 1300 with the number of households numbering 250. The area is so
named because it is inhabited by Muslims belonging to two different belief systems.
The area has a number of filature units where children from neighbouring slums and
villages close to Channapatna town come to work. The total child population of the
area is 410, of whom the child labourers number 94, i.e. almost 23% of the total
child population.
Baalgere
Baalgcre is a slum locality, situated close to the main market area in Ramanagaram
town with a total population of 3300. It is one of the bigger slums in Ramanagaram
and is inhabited by a mixed population of Scheduled Castes, Mara this, Tamil migrants,
Muslims and Thigala. The area has one Government Higher Primary school (till 7,h )
and two anganwadis for children below the age of six. There is a Government run
pre primary centre also in the area. Among other facilities, Baalgere has a community
hall. There are two youth sanghas(groups)-thc Dalitha Sangharsha Samithi and the
Thigalaru Sangha in the area. People in the area arc mostly occupied in the silk
reeling units in and around the area. Some others work in the shops or are daily wage
earners as well. Children from this area go to the reeling units in the area or to units in
the surrounding slums to work. Though there is no immediate problem of water
and drainage, the area lacks proper toilet facilities. There is no clear demarcation but
20
the houses in the area arc of two kinds-those of the slightly better off families which
are at the entrance to the slum and those of the SC community and Tamil migrants
which form the rear part of the slum.
Yarab Nagar
Yarab Nagar is one of the biggest slums in
Ramanagaram town, situated close to the
railway station. It has a total population of
about 5000 with a child population of about
1500. It is a Muslim locality that has grown
manifold in area and population in the recent
years due to migration of Muslims from other
neighbouring villages after the 1991 riots.
Yarab Nagar forms part of the chain of slums
in the Kothipura-Ammaalikere area of
Ramanagaram. This, together with the
surrounding slums, houses the maximum
number of filature units in the town limits and
also employs the highest number of children.
In Yarab Nagar alone , there are over 500
child labourers who work in the filature units
locally / in the neighbouring slums. Of the total child population of 1100, almost
50% are child labourers who work in the sericulture industry alone. The area thrives
on a workforce of adults, youth and children alike, in the sericulture sector. A handful
of individuals of the total population also work in garages, tailor shops, butcheries,
and bakeries. Some of the women and young girls in Yarab Nagar are engaged in
beedi-rolling within their homes. There are two Government lower primary schools
(from rr-4,h and from l“-2nd). and a Government-run anganwadi in the area. There is
also a private creche in the slum run by a local person. The problem of water and
drainage in the area is not as critical as that of toilet facilities. There is absolutely no
proper facility for toilets in Yarab Nagar. The children, young girls and women
especially are the worst affected by this condition. The schools also do not have
adequate toilet facility for the children. With regard to water, while some parts of the
slum get water in an adequate quantity, others who are at a height do not. The water
that is available is also very hard and affects the health of the people, if not boiled/
21
Which Silk route this?
The correlation of factors influencing the educational opportunities of children in
the studied areas arc summarised below:
i
Monthly Household Income Level
and children’s Educational
Opportunities
A correlation between the monthly household income of the families to the condition
of the child/children (school going or in child labour) indicated that there is no
direct link between income and education opportunity. In the studied areas, almost
25 % of the households with income below Rs 1000 per month were sending
children to school. In contrast, households with income above Rs 3000 per
month sent their children to work
Family Income Level
< Rs 1000
Rs 1000-2000
Rs 2000-3000
Rs >3000
Areas
Child
labourers
School
goers
Child
labourers
School
goers
Child
labourers
School
goers
Child
labourers
School
goers
Honganur
7.20%
24.70%
9.50%
36.00%
3.50%
12.00%
2 80%
4.30%
Kariappandodi
8.50%
10.70%
8.90%
27.70%
9.40%
17.40%
4.50%
2.90%
Molledodi
3 30%
11.60%
15.30%
40 00%
7.60%
15.30%
2.80%
3.20%
Adi Jambava
Colony
7.80%
26.50%
4.00%
33.00%
2.20%
10.50%
3.50%
12.50%
Badi Gali
Baalgeri
3.10%
3.40%
8 50%
50.30%
4.40%
10.10%
15.60%
25.20%
4.90%
3.00%
9.00%
5.00%
2.00%
1.00%
4.40%
2.00%
As illustrated, almost half the child population (50.3 %) at Baalgeri attends school
despite coming from families that earn a monthly income below Rs 1000/-. This
is primarily due to the presence of a Government higher primary school in the
vicinity of the slum, where the environment in terms of physical infrastructure,
basic facilities and teaching is supportive of children’s learning. In contrast, the
presence of a Govt school in Kariappandodi has not ensured similar high attendance
to school from families of the same income level, as the school is ill-equipped
and not supportive of children’s learning needs.
This clearly indicates that despite low-income levels, parents are willing to send
their children to school, provided they find the schools meeting the children’s
educational needs. Secondly, the mere physical presence of a school does not suffice
22
Children involved in various processes of the sericulture industry
: Cooking the cocoons
to kill the silkworms by
dipping their hands
dirccdy in boiling water
and pulsating the
cocoons - one of the
most unhygienic
processes.
'Transporting
cocoons from
the market to
the filature
units.
6 Disposing the dead worms
and other waste.
23
to ensure that children attend school. The school must provide an educational
environment that meets the learning needs of the children and the local community.
In further substantiation of this, it was found that in Kariappandodi 4.5 % of the
families sent their children to work, despite earning a monthly income of over Rs
3000/-. These families though in an economically better position, preferred to make
Correlation between monthly household Income and
children's educational opportunities
their children work in their own toy units rather than send them to the local Govt
school, where they did not see the use of the education received. In Molledodi also,
2.8 % of the families did not send their children to school inspite of a monthly
income above Rs 3000/-; however the main reason here was apathy and neglect of
the parents and community, rather than an economic one.
These observations dispel the myth of poverty of income being the primary cause
of child labour. Factors such as the condition of local Govt schools, parental
and community participation and support were found to be more crucial in
determining the children’s educational opportunities.
ii
Expenditure Pattern of Families and Children’s Educational
Opportunities
On studying the relationship between the expenditure pattern of the families and the
condition of children, it was found that in a majority of families of child labourers,
the expenditure on marriages, festivals and alcohol was much higher vis-a vis the
families of school going children. This is a clear indication that rather than the lack of
income, it is the lack of prioritisation of expenditure that determines the children’s
educational opportunities.
24
Marriages
Child
labourers
School
goers
Honganur
16.70%
Kariappandodi
19.00%
Education
Alcohol
Festivals
Areas
Child
labourers
School
goers
24.70%
9.50%
11.90%
11.90%
Child
labourers
School
goers
Child
labourers
School
goers
36.00%
3.50%
12.00%
2.80%
4.30%
8.70%
15.90%
4.80%
3.90%
23.80%
Molledodl
7.40%
4.40%
20.60%
17.70%
26.50%
7.40%
2.70%
13.30%
Adi Jambava
Colony
Badi Gali
11.80%
7.60%
9.90%
7.50%
13.90%
9.60%
1.00%
38.70%
10.00%
8.90%
14.20%
16.60%
6.60%
6.60%
0.00%
37.00%
Baalgeri
15.10%
12.80%
19.30%
12.40%
7.40%
4.60%
1.00%
27.40%
In Mollcdodi it was observed that the expenditure on alcohol among families of
child labourers was as high as 26.5 %, when compared to 7.4 % in families of school
going children. Likewise, the high expenditure on festivals among families of working
children in Baalgeri was seen to be responsible for a large number of children going
Correlation between expenditure pattern of families
and children's educational opportunities
to work. Similar observations in the other areas also revealed that the lack of
prioritisation of expenditure strongly influences the condition of children, determining
whether they attend school or go to work. z\ study of the expenditure on education
showed that only less than 2 % of the families of child labourers spent money on
education as compared to 25.9 % of the families of school going children.
iii
Gender of Children in Relation to the Child Population in the Area
In all the studied areas, it was
observed that the percentage
Gender In relation to children's educational opportunities
of girl children not attending
school was higher than that
of boys. It was found that the
percentage of girls attending
work
was
15.8
%
as
compared to 12.6 % of boys.
25
Which Silk route this?
Child Labourers
School Goers
Area
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Honganur
19.20%
23.90%
32.00%
2500%
Kariappandodi
13.70%
42.40%
11.60%
32.20%
Moiled odi
14.00%
45.30%
13.20%
27.70%
Adi Jambava
Colony
Badi Gali
7.40%
39.20%
10.00%
43.40%
these girls
10 70%
40.10%
16.30%
32.90%
Baalgeri
13.80%
39.60%
9 50%
37.20%
are not
...though
directly
In Honganur and Badi Gali, the percentage of girls not attending school was much
higher (32% and 16.3 % respectively) than that of boys (19.2% and 10.7 %
any formal
respectively). r\n important feature to be noted is that, though these girls arc not
sector, they
directly working in any formal sector, they arc child labourers. They are forced to
stay away from school to look after younger siblings, maintain the house and /or be
engaged in rolling incense sticks, beedis, etc at home. Consequently, these girl children
lose out on educational opportunities to a much greater extent than the boys do.
iv
Schooling background of the working children in the studied areas
In all the areas studied, there was a high percentage of working children who had
never been to school at all, thereby clearly indicating that the availability of
employment serves as an incentive for parents to send their children to work.
'26
working in
are child
labourers
Never
Attended
School
2nd
Honganur
23.60%
6.60%
Kariappandodi
29.10%
7.60%
Molledodi
45.00%
8.00%
Adi Jambava
Colony
Badi Gali
28.60%
37.10%
15.00%
17.50%
Baalgen
16.90%
13.60%
Yarab Nagar
51.80%
8.70%
11.90%
3rd
7th
8th
6.60%
12.60%
4.40%
5.10%
15.20%
5.10%
4.00%
19.00%
11 00%
3.00%
2.80%
5.70%
2.80%
5.70%
8.80%
3.30%
30.00%
15.60%
3.30%
20.30%
13.60%
10.20%
10.20%
25.40%
13.50%
10.30%
1.60%
4th
5th
6th
7.70%
16.50%
17.60%
8.90%
14.00%
6.30%
5.00%
5.00%
17.10%
6.80%
In Molledodi, 45% of the working children had never attended school, largely because
this village docs not have a culture of sending children to school and the school that
exists, has been established only recently. Proximity to Honganur, one of the few
villages where silk units arc based, is also a significant reason for the large percentage
of children not attending school in Molledodi. Almost half the number of working
children (51.8%) in Yarab Nagar have never been to school at all. The reason for this
is the mushrooming silk filature units, coupled with the lack of any intervention by
the authorities. Consequently, sending children to work at the filature units has become
almost a custom in the area, for the past several decades.
In Baalgeri, the high dropout rate seen in Std 7 can be explained by the fact that the
slum has only a Govt Higher Primary School (upto 7,h std) and the children have to
go a long distance to attend the Govt High School (the only one in Ramanagaram).
This is true, particularly for girl children in the area.
The correlation studied between these different factors and the educational
opportunities of children in the areas clearly indicates that child labour is
primarily caused by factors such as ineffective functioning of Govt schools,
community apathy, parental neglect, and the lack of prioritisation of
expenditure rather than poverty of income. Child labour enhances the possibility
of retaining a family in poverty. Children who work during their childhood in the silk
units arc devoid of any skills or education on reaching adulthood; thereby leaving
them unemployed, economically disadvantaged and ill-equipped to earn a livelihood.
27
which Silk route this?
Reflections of Adolescents Previously Employed in the Silk Filature Units
As a part of the research study, we also spoke to a group of adolescents who had
spent their entire childhood working at the silk units. On the one hand, these youth
Child
were now no longer required to work at the filature units, and on the other, they were
labour
ill equipped to take up any skilled work. Consequently, they were forced to work in
the informal, unorganised sector as coolies in the cocoon market, as daily wage
enhances
labourers, mechanics, etc. r\lmost all the youth had been sent to work by their parents
the
so as to repay loans taken for marriages, festivals, and other immediate expenditure.
possibility
These loans were to be repaid by deduction from their wages, but this did not usually
happen since the wages they received was minimal. Further, their work was dependent
on the availability of cocoons. In the absence of adequate or good quality cocoons,
retaining
children did not have any work. During this time, the parents once again took petty
a family
loans from the employers, thereby increasing the amount of money to be repaid by
the children. The youth also felt that besides losing out on education in their childhood,
they had spent the most productive years of their lives doing work that did not teach
them any skill. This proved a disadvantage for their future in that without even a
basic education they did not feel confident to learn a new skill /vocation at this age
and earn a stable livelihood.
28
of
in
poverty.
eas
Children arc employed in
almost all processes of the
sericulture industry making it
almost a child—based economy.
They
work
in
mulberry
cultivation, cocoon rearing,
reeling, winding, doubling,
twisting, and re-reeling, all of
which adversely affect the
health of the child. They are
required to work in filature
units that are cramped, damp,
dark, poorly ventilated, and
have loud, deafening music
playing in the background. The
handling of dead worms with
bare hands, and the unbearable
stench is also a cause for
spreading infection and illness.
Standing for 12-16 hours a day
with
hardly
any
break,
concentrating on reeling the fine threads, leads to other health disorders. Vapours
from the boiling cocoons and the diesel fumes from the machines also contribute to
the poor condition in the units. These conditions have been found responsible for
retardation of the child’s normal growth and development. Though there have been
other studies conducted on the health aspects of this sector, practically nothing has
been done to ameliorate the working environment in the units as a result of the studies.
There is therefore an urgent need for health professionals to come together and work
out possible solutions in this regard.
The following is a report of these conditions on the health of children working in the
sericulture industry, in Channapatna and Ramanagaram talukas of Bangalore Rural
district. To represent the existing situation in the talukas, a detailed health survey and
29
which Silk route this?
.
a medical check-up was conducted for a sample size of 200 children between the
ages of 6-14 years in the studied areas.
Respiratory Diseases
This is one of the most commonly observed ailments among children working in the
silk units. Inhalation of vapours arising from cocoons undergoing steaming, cooking
and reeling invariably produces breathing problems, asthma and other bronchial
ailments among the children. During the process of cooking, the silkworms emit a
protein called sericin in the form of foul-smelling vapours that pervade not only the
silk units but also the entire region surrounding die units. These protein vapours have
been found to be the primary cause for chronic bronchitis, asthma and other related
disorders among the children that are difficult to treat. In many areas, sawdust (used
as fuel for cooking the worms) was found in ample quantities in and around the units,
which also causes chronic irritation of the bronchioles leading to asthma. Difficulty
in breathing is also caused by other allergens present in the silk filament and poor
ventiladon in the working environment. The children work in highly damp and dirty
conditions of this process, throughout the day. The units are cramped, dark, wet and
poorly ventilated and sometimes have small generators running inside the rooms
that generate carbon monoxide and other noxious fumes. Most of the machines arc
run on diesel, which also acts as an irritant during working. The smoke generated by
the cocoons being cooked
and also by the firewood used
causes difficulty in breathing
and leads to related ailments.
In the sample studied, 86% ofthe
children werefound to be suffering
from respiratory ailments..
Scabies and Other Skin
Infections
The first step in reeling is where the cocoons are boiled in water to kill the worms and
to loosen the sericin, a natural substance that holds the filaments together. The child
dips her/his hands into the scalding water and palpates the cocoons-, judging by touch
30
whether the fine threads of silk have loosened enough to be wound. This causes
blisters and open wounds/injurics, which leads to secondary infection. The cocoons
are transported to the reeling units in ‘ganis’ (each gani measures 25-30 kg). After
every half gani of cocoons is reeled, the children have to dip their hands in the reeling
basin to remove the pupae from the basement of the water. At the end of the day, the
bottom plugs of the reeling basins are opened up to flush out the left over pupae
with the dirty water. The children who work as pupae pickers have to bend down
under the basin and clean up die place. They also have to clean up the entire premises
before the day is over. As a result of constant immersion in scalding water, with no
protection for their hands or feet, the skin of the children becomes raw, blistered,
resulting in peeling of the skin and leading to severe infection of their hands and feet.
This also causes the skin to roughen up. Children complain of difficulty while eating
spicy food, touching hot stuff and difficulty in handling things while they have blisters
in their hands. As they grow older, most of the children are not able to do complex
and intricate work using their hands. Working in damp conditions also causes the
soles of their feet to peel off leaving them unable to go out to play. 78°/o of the children
studied wen found to be sufferingfrom skin infection as described above.
Injuries
The raw silk is processed in winding units that employ children aged 6-9 years to
wind the silk into strands, which has the hazard of cutting the already soaked and
damp hands and causing injury that docs not heal in those conditions. The children
also suffer occasional injuries-mainly cuts-from the machines, particularly to their
hands and fingers. Often this kind of injuries forces the children to absent themselves
from work which then increases their “period of bondedness”. Non-treatment of
ulcers and exposure to unhealthy environment leads to secondary infection. The
slippery floors and poor draining conditions in the units arc also responsible for
injuries caused to children.
Other Commonly Observed Health Disorders
Children complain of severe headache and fever during all seasons. They spend almost
their entire waking period in an atmosphere with a strong stench, caused by the killing
of the worms, and poor ventilation. Concentration on the thread to avoid breaking
coupled with the smell of diesel, the loud noise of the machines and inhalation of the
noxious fumes leads to secondary infection of common cold and bronchitis. Since
children are exposed to work in such conditions on an everyday basis, it results in
31
Porcontaga of children with frequant
headache and body ache
In that
process,
they have
to cover a
distance of
stunted physical growth and leads to overall poor development of the child. In the
15-20 feet
filature units, children are forced to work as cocoon cooks. They put the stifled cocoons
each time,
into the boiling water in the cooking basin, remove the floss, collect the ends of the
76 times an
threads and supply them in ladles on to reeling basins. In that process, they have to
cover a distance of 15-20 feet each time, 76 times an hour and about 10-12 hours a
hour and
day. This adds upto a distance of about 4km, earning a ladle of hot cocoons, weighing
about 10-
about 700 gms.
12 hours a
Complaints of neck pain, low back pain, and general body ache is a regular feature
day.
for most children as they have to lift heavy material. Due to irregular eating habits
some of die children also complained of pain abdomen, and were diagnosed to be
suffering from gastritis. The children in the silk tunsting factories suffer pain in their
legs and backs from standing for more than 10 hrs a day without rest. Some of them
develop leg deformities over the years, including bow-leggedness. Having to stand
throughout the day leads to menstrual disorders in girl children and could also cause loss
of a child during pregnancy. Many girl children in this sector reach puberty by the time
they are 8-9 years.In the process of doubling the strands of silk, children aged 6-14
years are employed. As in the case of winding, children here arc required to stand
continuously and keenly concentrate on the yarn constandy to avoid breaking or
knotting of the yarn, often leading to related healdi problems of back ache and severe
problems of vision. The children who work as pupae pickers are exposed to the worst
condition of all. It involves working continuously in a constrained position in the
narrow space of just about two feet width between the wall and machinery, throughout
the day. Their hands and feet are exposed to the most unhygienic conditions of dead
worms, dirty water and slippery floors.
32
Hearing Disorders
Children arc forced to listen to loud music ostensibly to prevent them from hearing
the deafening noise of the machines; however this often causes problems related to
hearing. This also leads to loss of balance on occasions and lack of concentration in
the work, which results in minor mistakes that incurs abuse from employers.*
Abuse
Abuses common to other industries are found in silk production as well. Verbal and
physical abuse including threats, harsh language and beatings for arriving late, working
slowly or annoying the employer was commonly observed in the silk units. In many
eases when children are unwell or are severely sick, they arc denied adequate rest and
time to recuperate and often the
employers come to their houses
and the children arc dragged to
work.Girl workers also suffer
sexual abuse at the hands of the
employers. By and large, most
children in this sector work
under bonded conditions.
Parents take an advance from
their employers and bond their
children to their employers for
several years until the loans are
paid back with exharbitant
interest. Most of the children
are malnourished and have long
working hours leading to
chronic illnesses such as
Tuberculosis,
Chronic
Bronchitis, Asthma, non healing
Ulcers etc.
33
which Silk route this?
tate
One of the biggest drawbacks on the part of the Indian Government is that there is
no blanket prohibition on the employment of children, nor any universal minimum
age set for child.workers under the Indian law. The Child Labour (Prohibition and
Regulation) Act, 1986, the Minimum Wages z\ct, 1948, The Plantation Labour Act,
1951, The rXpprentices z\ct, 1961, and zlrucle 24 of the Constitution define “child”
as any person below the age of 14. The Shops and Establishments Act, 1961, allows
the definition to be set by the states, and in thirteen states the minimum age is 12 yrs
and in eleven states, it is 14 yrs. The Children (Pledging of Labour) Act, 1933 defines
The entire
approach
a child as any person below fifteen years of age. The Juvenile Justice Act, 1986, defines
itself has a
“juveniles” as any male under sixteen and any female under eighteen. However, the
transient
large number of‘protective’ legislations and legal safeguards for checking the incidence
of child labour mean little in the absence of a conscious political will to implement
basis and
them. All of the labour laws are routinely flouted, with virtually no risk of punishment
does not
to the offender. Whether flouted due to indifference or corruption, the fact remains
take into
that these laws arc simply not enforced.
According to vast and deeply entrenched set of myths regarding child labour, child
labour (bonded or otherwise) in India is inevitable; it is caused by poverty and
consideration
the fact that
represents the natural order of things. It is also said that working to eradicate child
the children
labour is a ‘Western’ concept. The truth is diat the Indian Government and the people
can go to
have failed to protect children.
Any effort by the Government so far has been ver}' short-lived in nature. The setting
work in
other
up of residential schools for 100 child labourers, or the raiding of shops, units, and
other establishments that employ children has not served to eradicate child labour.
These efforts have very often been political gimmicks that last for a short period and
are forgotten once the benefit from the same is derived. There is no method of
follow-up of the children who have been enrolled in the residential schools; one is
not even certain if the children have gone back to working, loitering, etc. Raiding of
the establishments employing child labour also does not help in the process of
eradicating child labour for the same reason. The entire approach itself has a transient
basis and docs not take into consideration the fact that the children can go to woik in
other establishments or can return to the same, once the risk of the raid is over.
34
establishments
Recently (in August 1998) the Government of Karnataka issued a notification
authorising officers from Departments other than the Labour Department to check
the incidence of child labour. The notification also included the formation of a
committee of these officials at die taluka level to meet periodically and discuss the
work being done in this regard. However, the committees in the two talukas under
study have not met and no definite action has been taken.
35
Which Silk route this?
uo;p-estions
It is ironical that the success story of Karnataka as the country’s largest silk producer
is in reality interwoven with abuse of children, disregard for their rights and crippling
of their potential. The promotion of the sericulture industry is based on the
presupposition that in the absence of the use of any toxic chemicals, heavy machinery
and other conditions, as defined by the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation)
The
Act, it cannot be considered ‘hazardous’. Our study, however, highlights that in the
abysmal
name of development, children are exposed to hazardous conditions that damage
not only their childhood but also their adult life. Litde attention is paid to the issue of
condition of
child labour in these extremely appalling and abysmal conditions. Children spend
the Govt
their entire childhood in silk factories and find themselves uneducated, unskilled and
schools is
unemployed as they enter adulthood.
one of the
The well being of children should be an important indicator of development. In this
context it is important for a re-orientation of attitude especially one that will
emphasise an investment in the child rather than the utilisation of the child for
important
further capital growth. Apart from economic indicators, any industry should have
factors
social, educational and other indicators to determine the progress of the industry.
This would imply, primarily, a child-centred approach in the process of development.
responsible
In re-orienting development, there is a need to base development agendas on people,
for causing
their participation, contribution and interest. This is especially important since the
and
people engaged in this industry have not been exposed to concepts of people’s
representation, participator}' human resource development, and the ability to assert
perpetuating
their rights. The more the people in this economy and their children are encouraged
child
to initiate, manage and monitor their own understanding of situations, the deeper
labour.
will be the impact on community growth, which has remained below sub-human
levels for decades together.
Processes have to be initiated in the community that would gradually set the terms
among parents and children to participate in the identification of their individual and
collective needs and to articulate and respond to them as members of a developing
society. The Government should have a co-ordinated effort toward the eradication
of child labour. All the different departments in the Govt should converge to evolve
and implement definite policies for the overall development of children.
36
most
Another critical aspect to be taken into consideration is reform in the elementary
education system. The State, community members and voluntary organisations should
take immediate steps towards strengthening the Govt schools and ensuring that the
education received meets the needs of the children and the community. The abysmal
condition of the Govt schools is one of the most important factors responsible for
causing and perpetuating child labour.
The existence of child labour in the sericulture sector is not new to the Government,
the donor agencies or the voluntary organisations. Taking into account that the sector
has a large market on both the export and domestic front, the State should not wait
for other countries to impose trade related sanctions/ bans, as in the ease of the
carpet industry. Instead the State should take definitive action that involves the local
community, employers, Education department and voluntary organisations.
The links between development,
sericulture and child labour arc
tenuous. It is a well- known fact that
sericulture is an industry where
nothing goes waste and where there
is hundred percent utilisation and
recycling of all that goes into or
comes out of the silk production
system. The left-over mulberry
stems along with the worm
droppings form cattle fodder and
the cocoons are spun into reels of
silk. But for the many tiny hands
that labour in this supposedly non-
hazardous, remunerative industry,
the end of their productive years
sees them being rejected and treated
as waste.
37
I
Processes involved in the Sericulture Industry
Mulberry Cultivation:
Mulberry is a deep-rooted hardy plant that can withstand drought and its water
requirement is 26-45 inches per annum. Mulberry- sericulture consists of rearing the
silkworms in a domesticated environment using harvested mulberry leaves. When
the leaves in the mulberry garden reach the required level of maturity, the farmer
buys the required quantity of silkworm seeds (eggs) or what are commonly known as
DFLs (Disease Free Layings) either from a Government grainagc or from a licensed
seed preparer.
Rearing of Silkworms:
The rearing of silk worms requires a specific environmental condition, particularly
proper temperature and humidity. Therefore the rearing spaces (mostly in the homes
of the small-time farmers) are planned and constructed to provide and maintain
proper environmental conditions to get good quality cocoons. The main principles
considered while constructing arc that the rearing areas arc to avoid dampness,
stagnation of air, direct or very strong current of air, and exposure to bright sunlight
and radiation and also to ensure equable temperature and humidity and good
ventilation.
Before the rearing cycle begins, the rearing space and equipment is thoroughly
disinfected by using diluted formalin mixed with cowdung paste. This is to prevent
the worms from being infected by diseases, flics, or from being eaten away by lizards.
In addition, the farmer has also to ensure nutritious mulberry leaves, a well organised
and timed schedule of feeding the worms, and cleaning the bed, maintaining an
adequate spacing for the worms in the tray, adequate ventilation in the rearing space
and measures to control the temperature and humidity of the rearing environment
according to the stage of development of the worms. The important rearing
equipment employed arc rearing stands, rearing trays/boxes, mountages (chandrikes)
etc. The harvesting of cocoons is usually done manually.
For rearing the silkworms under hygienic conditions and to feed the worms with
succulent mulberry leaves, chawkirearing centres have been set up. In these centres, young
age silk worms are to be reared for 9-10 days under technical supervision and
distributed to sericulturists for further rearing. Though there are 26 Technical
serviccccntrcs and 219 chawki rearing centres in Bangalore Rural district, little has
been done to improve the quality of silkworm rearing in the district. Technical
guidance is to be provided to the sericulturists from the Technical Services centres
and the Sericultural Training School at Channapatna. ]n a few cases, farmers buy
chawki -worms (young silkworms, about 10 days old) instead of eggs or get their
eggs reared in a Government /private chawki rearing centre. This gives them a
certain period of rest after the rearing cycle to get their place and equipment
thoroughly disinfected. The life cycle of the silkworm ranges from 25-30 days through
which the eggs reach the stage of cocoons. In between, the worms, being voracious
eaters, expand more than 10,000 times consuming a lot of mulberry leaves, labour
and care, (the mulberryyield of half an acre of irrigated land could be used to rear about 100
DFLs per batch with the family labour of a small household offive members). Finally the
cocoons arc auctioned in a Government regulated cocoon market.
Finishing
Dyeing
t
t
Twisting
t
Use of reeling waste
t
Reeling
I
Weaving
Cocoon drying and cooking
Cocoon marketing
t
t
Chawki rearing
t
Adult silkworm rearing
Mulberry cultivation and crop management
t
Silkworm seed production
Cocoon Markets:
Cocoon markets facilitate the securing of good prices for cocoons produced in the
district. The cocoon market in Ramanagaram is the largest in Asia; here the average
transaction is 30 tonnes per day. Cocoons from AP, Tamilnadu and Maharashtra are
also brought here. In the organised cocoon markets, the cocoon sellers meet the
buyers in the form of reclcrs who bid for the cocoon lots, spread out on huge tables
for auctioning. Rearers from all over the country would prefer their cocoons to be
sold at the market in Ramanagaram, as they expect to get the best offer for their
products.
From the markets, the cocoons travel on the heads of porters to the reeling sheds,
where they arc sorted, stifled, cooked and reeled. The reeling equipment could be of
various types, processing different qualities of cocoons and producing different grades
39
Which Silk route this?
of raw silk-starting from the simple charakha to a cottage basin /filature (either of
them could be hand or power driven)
Reeling of Cocoons:
Reeling of cocoons to produce the raw silk is the ultimate industrial destiny for the
products. The silkworm spins the cocoon by spitting out the silk fluid through a
spinnerci at its mouth and this fluid hardens to form a fine silk filament (bane) on
coming into contact with the air. This bave comprises of two distinct filaments or
brins composed of fibroin and stuck together and covered by silk gum or sericin.
The bave is a continues filament of lengths from 350-600 mt in multivoltincs to
around 1500 mt in uni/bivoltines. When the cocoons arc treated with hot water the
gum (sericin) being readily soluble in hot water readily facilitates the unwinding
proccss.This operation of unwinding the bave (silk filament) from the cocoon is called
reeling. The process of reeling cocoons comprises of cocoon drying/stifling , boiling,
brushing, reeling, re-reeling, finishing and testing. The raw silk is subjected to a scries
of standard tests to assess its standard size, winding quality, evenness, cleanliness,
tenacity; cohesion, etc., and to determine its grade. The silk-reeling consists of
essentially two operations, i.c. cooking the cocoons to separate the thread from the
cocoon and combining 8-12 single dircads into a single yarn on to a reel. Silk reeling
is predominantly a cottage industry.
The three techniques in this small-scale industry are :
i
The Traditional Manual Cbaraka Method existing in the state since 200 years.
In the charaka process, cocoons are cooked in a simple kettle over charcoal and the
cocoons fed manually to a large manually operated charakas connected to cycle wheels
fined with ball bearings, driven by a chain and a manual turning mechanism. Sometimes,
the charakas are directly driven through a large wheel operated by hand with/without
ball bearings. Rcelers are known by the variety' and quality of silk produced by them;
the number of cocoons fed to an ‘end’ judges the thickness of the silk yarn.
ii
The Semi-Mechanised Technique of using Cottage Basins-.
Cottage basin reeling enables better control over the uniformity of the yarn. It involves
reeling the cocoons in hand operated cottage basins, mostly of smaller size and with
one or two tables (i.e. two to four basins) operated by a single turner.
In Bangalore Rural district, the commonly used reeling units have the cooking unit
physically at a distance from the basin where the cooked basin has to be shifted from
the cooking vessel to the reeling basin from time to time, an activity done mostly by
children. In addition, there is a more mechanised form of reeling employed in reeling
plants called ‘filature’ which is a common feature in die two talukas studied in Bangalore
Rural district. In 1988, there were over 1924 persons engaged in cocoon reeling in
Bangalore Rural district.
iii
The Multi-end Reeling Machine:
The multi-end reeling machine (using 10 ends per basin) has been introduced for
about three to four years now. The price of the multi-end machine is exorbitantly
40
high and rhe machine requires a large shed area. It is difficult to reel lower quality
cocoons (available especially during the rainy seasons) using the multi-end machine.
The wastage is much higher and therefore it is more uneconomical.
Winding
The next stage of processing the silk yarn is winding. Here the cocoons are dropped
in boiling water. At this stage, the cocoons arc stirred with a twig and then a few
cocoons that arc well-soaked in water are grouped manually. The thin thread of silk
is then picked and linked to a draw pin. The thread passing through the pin is linked
to a wheel that winds the thread as long as it is drawn from the cocoon. It is common
to find children employed in this process too.
Doubling
The yarn obtained after winding is then to be doubled. The yarn is attached to
fourspindlcs and then made from two strands to four strands and this process is also
usually carried out by children.
Twisting
This is the process whereby individual silk threads obtained after doubling are twisted
into a strong multi-ply thread. Twisting usually takes place in small factories with.
between fifty and a few hundred spindles that utilise bonded child labour.
Silk Farms
These farms perform several functions such as maintenance and propagation of
breeder stock of silk worm races, propagation of high yielding variety of mulberry,
maintaining the mulberry garden, preservation of mulberry leaves, rearing of silk
worms, mounting and harvesting of cocoons, control of diseases and imparting
training to the farmers. According to 1988 data, there are 13 Government silk farms
in the district; but there is no private silk farm in the district.
Co-operative Societies:
Several silk co-operative societies have been working for promoting the silk industry
in the state. These co-operatives arc broadly of two types: the Scriculturists cum
Farmers Co-operative Societies and the Silk Reclers Industrial Co-operative Societies;
their number in the district is 7 and 5 respectively.
II
Village Case Studies — a Brief Report
The following is a brief on 14 villages and slums in Channapatna and Ramanagaram
talukas of Bangalore Rural district. After a pilot survey of 20 villages and slums in
the two talukas, these 14 areas were identified with respect to the incidence of child
labour and the socio-economic conditions prevalent in the area. Finally 6 areas were
selected for an intensive study on the basis of the diverse conditions characteristic of
the particular village or slum that had contributed to the prevalence/absence of child
labour in sericulture.
41
which Silk route this?
Honganur is a village six-km from Channapatna town. It is the Gram Panchayat
centre for 7-8 surrounding villages in Channapatna taluka. Honganur can in fact be
referred to as a ‘mini town’, by itself. The village has 35 filature units owned by
Muslims, where Hindu children from the area and other children from neighbouring
villages also come to work.
Molledodi is also a village in Channapatna taluka that has a population that belongs
to one community. However only a small percentage of the population arc well off
while the others live in thatched houses. The women are mostly engaged in coolie
(daily wage) work. Children from Molledodi go to work at the filature units in
Honganur. The village has seen no developmental activity in the recent past and
alcoholism is a common problem in majority of the families.
Kannidodi is another village in Channapatna taluka that has a total population of
1139 in 220 households. The village is made up mainly of the Thigala community.
The main occupations in rhe village are agriculture and sericulture. Children also
work as coolie workers and in the sericulture process. The village has a Government
lower primary school and an anganwadi for children below 6 years.
Ammaalidodi is a small village in Channapatna taluka. Inhabited by a mixed
population of Kuruba and Vokkaliga community, the village has a total population
of 226. The main occupations arc agriculture and sericulture. There are 45 working
children in this village who work mainly in the sericulture sector. Ammaalidodi has a
Government lower primary school and a Government run anganwadi.
Kariappanadoddi is another village in Channapatna taluka. It is basically a toy
industry-based village, though only a handful of children work in the toy units. Only
10 of the 90 child labourers in this village work in the sericulture industry, at reeling
and twisting units in the slums of Channapatna town. The other children are engaged
in grazing animals, agriculture, brick-kilns, and toy making.
Adi Jambava is a slum in Channapatna town. The entire population belongs to Adi
Jambava (mentioned in the Scheduled Castes list). Almost all the working children
from this slum work in the sericulture sector. Children from this area work mainly in
the sericulture industry.
Badi andChoti Gali is a slum locality in the heart of Channapatna town. It is unique
in that it is a slum surrounded by a high-income residential area, but has a large
number of child labourers working in the sericulture industry. Further, it has a number
of filature units where children from neighbouring slums and villages close to
Channapatna town come to work. The area has a predominantly Muslim population
that belongs to two different belief systems of Islam.
Tip.pu Nagar is a slum in Channapatna town that forms the nucleus of the Beedi
industry in Channapatna taluka. Inhabited only by die Muslim community, the slum
was formed after the migration of Muslim families from neighbouring villages during
the 1991 riots. Men in the area work in the beedi factories and as coolie (daily wage)
workers, while women are involved in beedi-rolling at their homes. Children from
42
Tippu Nagar work in the sericulture industry, beedi industry, and in garages. The area
has ten filature units where children from the area and from neighbouring slums come
to work.
Syed wadi is a high income area in Channapatna which attracts atleast about 250-300
children from neighbouring slums and villages to the 20 odd filature units in the area.
A majority of the children from the area attend school. This is also a Muslim locality.
Recently two textile spun mills have been started in the area, keeping in view the
‘future’ of the silk industry.
Makaan is another slum area in Channapatna town from where
childrcn(approximately 50 in number) go to work at the filature units at Tippu Nagar
and Syed wadi. Children from Makaan are also employed in different processes of
the toy-making units in and around the area.
Baalgere is a slum in Ramanagaram that has a mixed population of SCs, Thigalaru,
Marathis, Muslims and Tamil migrants. There are a large number of children working
in this area, who are mainly from the SC community. The area also has a sizeable
number of small filature units that employ children. There arc 650 households in the
area with a total population of 3300.
Chanmaanahalli is a village, 2 km from Ramanagaram town, off the Kanakapura
Road. It has 252 households with a total population of 2000. The area is made up of
a mixed population of SCs, Gowdas, Vokkaliga, Thigalaru, Kuruba, etc. a large
number of children go to work at the filature units in Ramanagaram town from this
village. Some also work in the units situated locally. The village has a Government
Higher Primary school upto 7‘h standard which children from the neighbouring villages
also attend. There is a Government run anganwadis also in the village. A number of
houses in the village are engaged in different stages of the sericulture process, within
their houses itself. There is a Government chawki rearing centre in the village but it is
not active.
Nalbandwadi is a middle income area in Ramanagaram town, very close to the
main market area. It houses a very large number of the total filature units in
Ramanagaram town. The total population of the area is 4000 with a child population
of 515. In this locality the children working in the filature units come from the
surrounding slums and low income areas in contrast to the children from Nalbandwadi,
majority of whom attend school/anganwadi. The area survives to large extent on
the income brought in by the filature units.
Yarab Nagar is a slum in Ramanagaram taluka which can be said to support a
sericulture-based economy. It has one of the highest number of child labourers who
work in the sericulture industry, both in the slum and in the neighbouring slums. It
also has close to 200 filature units (mostly small). Almost 50% of the total child
population in this slum are child labourers. The slum is only inhabited by Muslims
and has grown in the recent years after the migration of Muslims from neighbouring
villages during the 1991 riots.
43
Which Silk route this?
Some details of the villages and slums selected for the study
Area name
No. of
Total population
Child population No. of child
households
Makaan
Tippu Nagar
Syed Wadi
/\di Jambava
Colony
Badi and Chori
Gali
Kariappanadoddi
Honganur
Mollcdodi
Kanidoddi
Ammaalidodi
Chanmaanahalli
Baalgere
Yarab Nagar
Nalbandwadi
III
labourers
178
261
263
125
1200
2000
3000
550
280
374
310
230
48
78
32
40
250
1300
410
94
226
1125
360
220
30
252
650
860
660
1188
6820
1700
1139
226
2000
3300
6000
4000
363
870
408
350
70
354
465
1100
515
92
200
110
60
45
54
108
500
130
An Overview of Bangalore Rural District
Bangalore Rural district is one of the 25 districts in Karnataka. It was formed in
1986, when Bangalore district was divided into Bangalore Rural and Bangalore
(Urban). Presently in Bangalore Rural district, there arc 2 divisions, 8 Talukas, 35
Hoblis (cluster of villages), 1713 inhabited and 177 uninhabited villages, 9 towns,
and 229 Gram Panchayats.
Population
Proximity to the city of Bangalore has its own impact on the district, with a
considerable daily floating population. The rural people arc mostly agriculturists
with their other occupations serving only as subsidiary to agriculture. The eastern
borders of the district are largely influenced by the neighbouring states of /\ndhra
Pradesh and Tamilnadu. According to the 1991 census, the total population of the
district is, 1,673,194 i.e. 860,231 males and 812,963 females with a population density
of 309 persons per sq. km. Bangalore Rural district has 22.5% of its population
belonging to the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe. Common among these are
Adi Dravida, Adi Karnataka, Kuruba, Bcstaru, Lambani, Bovi, Adi Jambava, Thigala,
Vokkaliga, and Lingayat. Hinduism, Islam and Christianity arc the three main religions
in the district with a sizeable population following each of these religions.
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Education and Literacy
As per the 1991 census, only 50.17% of the total population in the district is literate,
(of whom 61.5% are males, and only 38.5% arc females). Prior to the establishment
of the British system of education, primary education was imparted in indigenous
schools called the Grama Pathashalas or village elementary schools. The Education
Department was made a separate unit as early as 1866, and placed under the Director
of Public Instruction. Though Primary Education was transferred in 1931 to the
local bodies like District Boards and Municipalities, it was resumed by the Government
in 1941. /\ftcr the States Reorganisation in 1956, the term primary education underwent
a change in its connotation, to mean four years of primary and four years of middle
school. However in the current scenario, it refers to an integrated course of seven
years. There are 1462 primary schools in Bangalore Rural district, with 64,979 children
between the age of 0-14 enrolled to the schools. As against the existing number of
primary schools, there arc only 162 high schools in the district.
Occupation
Though agricultural activities have largely predominated die district, the current trend
includes more daily wage occupations, as a result of the increasing influence of
Bangalore city. Proximity to rhe city has provided easy access to a daily market for
milk, eggs, vegetables, and fruits. The district is not industrially very well developed,
though there is ample scope for the development of middle and large-scale industries.
Majority’ of the people living in this region are small farmers who grow mainly
vegetables and pulses. Of the total population, 37% are main workers, 5% arc marginal
workers while approximately 57% arc non-workers. Close to 28% of the working
population arc women, majority of whom are marginal workers.
Women today arc employed as cleaners (safai karmacharccs), for agarbathi/ beedi
rolling, filature units, dairy farms, construction work, domestic work, etc. besides
working as agricultural labourers. There arc a total of 55,000 child labourers in the
four talukas of Ramanagaram, Channapatna, Magadi and Kanakapura talukas of
Bangalore Rural district, employed in different sectors such as sericulture, agriculture,
beedi-rolling, garages, hotels, some processes of toy making, rag picking, coir factories,
sheep breeding, tile factories, brick-kilns, tailor shops, tea shops and at construction
sites.
Industries
As mentioned earlier, Bangalore Rural district is essentially an agricultural district
but it has sufficient scope for industrialisation, dairy development and sericulture.
The district is endowed with agricultural and horticultural crops such as ragi, rice,
groundnut, sugarcane, castor, grapes, mulberry, etc. There are adequate infrastructural
facilities such as transport and communications, banking , credit, and marketing.
Though the region is not rich in mineral resources, its non-metallic mineral resources
arc utilised for bricks, tiles, and stoneware manufacture. For many years now, weaving
has also been a major occupation for a large section of the population The soil and
such climatic conditions arc congenial for the cultivation of mulberry, rearing of
silkworms, and production of silk, besides other agro-based industries.
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Which Silk route this?
Some statistics regarding sericulture in Bangalore Rural District 12
/\rea under mulberry (Ha)
21292
Chawki Rearing centres
219
Cocoon Production (tonnes)
1605
Total Cocoon production (MT)
19,997
New Mulberry varieties
111
Sericulture talukas
8
Sericulture villages
2,118
Sericulture families (SQ
6,260
Sericulture families (ST)
1,288
Sericulture families (others)
44,152
Govt silk farms
10
Govt cocoon markets
8
Govt silk
filatures-
nil
Reclers
4,618
Charaka units
2,698
Cottag basin units
110
Filature basin units
10,994
Commissioner for Sericultural Development and Director of Sericulture, Department of Sericulture (1997-98)
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IV
Applicable Legislations and Recent Court Directive
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act and Children (Pledging of Labour)
Act, 1933
All of the practices involved in the silk industry-reeling, twisting, and weaving
constitute debt bondage and violate the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act and
Children (Pledging of Labour) /\ct. This is true even of the rare cases where children
arc working without advances having been taken against them; the Bonded Labour
System (Abolition) Act includes within its ambit work for “nominal wages” defined
by the Supreme Court as wages less than the minimum wage. Despite this and the
widespread knowledge of the use of advances, there have been no prosecutions under
the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, much less convictions.
Child labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986
Cloth weaving is a hazardous industry under the Child labour (Prohibition and
Regulation) Act, and the employment of any child below fourteen in this industry is
illegal. Till rcccndy employment of children as silk reclers and twisters was not similarly
forbidden, even though the conditions under which they work violate the regulatory
provisions of the Child labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act.
However a recent Gazette notification [Extraordinary, Part II, Section 3, Sub-Section
(ii)| from the Ministry' of Labour dated 23 July 1998, includes 36 other processes as
hazardous as an amendment to the Child labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act.
Sericulture (only the processing section) has also been included in this amendment,
thereby providing ample legal sanction for checking rhe incidence of child labour.
Factories Act, 1948
The Factories Act forbids the employment of children under fourteen in all factories,
defined as premises employing ten or more people where power is used or twenty or
more people where power is not used. Applying this definition, child labour is
prohibited in all the silk reeling and twisting units.
V
Some commonly used terms in Indian Sericulture
Mulberry Sericulture :
Mulberry is the plant on which the mulberry silkworm Baw/ff.x mori is dependent as
exclusive feed during the larval stage as the leafs have a high sugar and protein
content. Mulberry is multiplied by cuttings in tropical climate where rooting is
satisfactory, and by saplings in temperate conditions. Well managed, one ha of
mulberry produces more than 40MT of fresh leaves per year. r\ key characteristic of
Ronibyx mori is its voltinism.
Bivoltine races hatch twice a year and follow a hibernation which can however be
broken. Multivoltine races hatch all the year round, and its eggs cannot be stored for
more than some weeks. Bivoltine races produce white, long and even silk filaments
with desirable characteristics for dress materials made on powerlooms. The cocoons
of multi-bivoltine hybrids or pure multivoltines are yellowish and have shorter
filaments than bivoltines. Silk yarn produced from multi-bivoltine hybrid cocoons is
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" • •
•: ■ :-
Which Silk route this?
suitable for handlooms and constitutes more than 99% of the raw silk produced in
India.
Bivoldne cocoons
Cocoons built by a silkworm race or hybrid with only two generations (life cycles) in a
year.
Cocoon
Silken shell spun by the silkworm larvae that sen es as a protective covering to
the insect during its pupal stage of existence
DFLs
Disease free laying(s) of silkworm eggs, with an average of 400 eggs per laying for
multivoltine, upto 600 eggs per laying for bivoltine
Filament
Thread spun by the silkworm, ranging from 300 to 1800 mts.
Multivoltinc
Cocoons built by a silkworm race or hybrid with more than two generations per year.
cocoons
Raw silk
Silk reeled by drawing together the required number of filament form the cocoons
and containing the original gum or sericin
Sericm
Natural gummy coating on raw silk filaments, a protein soluble in boiling water.
The amount of sericin in raw silk is 20%
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MAYA (Movement for Alternatives and Youth Awareness) is a development and training
organisation working to address the rights and responsibilities of children with a
particular focus on the eradication of child labour.
The book is a situational analysis of child labour in the sericulture sector based on MAYA’s
experience in the talukas of Ramanagaram and Channapatna. It highlights the prevalence
of child labour in the sericulture industry, which was intended to improve economic &
social growth in the regions where it was promoted. It also exposes the myth that child
labour exists as a result of economic poverty and shows that it is perpetuated because of
several social factors that have a direct bearing on life-processes of people.
Apart from being material for discussion, the book seeks to become a campaign tool to
create an opportunity for people to look at their role as responsible citizens.
- Media
Which Silk route this
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