RIGHT TO FOOD / HUNGER WATCH FOOD POLICY / FOOD SECURITY
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RF_NUT_9_SUDHA
C hartccfor Targetted PDS in Andhra Pradesh
Subject: Charter for Targetted PDS in Andhra Pradesh
Date: Mon, 30 Aug 1999 08:32:55 PDT
From: "Vinay Baindur" <v_baindur@hotmail.com>
To: il-rti@ilban.emet.in
Charter for Targetted PDS
Right to Information
Each FPS will display information such as beneficiaries' entitlement of
various essential commodities, the issue prices, periodicity at which ration
can be drawn, name of Fair Price Shopkeeper, timings of opening and closing
of FPS and weekly closing days, stock position, etc., at a conspicuous
place (as per Annexures IV B).
The FPS will also display procedure for lodging the complaints with
reference to quality or quantity of ration, and other problems being faced
by the beneficiaries during course of getting their ration.
Allocation of various commodities to the Districts, Mandals and FPS will be
given wide publicity through Press, AIR and Doordarshan. The Panchayat and
Municipality will be informed of the allocation made and quantities actually
distributed every month.
Information regarding allotment to and issue from any FPS of commodities can
be obtained by any one for a period upto three months from the Mandal
Revenueofficer on payment of prescribed fee.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Vigilance and Public Participation :
Government of Andhra Pradesh constitued Vigilance
Committee (Food Advisory Committee) to review the
functioning of the scheme peritdiSally at
Shop/Municipality/Ward/Corporation/Circle/
Division/Mandal District/Area Level and State/UT
level associating the members from Government
officials, social organisations, consumer organisations,
local body members, etc., viz.
i). The F. P.Shop/Ward Level Committees : Each
F.P.Shop and in Municipality, a ward, shall have a
Vigilance Committee consisting of representatives of
card holders (some of whom hsall be women), elected
President of the Panchayat/Ward's elected
representative, consumer activist and other social
workers of repute. Where there is a big Panchayat
having more than one FPS, then it can have one
Vigilance Committee for each F.P.Shop.
ii). Mandal level committees will comprise five-six card
holders attached to the FPS, local bodies, social
workers of the areas, etc., and function under the RDO
of the area. The mandal level committee will cover
FPSs in a mandal and report to the Collector about the
functioning of FPSs and other related problems.
iii). The District level committees : Each district level committee will
comprise of about 10 members from the different segments like beneficiary
groups, social/consumer organisations, people's elected
representative and be presided over by District Collector. The District
Collector has also been authorised to redress/solve the problems at his
level to the maximum extent and whenever it is not possible, he would refer
the same with his recommendation to the
Secretary of State Food & Civil Supplies Department.
Department
I <>f2
8/31/99 5:50 PN
Charter for Targeted PDS in Andhra Pradesh
iv). state/UT Level Committees : This will be constituted by the State
Government. It will consist of concerned Senior Level Officials from the
Government,Members of Parliament, Members of Legislative
Assembly,
consumer activists, youty & women organisations. The committee will function
under the chairmanship of Chief Minister or Minister Incharge of Food &
Civil Supplies of the Sate and review quarterly the overall functioning of
TDPS in the State, as a
whole. The committee members will also visit the FPSs, meet beneficiaries
of the Schemes, officers of Food and Civil Supplies Department, etc., and
try to solve the problems on the spot. The problems which warrant attention
of State Government or Central
Government for final decision will be brough to the notice of the respective
Government, who in turn will take decision within their Jurisdiction.
Charter for Targetted PDS
Inspection and Checking
To make System more effective and efficient and to
introduce an element of accountability, the
Government of Andhra Pradesh have prescribed an
inspection schedule for all officers including
Collectors as shown below
S.No.
Designation of
the Official
Per month
1.
Collectors
5
2.
Joint Collectors
7
3.
D.S.Os / R.D.Os
10
4.
M.R.Os / A.S.Os
10
During these inspections, the quality and quantity of
ration, being supplied through FPS, smooth
functioning of the FPS with reference to opening and
closing time of FPS, dealing of FPS owner/its
workers with beneficiaries will be checked. Besides
the above, inspections are conducted by the
Vigilance Cell and Weights and Measures (Legal
Metrology) officials on fair price shops and Mandal
Level Stockist points with a view to see that the
commodities are supplied to the cardholders at the
prescribed prices and at correct weighment and
measurement.
Get Your Private,
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8/31/99 5:50 PN
K.M-S/11 October. 2001
WOMEN, AGRICULTURAL POLICY AND FOOD SECURITY
IDENTIFYING PRIORITIES FOR THE TENTH PLAN
Agriculture and women
The growth of the Indian economy is crucially dependent on the performance of
agriculture, which absorbs the labour of 70% of the population and is the major supplier
of wage goods and raw materials to the economy. The agriculture sector has links with
every other sector, and agricultural prices can lead trends in general price levels besides
having a direct impact on the real wages of labour in all sectors. The agriculture sector
also provides a market for non-agricultural products and services, besides contributing to
foreign exchange earnings.
Women have always played a central role in Indian agriculture - over 75% of workers in
agriculture are women. Apart from ploughing, women perform all other agricultural
operations - several micro-level surveys corroborate that women spend more time on
agriculture-related tasks in any season, than men in the same families. Apart from their
pivotal role in the cultivation of staple crops, they are primarily responsible for the
production of secondary crops such as pulses and vegetables, which are often the only
sources of nutrition available to families in lean seasons. Women also play a primary role
in fanning on homestead land and on community owned wastelands. The fact that, in
spite of this, women are not recognised as farmers in their own right, is a reflection of
their subordinate social status and is expressed in all the dimensions of their lives.
As agricultural workers, women are paid a lower wage than men for performing the
same tasks. At the same time, the tasks traditionally performed by women are devalued
and considered of lesser importance. As farmers, women cannot claim formal
ownership of land or other productive assets. This in turn limits their access to the
subsidised resources and agricultural support services that are made available to male
farmers by the government. At the same time, their restricted mobility, responsibility
for all household tasks, and lack of access to knowledge and information limit their
opportunities for increasing their productivity. With the increasing degradation of
natural resources, women are spending more and more time in collecting water, fuel
and fodder. The pressures created by the triple burden of women - in production,
reproduction and in management of community resources - are in turn passed on to
girls, who subsidise the work of adult women inside and outside the home and is denied
opportunities for education and self-development.
As a consequence of the decline of agriculture and the breakdown of traditional
artisanal modes of livelihood, migration from rural areas, particularly the rainfed
drylands, is increasing across the country. Migration is seasonal in nature and is mostly
of men from landless and marginal or heavily indebted small farmer families. In
drought years, migration increases and women and children from poor and marginally
less poor families also migrate. There is a steady increase in the number of womenheaded households, and women have become the major stakeholders in farming of self
owned or leased lands. The high workload of women in a traditionally women
dominated economy increases further as they now have to perform all activities in
settled agriculture too, in addition to non-agricultural tasks that men used to perform.
This phenomenon of “feminisation of agriculture” is now an issue of concern at the
policy level.
Women, particularly Adivasi women, are facing additional problems stemming from
the decline of traditional forms of agriculture, which incorporated several strategies to
cope with situations of drought and scarcity. A combination of shifting agriculture and
forest products is known to have ensured food security in the past. An important feature
of the traditional tribal economy and culture was that the maximum sustainable yield
was maintained both in the forests and the fields through a complex system of rules,
regulations and beliefs that did not allow over-exploitation. Equally important, the
resource ownership pattern was gender equitable to a great extent. Though women
could not participate in formal bodies of decision-making, the practice of community
resource ownership ensured access and control of men and women equally to every
resource. Most of these mechanisms of resource management, sustainable use and
protection of individual rights have disappeared or weakened over the years.
National Policy Framework
The National Agriculture Policy (NAP) announced by the government in 2000 aims to
achieve a growth rate of more than 4% per annum in the agriculture sector. The policy
further specifies that growth should be based on efficient use of resources and
conservation of soil, water and bio-diversity, and should, be sustainable technologically,
environmentally and economically. In order to contribute towards the goals of social
justice, agricultural growth should be equitably spread over regions and should benefit all
sections of farmers. A demand-driven growth process that caters to domestic markets
while also capitalising on exports, would be necessary in the face of the challenges
arising from liberalisation and globalisation.
However, the present situation of agriculture in the country is a cause for serious concern.
The contribution of agriculture to the GDP has been falling steadily since 1990-91 and
stood at 26.8% in 1998-99. In the current year, it is estimated to be around 3%.
Investment in agriculture today is half of what it was in the early-1980s, and public sector
investment is less than a third. In the last decade, policy attention has shifted away from
building capital assets that could contribute to long-term productivity growth. Rather,
debates have focused on the issue of subsidies, and exploring the possibility of increasing
the fertilizer price, levying user charges for canal irrigation and raising electricity tariffs.
This, combined with the failure of institutional credit, has led to distortions in the pattern
of resource use in agriculture. There is a declining trend in real wages and a sharp rise in
the levels of poverty among agricultural workers.
The most visible aspect of the crisis in agriculture is the paradox of widespread hunger in
a country that prides itself on its self-sufficiency in foodgrain production. Despite the
deceleration in the growth of foodgrain production, India has been a net exporter of
foodgrains for the last six years. There has been a steep rise in procurement prices in
recent years - the minimum support price of wheat was raised by 45% between 1997-98
and 1999-2000 - leading to a glut in procurement. In many cases, traders saw the high
price as an opportunity to offload their stocks. As a consequence, the issue prices of
foodgrains have been raised in order to cover the high procurement and storage costs
incurred by the FCI, leading to reduced offtake from the Public Distribution System. The
mid-term appraisal of the Ninth Five-Year Plan indicates that the per capita availability
of foodgrains, which was rising steadily during the 1980s, has declined during the 1990s.
The existence of chronic hunger in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Andhra
Pradesh, borne out by frequent reports of starvation deaths in these States, has invited the
intervention of the Supreme Court and highlighted the need for pro-active policies to
ensure food security of vulnerable groups.
Policy context
The prevailing policy context in agriculture has serious implications for human
development in India. There is evidence of some trends that are likely to have an adverse
impact on overall human development, particularly for women who depend on
agriculture for their livelihoods.
•
•
•
•
The post-reform emphasis on accessing international agricultural markets has led to a
shift in cropping patterns from food crops to cash crops, which is reflected in the
restructuring subsidies and incentives. This has adversely affected the number of days
of work available for women. It has also reduced the land available for cultivation of
subsistence crops and resulted in steep increases in the local prices of foodgrains.
The earlier policy emphasis on land reform for a more equitable distribution of
productive assets in agriculture appears to be weakening. Several States are now
arguing for a relaxation of ceilings on land holdings, and for opening up land and
lease markets to commercial interests. Experience in States like Karnataka indicates
that this move is likely to push small and marginal farm families into landlessness and
destitution.
The expansion of opportunities in agriculture that are envisaged in the new national
policy on agriculture could have the effect of increasing existing disparities. For
instance, the policy envisages increased returns from agriculture through contract
farming arrangements between farmers and agri-business corporations for the
cultivation of high-value cash crops. This is likely to benefit only those large farmers
who have access to high-quality inputs, rather than marginal farmers in dryland areas.
The implications of the WTO agreements on agriculture, particularly for resource
poor farmers, need to be analysed in the context of India’s overall position on trade
liberaliation. For example, the Uruguay Round agreements will not only impact
•
•
•
growth in the agriculture sector, but also wages and employment in the economy in
general.
The degradation of the natural resource base, particularly in dryland and forest areas,
along with the disappearance of traditional forms of sustainable resource
management, has severely affected tribal communities. Media reports of starvation
deaths in tribal communities in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are an
indicator of the seriousness of the situation.
Land alienation and indebtedness have also endangered the survival of tribal
communities. An influx of outsiders, who have acquired land in spite of protective
legislation, has led to the increasing impoverishment of tribal families. Land has also
been alienated through the system of debt repayment.
Indebtedness and debt
servicing have become a regular feature of the tribal household economy and
cumulative debt leading to bondage is common.
The revamped Targeted Public Distribution System has had adverse impacts on
families below the poverty line. The reduction in the quota of foodgrains, as well as
the stipulation that the entire allocation is to be purchased at a time, has made it
difficult for poor consumers to access their entitlements of foodgrains under the
system.
These are only a few of the issues that demand urgent policy attention. It is imperative
that women’s perspectives on these and similar critical issues related to livelihoods in
agriculture be brought to the attention of policy makers in the lead-up to the Tenth Plan.
In order to provide a platform for discussion on these issues, and to arrive at some
focused policy recommendations for the agriculture sector, UNDP is organising a twoday workshop at Bhubaneswar on 23-24 November. Participants at the workshop will
include representatives of NGOs working on issues of sustainable agriculture,
representatives of agricultural research institutions, concerned officers of the State and
Central governments, members of the Planning Commission and representatives of the
UN System in India.
The outputs of the workshop would feed directly into the process of policy review and
analysis in the lead up to the Tenth Plan, as well as contribute to the process of policy
formulation at the State and national levels.
TENTATIVE AGENDA1
DAY/TIME
Day 1
1000-1100 hrs
TOPIC
LEAD SPEAKER
Inaugural session
Saroj Jha to organise
TEA BREAK
Background and
introductions
1130-1200 hrs
Som Pal, Planning Commission
Rita Sharma, MoA
Suman Sahay, Gene Campaign
N.C.Saxena, Planning
Commission
•
WTO regime and
implications for women
farmers
1430-1600 hrs
•
Traditional technologies
1630-1800 hrs
•
Land and land rights
1000-1130 hrs
•
Natural resources and
subsistence agriculture
1200-1330 hrs
•
Alternative systems
food security
1200-1330 hrs
LUNCH
______
Rukmini Rao, DDS
Dr.Shiraz Ahmed, GEAG
TEA BREAK
_______________
P.V.Rajagopal, GPF
D.Bandyopadhyaya
Day 2
Madhu Sarin
Geeta Menon
TEA BREAK
of
(WFP to suggest someone from
Orissa)
LUNCH
1430-1600 hrs
Groups to work on
recommendations
(Facilitators and rapporteurs to
be identified)_________
TEA BREAK
Final plenary session
1630-1730 hrs
Presentations and
recommendations from
groups.
1 Not to be shared with participants until resource persons and sessions are finalised.
Integrating Local Action With the ...ue on Water, Food and Env ironment
‘ Subject: Integrating Local Action With the Dialogue on Water, Food and Env ironment
Date: Fri, 22 Feb 2002 15:01:34 +0100
From: Water <water@bothends.org>
To: '"wangari.maathai@yale.edu'" <wangari.maathai@yale.edu>,
'"kmorrison_canada@yahoo.ca"' <kmorrison_canada@yahoo.ca >,
"'mubak@ihe.nl'" <mubak@ihe.nl>, "'sustriayu@indo.net.id'" <sustriayu@indo.net.id>,
"’sochara@blr.vsnl.net.in"' <sochara@blr.vsnl.net.in>,
'"henri.roggeri@nciucn.nl"' <henri.roggeri@nciucn.nl>,
"'DNkhuwa@rnines.unza.zm'" <DNkhuwa@mines.unza.zm>, '"oca@rdc.cl"' <oca@rdc.cl>,
"'ukricid@reclamation.org.ua'" <ukricid@reclamation.org.ua>,
'"fitghana@ncs.com.gh"' <fitghana@ncs.com.gh>, '"cpadilla@rdc.cl"' <cpadilla@rdc.cl>,
"'fparish@genet.po.my'" <fparish@genet.po.my>,
"'mnab@terra.com.br'" <mnab@terra.com.br>
Dear colleagues:
In preparation to the Design Workshop on Local Action (Pune, 23-27 February)
within the framework of the Dialogue on Water, Food and Environment, Gomukh
and Both ENDS drafted the discussion paper ' <<020221_summary email
discussion draftl and 2.doc>> . The paper sets out to: 1) stimulate
discussion on adequate methodologies to promote the inclusion of Local
Action in the overall Dialogue; 2) help develop a framework to select core
issues which can be dealt with by Local Action dialogues in the coming
years; 3) suggest an agenda that allows fruitful follow-up dialogues to
emerge.
The Design Workshop in Pune can only accommodate a limited number of
participants. However, as it is important that a wider range of stakeholders
and experts is consulted on these questions, an email discussion was started
to solicit comments and input. The discussion paper helped to surface a rich
variety of constructive comments and suggestions.
Valuable comments and suggestions were received from various parts of the
world. The respective respondents gave emphasis to greatly different
concerns and challenges. Some respondent felt that the first draft
discussion paper contained unnecessary provocative observations and views.
Others stressed that it is essential that controversial issues are brought
to surface to enable meaningful dialogue. Concerns were expressed that the
first draft discussion paper was not enough in continuity with the steps
already taken by the broader Dialogue. Other respondents felt that the
discussion paper gave useful direction to start the Local Action dialogue
process. Bearing in mind that the paper is meant to help focus and explore
concrete steps to pursue Local Action within the Dialogue process, very
useful recommendations were made with regard to key questions, guiding
principles, criteria and methodology.
To the extent possible we have incorporated the comments and suggestions
received. The third draft will be posted on the Both ENDS and Dialogue
websites, and sent to you by a later email.
At this stage of the process, we are pleased to share with you a compilation
of the feedback received. While trying to do justice to the respondents'
input, we have edited the texts in order to keep the discussion focused and
accessible. We incorporated both comments received on the first (12/1/2) and
the second draft (31/1/2). If you are interested in the attachment, please
contact us and we'll send you the available material. We hope this overview
of comments, suggestions and ideas inspires you to give further input to the
discussion.
You are invited to consult the websites of Both ENDS www.bothends,.org and
the Dialogue Consortium: www.Dialogue.org. Please send you comments to
<water@bothends .org>.
Warm regards,
1 of2
2/25/02 9:40 AN
Integrating Local Action With the ...tie on Water, Food and Env ironment
Vijay Paranjpye/Ashwini
Paul Wolvekamp/Danielle Hirsch,
Mehendale,
Both ENDS
These and other suggestions were
Gomukh
incorporated in the 2nd draft.
Name: 02022l_summary email discussion
draftl and 2.doc
p 02022 l_summary email discussion draft! and 2.doc
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2/25/02 9:40 AM
Comments received on 2nd Draft (31/1/2)
R.Seenivasan and M.P.Vasimalai [dhan@dhan.org] or [dhan@md3.vsnl.net]
18/2/2
Attachment: “DHAN Foundation’s Tank Program: Its contributions”
Attachment: “Local Management and suggested framework for Action
in Irrigation Tanks of South India”
The paper circulated by you and the questions addressed and are excellent and congratulations for
coming out with such a good piece. We share our experiences to provide answers to these
questions. We also attach two notes prepared on Tanks and local management and contributions of
our programmes of Tank sector.
a)
The best size of are for action shall be a basin which have hydrological linkages.
b)
The future local action dialogue shall be done at tank levels, cascade levels (watershed levels)
and hydrologically linked basin levels.
c)
The structures like tanks of South India are known for local management for centuries and
withstood the test of time. Learning from their history we realize that the present administration and
management needs to be reformed towards reaching a local management structure. Our experience
in this regard is very positive and done at a scale.
We are currently concluding research on Conflicts due to water in basin level, which also throws
light on the institutional forms for effective management.
Henri Roggeri [henri.roggeri@nciucn.nl]
14/2/2
Attachment: “Wetlands of the world's arid zones”, Richard T. Kingsford
attachment: "The key role of wetlands in addressing the global water crisis", Bureau of the
Convention on Wetlands
1.
One important issue when dealing with water, food and environment (at whatever level, i.e.
national or local) is the conservation of water resources. It is not, or insufficiently dealt with in
the draft, and will probably be altogether forgotten in the rest of the process if it is not even
mentioned at this stage. One reason for this might be that the draft "discards" dryer or arid
regions a little bit too easily(?) —, and forgets the biodiversity parts and while focusing on
socio-economic aspects. But even then: water conservation is also important in humid regions.
Water resources conservation is pivotal in managing water in a sustainable way, AND it does
put limits to water use. Dealing with water uses (for whatever purposes, including food)
therefore cannot be properly done without addressing water conservation. Is there too much of a
"use"-bias in the draft, which would undermine "sustainability"? See Also "role of wetlands in
global water crisis"
2.
Water and food should also be addressed (more clearly) in relation to food produced (with or
without human intervention) by water-dependant ecosystems such as wetlands. Especially poor
people depend on such food production. Think of fish etc., and have a look at the attachment
"wetlands and food security" for a few examples.
Subject: your final article for SOX Xews
Date:.tri. 25 Tan?W2 113:51:06 —0100
From: accscjiS who-cli
To: flvaletitcfaltechiiolmk.com.br. ipaa'faigc.ora, daniel.vanderstcen@csa-be.org,
s_clark@ foodgransbank.ca, sochara@vsnl.com
_
Xante: SR-Of Hopes anil Frii.slralions.iloc ,
iy| SR-Of Hopes and Frustrations.doc j
Type: WinWord File (application^msword)
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Of hopes and frustrations: Non-governmental and civil society organizations in the
food security debate
Comments from NCiOs involved in the WFS:/i7 preparation process
I — The heads of the three UN food-related organizations (FAO, IFAD and WFP)
recently expressed their concern over the slow rate of reduction of the number of
hungry people in the world since the World Food Summit in 1996. At the present rate,
the goal of halving malnutrition by 2015 will only be reached in some 60 years. In the
eyes of civil society, these numbers are not cold statistics. They represent real people
who have names, families and dreams. Their precarious survival is the vivid proof of
on; collective failure to fulfill our obligation to respect, protect, promote and realize
their human right to adequate food and nutrition. They are the millions (billions even)
of victims of relentless violations ot human rights.
Several UN reports coming from different quarters have warned us of the possible
negative impacts of continued hunger on economic and political stability around the
world as well as of the sustainability of the food system overall. They have also
pointed to the need for more concerted actions to guarantee substantial reductions in
hunger and poverty rates. Cails have been made for strong partnerships between
governments and all relevant social actors. These partnerships are seen as the only
way' to reach the goals. They would enable a sustainable democratic process of
community empowerment.
It seems clear that we are tailing the test of putting economic and social development
at the service of humankind as a staled goal of promoting human right s and
development; In addition, we have yet to pul effective strategics into practice.
Organizations like the IMF and the WTO have been resistant to working decisively
with the UN towards this common goal.
The international system is rife with glaring contradictions among intergovernmental
organizations. This reflects not only their different governance mechanisms, but also
the different interests which °uide and control them. As such, the UN svstem reflects
the internal contradictions of its member governments which themselves often defend
contradictory' positions in different international fora. This is how civil society
assesses the UN and Mbw it explains the difficulties the UN lias in coordinating its
work both at international and national level.
The ACC/SCN, for instance, has contributed significantly to more coordinated actions
m ihe nutrition field and has facilitated civil society's participation in its discussions.
However, it could do much more to integrate its work with that of the ACC Network
on Food Security’ and Rural Development. Another example is the lack of integration
of follow-up activities to the International Conference on Nutrition (ICN) with those
of the WFS. The WFS:/v/ is the opportunity (hopefully not missed) to combine all
our efforts to date and to bring more sharply into focus the very concrete nutritional
and human consequences of the recent economic developments. This is the onty way
lo pronose ■* sensible and susla.itta.bfe course of action
Civil society warned that the Uruguay Round as well as structural adjustment
programmes m developing countries were harbingers of grim consequences in terms
of household food security. Can the WFSA'. with all its assembled leaders.
counteract rhe ominous consequences of the worldwide implementation of a
liberalization model of international trade that is inequitable? Can the WFS:/y/
dismantle national food security policies that have led to further rural exodus and
social exclusion ?
Not bv accident, over the last few years, have food-related civil society organizations
(CSOs) and movements progressively shifted their attention to the WTO forum.
Some beliei e ilr.u the foie of people's food and nutritional security is sealed there. In
this context. FAO has been weakened in the eyes of many CSOs. This is because
FAO is perceived as being out of the loop of influence to fulfil its mission of
promoting and protecting food security of people in the international scene. The call
on FAO made bv the Global Forum on Food Sovereignty (see n x) to re-establish its
mission and responsibility to coordinate the food security effort in the international
sphere is symptomatic of this.
The postponement of WFS Jyl to mid 2002 gives us an opportunity not to be missed to
correct our course and to position CSOs in a more protagonist role in the updating of
national and regional reports for the event. Il also gives us an opportunity to
concretely build on the interfaces of the WTS follow-up with the ICN and its National
Plans of Action for Nutrition with the Earth Summit and with the upcoming UN
General Assembly Special Session on Children.
We are all in the same boat. We must take up the challenge and window of
opportunity to assess existing means to promote food and nutrition security' and to
squarely place them in the context of human rights. FAO should take the lead in tins
effort. If not. the global community may have to set up a new intersectoral
governance mechanism capable of bringing together all relevant actors to tackle the
real underlying and basic causes of food insecurity, malnutrition, hunger and poverty.
Flavio Valente, Brazilian Forum on Food and Nutritional Security, and a member of
the .ACC SCN Steering Committee representing NGOs civil society.
Uvalenw teem?link com Hr
2,
— The International Panners for Sustainable Agriculture is interested in food,
nutrition, land and sustainable agriculture. These issues need to be addressed
simultaneously to resolve problems of food insecurity. It is a struggle to get needed
increased attention to these issues and to co-ordinate better with the various single
issue CSOs as well as with the specialized UN agencies that work in the area of food
insecurity.
We naxe nad good collaboration with FAG, but it takes constant effort to sustain tins
collaboration at an effective level. Our experience has been that once NGO
representatives leave Rome, it is easv lor them to go back to the old ways of working
and to forget the commitments made.
Tills has enriched everyone's understanding of decision-making
iiuions. We have learned that CSOs and UN agencies cannot be
’Homogenous grouping. Because the WFS has a mandate from
*e managed to hate an official seat at their table . This mves
FAO is mandated to work with accredited NGOs and to engage in a mnlti-stakeholder
dialogue with them as well as with governments. This has created an open arena in
which to raise issues and concerns. The issues addressed so far have been of key
significance to advance the cause of food, land and agriculture. The re-scheduled
WFS.A’f will be preceded by the Committee on World Food Security and five
regional conferences between January and June 2002. It is up to all of us to make the
best of this opportunity and to further link the four issues in our advocacy and
Jobbvmu. Although some institutions increasingly recognize the need for linkages.
they arc often unable or unwilling to address them head on.
Internationa! Partners for Sustainable Agriculture, ipsa'a. igc.org
o> — Participation of civil society m the WFS717 process has to be assessed from the
Ev-ii if ip.osi. of NGOf- wotkiiis in the food security
area pay anemion io ail max happens in the most active international organisations,
ioremoNi urnoncj i.hem I hr
* WTO. ih^ir interest in what happens al FAO is limited.
except in key situations. This was the case during the World Food Summit. However.
WFS follow-up by the non-governmental sector, especially during the World Food
Security Committee meetings, was not optimal.
Accredited CSOs arc of two kinds: one group is represented by international
organizations with a permanent representative in Rome. Representatives based in
Rome are often not very specialised in food security issues. The other group is
represented by some very specialised and active food and agriculture NGOs/CSOs.
This second group is small and those based in the South generally have no means to
finance their travel and stay in Rome. It is very difficult to raise funds to cover
participation of organizations from the South or from transition countries.
Since 1996, co-operation between FAO and NGOs/CSOs has improved, especially
with the organizations of the second group. In particular
® there have been official joint meetings and independent consultations between
FAO and these NGOs CSOs in advance of global and regional meetings,
® there have been opportunities for these specialized organizations to present their
positions at official meetings as full partners rather than as observers, and
• 1 AO has implemented a new policy of co-operation with the NGOs/CSOs sector.
Undoubtedly there has been progress. but more needs to be achieved. Cooperation
v. ilh member
of FAO needs io be strengthened, ivleniber soveiTuiienis
have been far iess responsive on the whole. One factor that does not contribute to
success in this area is the lack of consistent interest from NGOs/CSOs themselves in
r>ie Siiinmii PVm of Action. Follow-up at the national level is a ciiiical
element, each organization should be in touch with its respective government. In this
1 he range ot opportunities tor action is greater todav than live years ago.
NGOs C’SOs now need to mobilize their constituencies more forcefully on food and
agriculture issues. They need to keep up their dialogue with peasants, with
governments and with UN specialized agencies.
Daniel van der Steen, Collectif Strategies Alimentaires, Belgium,
daniel. vandersleen ??csn-be. org
Some questions are still unanswered in the WFS'jfv/ process
— A lack of political will to address the most difficult issues and to focus primarily
on the most disadvantaged groups is evident in the fact that, in spite of studies
showing an alarming impact of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) on food
security, no revision of the trade policy aspects of the Summit Plan of Action is
foreseen on the WFS:/W agenda. The 'historical chance to influence the ongoing
Agreement negotiations is basically being given away.
Since 1996, a small number of large corporations have intensified their domination of
ulobal agricultural markets. .Patents and geneticallv-modilied organisms (GMOs) have
accounted for much of their grow th. Against a background of consumer protests in
many countries, documented economic, environmental and health risks of GMOs and
consumers' readiness to pay premium prices for non-GMOs. research, development
and production of GMOs continues to increase. "Feeding the South” is very often the
reason given by proponents ol GMOs. GMO genes have been detected in fields
where they were not even sown. GMO contamination reduces choice. A GMO
contamination case in Canada showed that corporations will take farmers to court to
retrieve their patented genetic material (in this case in canola seed) even though it
cannot be shown how the material got into the fields.
Civil society organizations in the South largely oppose the GMO solution to the
hunger problem. Genetic use restriction technologies, or GURTs, developed since
1996 (like the terminator technology) should be banned internationally. Voluntary
renunciations by some corporations will not be sustainable if the patent-owning
corporations merge with others or sell off parts of their assets, something that is now
happening at an increasing pace. The WFSA7 event should adopt a ban on GURTs in
order to safeguard food sovereignty and food security for the poor.
Since 1996, the issue of universal access to genetic resources has regressed as more
and more patents limit access to these resources in an increasing number of countries.
The Convention on Biological Diversity has placed genetic resources under national
sovereignty' before this »hev were considered aheritase of humankind. The
International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources adopted unanimously in November
2001 by FAQ members (the USA. and Japan abstained) could have mitigated these
et"ecw much ea>Tie» However. several countries delayed die proceedings by insisting
on provisions aimed at limiting access. Implementation of the new Treaty depends on
the willingness of parties to a) allow the free exchange of agricultural genetic
resources and delete the provisions of Intellectual Property Rights on these resources..
and b) increase the number of crops covered by the Treaty.
1 lie related issue of sharing the benefits of commercial use of plant genetic resources
will have a tremendous impact on food security. Optimism among those supporting
these issues increased when in early November 2001 a letter from US Majority
7
2Q.k.d xh- US Si3ic Dcn2fini€nx io orvnosc any provisions ihat
limit farmers' rights. Senator Daschle’s letter did not change the wording of the
So far. the WPS TP,7 draft Declaration makes no reference whatsoever to genetic
resources fur rood and agriculture. rAO members should now use tne opportunity to
confirm the objectives of the Treaty and to push for its ratification and
iHl Pi C nivil ia civil.
J - While in some countries there is coordination among civil society organizations
around the issue of food security, the overall picture is one of weakness and
fragmentation. Tn all truth, there is no evidence of organized national campaigns in
support of the implementation of the WFS Plan of Action. One thing missing is an
expression of a strong political will of society at large., and civil society organizations as
a collective, to do what is needed to ensure food security for all.
Greater coordination, new partnerships and concrete plans of action among civil society
organizations are needed to overcome this situation. Some even talk of the need for a
whole new social contract. For this we need to facilitate encounters that can consolidate
new relationships between social and political activists and make them converge into a
broad process of social transformation. But beware, civil society organizations also
because a devolution of power to the grassroots is a necessary, but noi sufficient,
condition fix local nrocecses of collective enmoweonent to flourish. There is a risk of
decisioii-making power being appropriated by local elites.
Additionally, new forms of partnership have io be fostered between:
• civil society organizations and the state. We have to be clear: civil society is not
opposed to the slate, it only demands to interact with it on equal terms.
« civil society and communities. People who face pressing immediate needs do indeed
have the time and energy to contribute to development provided the new social
contract opens the space they perceive is needed for their legitimate claims to be
heard. The lack of interest in agricultural activities is worrying, though, in particular
amongst the young.
I liu.-i.i.c:'.. aduevuig hccuum iiOiij hunger depends on creating opportunities for
effective action and on making individual and collective choices within the space created
by these opportunities. Thus, the importance of local collective processes and actions to
empower a" stakeholders — especially women.
We need to educate elected officials and members of civil societv on the elements of the
new social contract and its opportunities. The establishment of private non-profit
mechanisms to strengthen these local capacities has been proposed.
Elena Mancusi-Materi, Society for International Development (SID) (2001) From aid
to communitv empowerment:
food security
as a political project.
www.sidinl.org publications.him
Experiences from an industrialized country
O — The WFS and its foliow-up is seen by Canadian NGOs as both a symbolic and
The subslanliv© process has been frustrating though, both nationally and
imernat tonally. Tn Canada, there seems to he a dysfunctional mismatch between the
task at hand and the tools proposed. In Canada, it is the Ministry ol Agriculture that
has the lead role in Summit follow-up. but its ability to influence domestic social
policy, official development assistance policy and the national budget is minimal. On
the other hand. FAO clearly has expertise in the area of food and agriculture, but has
had little authority to lead a major international campaign or process aimed at
significantly reducing hunger in its many dimensions. Some Canadian government
officials have been committed to the Summit follow-up and cooperation with NGOs.
This is hopeful and has strengthened Canadian NGOs' commitment to the Summit
follow-up process. Their efforts have focused on seeking greater accountability to the
pledges, made by both the Canadian government and Canadian civil society.
We see our challenge as one to find ways to push the substantive process: to use the
force of our constituency (representing the public interest in our country) to change
the major stakeholders' (governments, the IMF, the World Bartk and the WTO)
Stuart Clark, Chair. Canadian Food Grains Bank, a Canadian NGO
— At the dawn of the new millennium, with all its new wealth, knowledge and
iecluiofogy
n is vi'itivai »\c iaKc an honest and hard look at the hunger and food
security situation of rhe poorest in India. The poor continue to suffer and to he
marginaiizco even wirnc mm<m government commitments arc made in s'obal UN
conferences that reaffirm the fundamental human rights of the poor and their access to
A. 1996-97 survey carried out bv the Mutionul Institute tor Nutrition, published just
two years ago, revealed the magnitude of the nutrition problem in comparison with
energy deficiency while 57% of preschool children are stunted. In two decades the
i>on of we 11-nourished preschool children increased from 5.9 to 8.9% onlv.
There are disturbing trends in protein, energy, iron and calcium intake in many
segments of the population. Consumption of cereals, millets and pulses in all states is
declining in some vulnerable groups while intake of milk, milk products, sugar and
green leafy vegetables is also inadequate. During the past five years the infant
mortality rate in ten states has stagnated or even worsened. 1'he proportion of low
birthweight babies continues to be a high, at 30%.
However. ihc most
findinc is tltui nutrition snd food security is severely
proponion of landless households increased from 30 to 41%. There has been a
Iramnen'.atioii i-'flandholditig size ihal contributes tv increased food insecurity. Prices
of sonic agricultural commodities crashed causing distress among poor fanners. The
jvenoe monthly per capita income increased bv the equivalent of only approximately
50 pence at constant prices. Other sources report an increase in suicides,
indebtedness, unemployment and migration. Lack of money causes delayed
marriages. mass marriages, pawning of household assets and impoverishment. The
international communitv must address the root causes of poverty and hunger, namely
Broader people-centred policies, better access to markets, a lifting of agricultural
subsidies in the North and greater social security in the South, removing barriers to
developing countries’ international trade, trailing the negative effects of globalization
and trade liberalisation — these are all needed to reverse the negative social effects
we are seeing. including the adverse- nutritional effects. Public distribution systems
which make essential food grains available to people are now forced to increase prices
and reduce coverage rather than help increase equity and act as genuine safety nets.
Development strategies which have changed agricultural practices in India
deplete the soil of micronutrients. In the meantime, pharmaceutical houses
aggressively market vitamins and minerals and influence government agencies io
introduce them in mass-based health programmes for women and children.
rjeneticallv modified crops and foods are being quietlv introduced as well.
The role of the state is being eroded. Between 1990 and 2000, in Karnataka.
expenditures on nutrition interventions declined 4.3% a year (in real terms) adversely
nfforlinu nulriiion simnarl ten
World Rank, loans are negotiated tor health ;>nd
»while sTiitchnnl adjustment arid global trade agreements
increase economic vulnerability and food insecurity of a large majority.
In this context , the Indian Peoples Health Charter adopted by a representative
countrvvvide group in a National Health Assembly in Calcutta in December 2000.
expressed concerns and made concrete demands regarding agriculture, trade, pricing
and public health, lhe global Peoples Charter for Health adopted bv the Peoples
*^?rK
T-7x
a cc-aty blv
Dhclcs. in December ^000 raised similar concerns A worldwide
movement is now being organized to systematically ibllow-up on these issues.
At the beginning of 2002 and over five years after the WFS, there are more
nn’jnKn.err'j tj’.'c’y*. ions ’.Ir.’.ii
rire
?rs. Where cxudlY arc
in relation to the
•' .id!..: in? wc see economic and s',»ciai owns rjkuig cemiai >i;<^c
in the <-•’innl? ngaiiKt htlfflger and malnutrition? What is being done to address the
iwi wuxs i’i luuuiuiniivii anu iuc iiicficciis ciicss of nutrition programmes currently
implemented0 What is the international community doing to address the added
threats posed ov me 11I\r.- All.S pandemic food security of poor people? Can
collective peoples rights fas much as individual human rights) and social
accountability cf the big players be put squarely on the agenda? These are urgent
issues for a more ussertive civil societv.
Drs.Thelma and Ravi Narayan. Community Health Cell, Bangalore, India,
sochara ftvsnl.com
P59?
iinaii'l identity
From:
To:
Sent:
Vivek” ^vivekdse(§|yahoQ.com>
<riqhttofood@vahoogroups. com>
Thursday, July 17, 2003 3:50 PM
[RightToFood] Update 20: LATEST DEVELOPMENTS
UPDATE 20: LATEST DEVELOPMENTS
This update discusses a sample of recent developments in various
states. As always, we are unable to keep track ot all the relevant
activities, given the decentralised nature of the campaign. We take
right!foodw yahoo. co. in
b.eadl ines:
2. UPDATE ON RECENT PUBLIC HEARINGS
9. ORISSA: CONSULTATION ON THE RIGHT TO FOOD
______
5. VIOLATIONS OF THE RIGHT TO FOOD IN U.P.
.7. REMINDER: BHOPAL WORKSHOP ON UNDERNUTRITION AND STARVATION
V
MID-DAY MEAL UPDATE
full swing as children flock back to school after the summer
vacation. Here is a sample of recant developments:
or imiy (nerore r.nar., me scheme was resr.ricr.ea r.o 7 disr.ricr.sj .
Initial media renorts highlight cases of children falling ill as well
as parental object inns Ln I he appoi ntmenL of Dalit, cooks. Some
luncnes prepared Dy Dalit women. Moreover, interior quality ot food
rrroin- and ’inhvoi eni r r-ryn' inn conditions are n.nid to ba the reainnn
of 7
in perspective, "teething problems" of this kind have been a feature
of the initial phase of mid-day meal schemes in many states. The
situation tvoicallv imoroves over time. This is not to diminish the
7/18>'03
Page 2 of?
(2) muiis in uelhi: rhe municipal corporation of Delhi launched
a "cooked mid-dav meal" orogramme in about 400 orimary schools in the
capital on July 4. 2003 in collaboration with various NGOs and ISKCON
of the nroorammc. ISKCON has agreed to provide cooked meals to 1,265
year by a research team based at the Centre for Equity Studies, New
Delhi. The study is nearing completion and a preview of the main
findinas is to be oublished in Frontline on 1 Auaust. Here are some
"The survey suggests that school meals have made a promising start
around the country. However, there are serious quality issues, which
need urgent attention if mid-day meal programmes are to realise their
un the positive side, mid-day meals have led to impressive increases
in school participation. Taking the 81 sample schools together, Class1. enrolment, rose by 15? after mid-day meals were introduced.
reveals tnat mio-day meais nave also enhanced daily school attendance.
hiwhu
did rol
f : rid much evidence of one” caste discrimination In
bat~kgxuuiius oeexa Lu be quxLe nappy lO dlt
togetner ana snare tne same rood. However, caste prejudices do
orevail in various forms, as when upper caste parents insist on their
children romino home for lunch. Also, there is much resistance to ths
appointment of Dalit cooks. In Karnataka, half of the cooks are
Dalits, but in Rajasthan, the survey did not find any Dalit cooks
except m some all-Dalit villages.
rupxxD ux axl
[Fha rnpl i 4-v
QcHrinl —iraa! prorrrawmcifl eixsoms
cni F-i cant, ly better
n*n
Karnataka than in Chhattisgarh or Rajasthan. Karnataka has made
comparatively good progress in building a sound infrastructure for
mid-day meals: most cooks enjoy the assistance of a "helper", and a
substantial proportion of schools (31 per cent) already have a pacca
kitchen. In contrast, the mid-day meal infrastructure in Chhattisgarh
and Rajasthan is still highly inadequate: moot cooks have to manage
on their own in the most challenging circumstances, without
elementary facilities such as a helper, kitchen or proper utensils.
Mid-day'meals are quite popular in each of the three sample states. A
xarqe majority of parents (31%) and teachers (84%) favour the
continuation of the mio-day meai seneme. rno.se wno advocate
discontinuation belong mainlv to privileged castes or classes who
In mhp m!d—dav meals ns a Ihreal. l.o (lie oreva.il.ir>0 social
7/18/03
<<i) in a pioneering initiative, Bharat Byan vigyan Samiti (BGvS)
pronoses to start "monitoring" the mid-day meal scheme in
Chhattisgarh through monthly visits to every school in six sample
website (www.riqhr.r-orood.com) very soon, for possible use elsewhere.
Readers interested in this initiative arc invited to contact Mr.
Lakban Singh, RSVS-Cbbat I. Isgarh fcgbgvs@rediffmail.com}.
k.
urwuij
fudxixv
nuxix^xiMoo
As mentioned in earlier Updates (available on the website, in case
you missed them)
there was ?. wave of oublic hearings on the richt to
(Orissa), Dinduri (Madhya Pradesh), Shivpuri (Madhya Pradesh) and
Sendwa (Madhya Pradesh again). In all cases, there has been active
follow-uo of the issues raised at the nubile hearina. In uarticular,
cases, as in Dindori, there was extensive on-the-spot redressai at
the public hearing itself (see Update 19). In others, as in Shahdol
(M.P.l. partial successes in securing redressai during the follow-up
areas:
(11 Dindori: Following the Jan Sunwai
(public hearing) held on the 8
Manapancnayar. r.har. organises the Jan Sunwai has inrormed Or. Minir
Shah, advisor to the Commissioners for M.P., that the district
administration has moved fast on distribution of Antvodaya cards l.o
LliC Supieilie Court. xliO piuCeoo io 6Xp6Cc6Q tQ 06 GOjupleued 500X1. Ao a
direct result of tne Jan Sunwai, employment programmes have also
begun in many forest villages where they had been stalled for years
due to restrictions imrosed bv the Forest Department. The District
line departments to take urgent steps to act upon the nearly 50
complaints received during the Jan Sunwai from the Baigas regarding
non-oavment of waaes, corruption related matters, etc. The Daiga
-q -Ire.a",, win!
(2)
iqr, action on 4-hi S .
Shivpuri: We have received a follow-up report on the Shivpuri
public hearing (30 May 2003) from S.K. Singh of Sahariya Jan Andolan
in Shivpuri. According to this report: "Shivpuri Jansunwai has
•cvs>n4-ir' v ■? r*vn 1 a c 4-n
4 «s+•
'T’Xa
2710
r
b9“22 VG2?,T
made by any quarter to refute the allegations, ihe points raised in
the memorandum were taken up in the district drought relief meetings
and block level janpad meetings, the information given in the
ucicn^e. ”
xiiv ucitidiiuo ullau have bvcXi aSaxt Wxuh ijlCiuac; OUuo tiil'lQxnq
payments to lanourers empioyeo on relief works; action aqainsr.
nersons rcsoonsiblc for embezzling grain from the public distribution
syaLem: waler supply a rrangemenl.a in drought-affected villages?
7/18/03
rhe report adds: nrhe sarpanch, secretaries and the block CEO seem
agitated and unset of the activist as the information provided by
them has been used against them as a result of which they have shown
like it The'
ira fooling verv embarrassed. Shivnaravan , tho local
3. MADHYA PRADESH: CORRUPTION IN RELIEF WORKS
extremely high levels or undernutrition, especially among the
Saharivas. On 26-28 June, an intensive training on the "three Rs'
About 50 activists of Ekta Parishaa look part u
this gathering. The training focused particularly on the problem of
corruptioi in relief works and food schemes, which has deprived
employment programmes and food scnemes in their respective areas
a team Jed by Shonali Sen.
the team initiated a
itudy" of village
muster rolls aid surface, evidence of corruption quickly emerged. The
team is orenarina a detailed reuort on the food situation in Sheopur,
’’'dl-a1- rh'f Dr. V C
,T’hQ T<?T’OT’t Will lo<? r'c“ I'?■?.
SOOT1, and
4.
ORISSA: CONSULTATION ON THE RIGHT TO FOOD
organized at Agragamee Orissa Office on 17 June 2003 uo chalk out
future course of action tor strengthening the campaign in the state.
Mr. Sudarshan Das presided over the meeting. At the outset. Mr.
about the Supreme Court verdict on the writ petition filed by RuCL,
with appeal to direct the government to ensure food security to the
poor living amidst hunger and starvation despite deposit of huge
national ievei . Mr. xa-j Ki shore Mishra presented r.ne findings or the
Public hearing organized in Kcroai Panchavat of Thuamul Rampur Block
io/vj
Axter
participants,
di5Cu55iuu on uuo
gxvon oy cun
the following decisions were unanimously taken in the
Page 5 of 7
After proxongea uiscuision on uhe suggesuxons given by uhe
participants, the following decisions were unanimously taken in the
meeting:
i) A state-level Public Hearing will be organized in Bhubaneswar in
wi ii be unoerr.aicen ana Mr. Sasi kanr. Nayak ana Mr. Naran Jena were
aivon the rcsoonsibility to orcnarc the format and Questionnaire for
4) other issues relating to Food security win be taken up.
5) Few blocks will be identified to experiment the right to food
rommunication received from Saniav Rai, Lucknow.) Even
kg of rice per working day, the workers have only received the cash
allowance and not the rice tor the period between April 2002 and
March 2003. On average, about 100 kg of rice is already owed to each
worker under the scheme. Considering the low cash payment, the peopli
reported that 584,5 tons or rice has been issued to the Local
Marketing Insnector, out of which only 247 tons have been delivered
further to the Gram Panchayats (village administrations). Even these
responsible inspector apologised on 26 April 2003 ana promised to
distribute the missing rice within a week, nothing has happened.
In Bharaich,
displaced people have been denied EPL Ration Card:
of water, Ghaghxa River, has Deen shifting its course since 2000.
About 1200 families m the last 2 years have been displaced. The main
occuoation of these families was aariculture but the river has
land lo the families for relocation, since there are no forests <
ponds in the area and no scope tor labour, people do not want to
settle there.
Women are especially facing problems due to this
migrate to cities like nucknow, Delhi, Ludhiana and Amritsar.
However, because of unavailability of labour even in these cities,
people are coming back empty handed. This has become the main cause
a ioan for r.neir food requirement. Since r.ne loan provider
local moneylender he has been lending money at the rate of
7/18/03
Page $ of7
families chat are entitled to BPL cards and to create
pressure on the government.
o.
commissionkk to visit ottar pradksh
Dr. W.C. Saxena, Commissioner of the Supreme Court, is about to spend
oxuuduxOxx tixQX’e. He x5 pa.£tiCuxalxy GOilCSIBSd dOO'ut. Ut-tdjC ridClobi'i’o
railure to introduce mia-ctay meals in primary schools - a ciear
violation of Supreme Court orders. Dr. Saxena will be holding
meetings with high-levels civil servants (including the Chief
individuals and organisations involved in the right to food campaign
there. He will also be spending time in the field, notably in Harawan
(district Ilardoi), where much has hanoened in recent months (see
7.
RijiiNumR: BHOrAL WORKSHOP ON uNDmRhuIRIiION Aho SiAR'vAiION
"Hunger Watch Group", a group of medical professionals, will be
documenting -starvation deaths", developed recently by Hunger watch
Grouo. If you are interested in narticipating, please contact Dr.
Abhav Shnkla of CEHAT, who is one of the organisers of the meeting
a. wkhsitr UPGRADE
The camuajon website
(www.rlolil.l-orood.com)
has just been reloaded.
navigation, ao wo±i as a good deal of new material. Hindi
translations of tne Key documents are also being added regularly.
Some pages are still under construction, and we hope that you will
bear with us until these pages become available. In case you have any
GduZuSXlteS OX
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u’BbSitS, p2.GC.SS dx'Op XXX S 2.LUS Sw I
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7/18/03
Page 7 of7
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7/18/03
fOvT-
rrom:
jsk" <jsk@cal2.vsni.net.in >
To:
"Raiashi Mukherjee" <rajashi177@yahoo.co.in>: "Right Track" <righttrack@rediffmail.com>:
<RightToFood@yahoogroups com>
Thursday, August 07, 2003 12:22 AM
Sent:
324. Basunagar Madhyamgram.
Kolkata- 700129
Dear Sir/ Madam
ji5 you are aware, the Honourable Supreme Court of India lias passed a number of
interim orders in the PIT, on the Right to Food and. Work (Writ Petition (C) No.
196/2001). Hie orders aim al reaching wodgrahis to the poor, instead of allowing them
Io Tie rolling in Government oodowns.
In an interim order on 28 th November 2001, the Supreme Court ordered the Cer.tral
and State Governments to identify all beneficiaries and to properly implement eight
central food —related schemes v*at bin 1st January 2002. these schemes m a he provision
for cheap food grains through the Public Distribution System for below poverty line
families. They include special schemes for old people and other social assistance schemes
for pregnant women and for relief after death of the principal bread earner. Schemes for
also included. In its latest order dated 2nd May, 2003, the ( riurt has ordered extension of
llie 7-iitlvdava Atuia Yujaxia fvi piOviSiOU of 3o kgS of wheat Olid live al Rs.2 and Rs.3 pel
kg respectively to aged, disabled, destitute men and women, pregnant and. lactating
women, widows and outer single women with no regular* support and oilier vulnerable
groups II has also given an order lha! all ration shops lhal do nol function properly shall
be iiabie for cancellation of their licences.
Again, on 8th Iviay 2002, the Apex Court directed the Central and State Governments to
properly implement the Sampuma Grameen Rojgar Yojana Scheme to provide wage
employment through Gram Panchavats. it has recently , on 2nd Mav, 2003, asked the
Central Government to double its allocation of foodgrains and cash for creation of
8/11/03
DebiUeb, tilc iivuvidvic c_-vujic nao diov vabbcCi Oi'Cici'b ivi viaui ^dviidb iv UO d SOCldi
-”Hif of Panrhavafs tn prevpnt oom.mHon and misuse of funds. The court has also set ur>
lediessdi inecluuusui min CuuuiuSsimieiS di Lite CexlLiol level duel dssisidiilS al lite
Q? m TavpI ;>»vl <I ^Jodal (~)frH'ief
*s
*n each Sialo Clovernmen! Chief Secrelaries of
a
State Governments are also to be held directly responsible for any subsequent starvation
TH
~ ~
*
O'??
• • • ------------
problems nxe unemployment, poverty and starvation. With a view to organising public
Supreme Courts orders, a Public Hearing has been arranged at the Loreto Dav School,
/j-1- IWUXULU^ V»1 L nn
*
nnmj
a m .
X—LX-MA LTVlUViULt,
JLU rTLML^M-OV,
AfUUlJ/ AAX-*JU.L in
AV XXvXVA.
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forward to uphold the cause of the hungry by taking part in the programme.
Jn Solidarity
Chatteriee /Sukumar Gaine
bor Kioht to tood and vvork- West Kendal Network
Date : 10 August 2003
venue: Loreto Day school, Kolkata
Page 3 of3
COVER STORY___________ ________________________________ —-------------------------------------------------
STARVED OF LOGIC S
Callousness, cussedness and apathy combine to write a tragedy of massively cruel irony
By BHAVDEEP KANG and AJITH PILLAI
HEN the Supreme Court last fortnight censured the
Centre and states for failing to provide food to starv
ing millions despite a 60-million-tonne surplus of
foodgrains rotting in godowns countrywide, it was
exposing serious flaws in the governments food pol
icy and the new Targeted Public Distribution System (Tros). What
W
particularly shocked the apex court was a Government of India affi
davit which stated that against the minimum basic requirement of
75 kg of food per month per family of five, it was providing, on an
average, a mere 10 kg through the public distribution system!
The court was amazed to know that 16 states and two Union terri
tories hadn't even identified Below Poverty Line (bpl) families. Ori
ssa, in the throes of a starvation-death controversy, doesn’t have a
clue on the precise number of poor it has. Outlook's own investiga-
THE STATE:
BPL families are not
identified by state hence
not issued ration cards.
Protore thus bypassed
aW the undistributed
THE DRAIN (Diversion to the black
foodgrain returned.
market at the national level):
Rice: 31%
Wheat: 36%
Sugar: 23%
(Source:
a Planning Commission)
THE STEM
million tonnes
PDS (BPL) PRICES (Rs/kg)
Rice: Rs 6.10
surplus foodgrains in
Wheat: Rs 4.65
Sugar: Rs 15.00
government godowns
1 million tonnes lost
DIVERSION: Stocks diverted
to the black market by a
in storage per year
nexus of officials and
traders through fake
BPL cards.
JjjJ3
ZjJ jjjjJJjjjj <jjj jjja
OPEN MARKET PRICES
(IN DELHI) (Rs/Jtg)
Rice: Rs 12.00
Wheat: Rs 5.50
Sugar: Rs 17.00
BOGUS BPL CARDS IN
CIRCULATION NATIONWIDE:
7.9 million (official figures)
OEFTAft? SY STATsS {APRS
*
2F’?.
■
., 349.6
.. -.iS/ 145.0
.
Graphic byANILAHUJA
All figures, irotn Bcpartme.. ’ >
„,;d Civ’! $i
BPL: Below poverty tine, A:
*.
: Above
lit,
.. niiocaM: 52M / 659.8
Offtakes
3.6 / 326.9
A^tyodayc: All >cated: 21.0 •'
i- riake: 14.R / ■ ■
COVER STORY__
'THE DEATHS ARE LOAN-RELATED SUICIDES'
The media's focus on Karnataka CM S.M.
Krishna as an IT-sawy politician irks hint;
he tells B.R. Srikanth he's very conscious of
the food crisis in the state. Excerpts:
Why don't states lift foodgrains
from fci godowns?
Transportation costs are very high. Plus,
the quality of foodgrains is so poor that if
we lift one tonne, only half of it is edible. 1
made some surprise visits to godowns and
found that low-quality rice from Punjab
had been shipped to Bangalore. 1 expressed
my reservations to the central government.
How severe is the drought in Kar
nataka? Has food scarcity led to loss
of life?
The situation is extremely
grim in 146 of the 175 taluks
of our state. There are no
deaths but some farmers have
committed suicide because
they could not repay loans.
It's more than a month since
the central team came to
assess the enormity of the loss
of crops and fodder and acute
scarcity of drinking water. It's
almost a month since I called on the PM
and sought intervention. We had sought
financial assistance of Rs 900 crore and
immediate disbursement of Rs 100 crore.
Unfortunately, the central government has
not responded to our pleas of assistance.
tion reveals an inexcusable arbitrariness in the
bpl and 'poorest of poor' estimates. Thus, till the
court came down on the government, Delhi had
no bpl families, leave alone the poorest of the
poor category. The court's criticism belatedly has
the Delhi administration talking about a bpl
population of at least 20 lakh families.
The government's inability to provide for the
poor despite an increasingly unmanageable
foodgrain surplus is a sordid tale of callousness
and corruption. For one, the central and state
governments are reluctant to accept the exis
tence of a large constituency of poor (325 mil
lion bpl and 50 million of the poorest of poor)
who are either underfed or are on the brink of
starvation. In fact, no state government has yet
accepted the occurrence of a starvation death.
But here are some grim facts that even central
and state governments do not deny:
• bpl families have not been identified under
the new tpds introduced three years ago, so mil
lions are outside the ros loop.
• Even at bpl prices, the rural poor do not have the purchasing
power to buy foodgrains at fair-price shops (fps).
• The Food Corporation of India (Fci)-trader-politician nexus has
used fake ration cards to siphon off as much one-third of surplus
foodstocks from government godowns.
• Even at the district level, the local administration has connived
with fps to fudge records to show rations have been issued, conse
quently denying actual beneficiaries their due. Affidavits and
ration cards submitted to the Supreme Court illustrate this point.
• Food-for-work programmes have failed miserably because the
schemes are flawed.
But the existing deplorable scenario hasn't got the government to
get its act together and alleviate the plight of the hungry. Whenever
Union food minister Shanta Kumar is confronted with stories of
starvation deaths, his answer has been typical: "There is no lack of
food. Intezaam ki kami hai (there is a lack of arrangements)." States,
he points out, haven't been lifting the foodgrains allocated to them.
State governments have their own defence. They say the tpds links
the cost of even bpl foodgrains to 50 per cent of the economic cost
of production, which computes the minimum support price (msp)
given to farmers, storage and transportation costs. Every time the
farmer lobby pressures the government to raise the msp, the econo-
24
Why have you joined oth
ers for decentralised pro
curement of foodgrains?
1 had welcomed it in the ini
tial euphoria. But on detailed
thinking, I found it would be
like walking into a trap. So I
wouldn't want to commit
myself to such a scheme.
What is your reaction to
the abnormal situation
of surplus food on the one hand and
starvation deaths on the other?
This is cruel irony. This is an unusual
anomalous situation and all us in the state
and central governments must apply our
minds to see that it does not happen again.
At a PDS shop: cardholders all, but who's the real beneficiary?
mic cost of foodgrains goes up. So, at the present Rs 5.64 a kg of
for bpl cardholders, there are few buyers. Since the stocks remain
unsold, and the targeted beneficiary shifting to cheaper foodgrain
like bajra, states don’t avail of all that the Centre allocates to them.
Under pressure from the Centre to trim the number of pds benefi
ciaries, there is a vested interest in identifying the poor incorrectly.
Thus, millions who are poor have been categorised as Above Pov
erty Line (apl). They hold cards entitling them to foodgrains from
the pds at rates much higher than what those classified as bpl pay.
In reality, they buy at prices much steeper than prevailing open
market rates. This is because the apl price structure factors in 100
per cent cost of procurement, storage, transportation and adminis
tration. This, effectively, becomes higher than the local mandi or
wholesale market rates as mandi rates don't involve government
overheads. The price factor has turned away large numbers of card
holders from the pds, partially explaining the low offtake of stocks.
Indeed, state governments admit that they do not lift their full
allotment of foodgrains as the pricing has killed demand. Maha
rashtra government officials are candid that the apl quota has not
been lifted for the last one-and-a-half years. An allocation of 10.2
lakh metric tonnes has not been sourced following a 33 per cent
OUTLOOKa September 17,2001
COVERSTORY___________________________________________________________________________
ASSOCIATED MEDIA
increase in central issue prices in April 2000.
On August 29, the state government dec
ided to reduce the apl quantum per house
hold from 30 kg to 5 kg per month. This
will further reduce the state's offtake.
The arbitrariness of the bpl categorisation
is also visible in Maharashtra. When tpds
was introduced, the state's estimate was that
77 lakh families were below the poverty line
in rural Maharashtra alone. The state was
going by the figures in the Integrated Rural
Development Programme Survey. However,
when the central government's expert com
mittee came up with 60.45 lakh bpl families
for the entire state, the state government
promptly revised its poverty line.
HE figures that this categorisation
threw up in Mumbai were astonishing.
In Dharavi, Asia's largest slum, only
151 families were identified as bpl. Just 1 per
cent of ration cardholders were declared bpl
in Mumbai and Thane districts.
A food-for-work scheme: flawed from sta^^
SCHEMES WITH NO TAKERS
In Rajasthan, which has been the focus
of the petition filed in the Supreme Court
October, they will not have that excuse,"
• Midday meal scheme for poor children:
by pucl and which has shocked the apex
says Shanta Kumar. "As the prime minister
Allocation (2001-02): Rice: 18.84 and
court into action, the situation is alarming.
promised, the Centre will provide Rs 5,000
wheat 9.37 (all figures in lakh tonnes)
The state is already reeling from three suc
crore in cash and a similar amount in kind."
Offtake up to July 2001:
cessive droughts but the relief work and
In a knee-jerk reaction, Shanta Kumar
Rice: 1.42 and wheat 0.43
food-for-work programmes ran for only
issued the pds control order last week. It pro
• Annapoorna Yojana for poor senior
three months before the monsoon in a
vides for stringent punishment for pds
citizens: Allocation (2001-02): Rice: 8.65
majority of the districts.
fraud, bringing into focus the phenomenon
and wheat: 0.19
The actual state support for the poor was
of pilfering. Findings of studies of the tpds
Offtake up to June 2001:
recently computed from government figu
are shocking. In Bihar and Assam, for inst
Rice: 0.06 and wheat 0.00
res submitted to the Supreme Court by Jean
ance, 64 per cent of rice stocks disappear
•
Food
for
work
for
drought-hit
areas:
Dreze and Reetika Khera of the Delhi School
from the pds. As for wheat, Bihar boasts a
Allocation (2001-02): Rice: 11 and
of Economics. The total allocation per per
diversion rate of 44 per cent, Nagaland 100
wheat: 10
son below the poverty line in 2000-01 is Rs
per cent. Diversion of sugar is relatively less,
Offtake up to September 2001:
2.10. This includes Rs 1.40 under drought
at 47 per cent in Bihar and 32 per cent in
Rice: 6.0 and wheat 6.9
relief programme, Rs 0.40 through pds and
Madhya Pradesh. And in Delhi, at the seat
Rs 0.30 from other social security schemes.
of the Indian government, over half the pds
• Subsidised scheme for SC/ST/OBC
student hostels: Annual allocation since
Says Kiran Shaheen of the Centre for Equ
stocks of rice and wheat and a quarter of the
1994: Rice and wheat: 2.45
ity Studies, a Delhi-based ngo which has
sugar find their way into the black market.
offtake: Nil for the last three years
done extensive studies in Orissa and Raj
The Ninth Plan mid-term appraisal carries
Government of India figures
asthan and provided field reports and inp
a stinging indictment of the pds system in
uts for the pucl petition: "In village after vil
Bihar. It says: "Only government strife
lage, we found ration cardholders were denied their rations. Many
agents...benefit from it.... The state Civil Supplies Corporation
of the schemes were not operational and very little relief provided."
no money to buy from fci, no money for petrol, staff does not
Given the high price of both apl and bpl foodgrains, the Union
receive salaries for months.... Dealership is seen as a position where
food ministry's committee on pricing has already recommended
money can be made and most appointees are clients of mlas." Says
drastically slashing both in order to clear the enormous glut in fci
Shanta Kumar: "For two years, we have been chasing the state gov
godowns. While apl prices were marginally lowered, the finance
ernments to improve the pds and plug the leaks. Ab majboor hokay,
ministry has refused to entertain the idea of a higher bpl subsidy
hamnayyeh order pass kiya (Now we are forced to pass this order)."
which would make the foodgrains more affordable for the poor.
"It's not a lack of intezaam. It’s a lack of conscience. How can you
This stand has proved counterproductive—the cost of storing the
claim to be a representative government with starvation deaths on
foodgrains is Rs 6,000 crore per year, a little less than half the total
your conscience?" asks noted economist L.C. Jain. The entire sys
foodgrains subsidy bill of Rs 13,500 crore.
tem of central procurement and channelisation of foodgrains
The Centre, however, points out that it's not just a question of
through the pds is flawed, he says. The Centre, as mai-baap, doles
purchasing power. Even the Antyodaya Yojana, a scheme for the
out food to the states, resulting in unnecessary expenditure on
poorest of the poor which provides rice at Rs 2 per kg and wheat
storage, transportation, etc. "If Gandhi would have seen the mas
at Rs 3 per kg, has seen very poor offtake.
sive fci building on Delhi's Barakhamba Road, he would have
The maximum controversy centres around the food-for-work pro
invited an assassin to do away with him,” he says.
gramme, meant specifically to feed people in drought-hit areas. The
Adds Harsh Mander, country director of Actionaid India, which
foodgrains are supposedly provided 'free' but comes with a rider—a
has been monitoring the famine and starvation in Orissa: "In
day's daily wage is split into cash and food components; the Centre
these times of globalisation, desperately poor people are being
provides the food, the state must provide the cash. But the problem
marginalised and are becoming invisible. Even in colonial times,
is that most state governments say they are strapped for cash. "From
a famine was regarded as high priority. In India, a few years ago,
T
26
OUTLOOKS September 17, 2001
COVER STORY______________
HOWTO
MILK THE
DIRT-POOR
Even in the dust-bowls of Orissa,
the unscrupulous thrive
OLANGIR is identified as among the
country's poorest districts. But going
by government statistics, it has more
ah. families than those bpl. Because of recur
ring droughts, two subdivisions out of a
total of three have been declared droughtprone areas. In the two subdivisions,
Titlagarh and Patnagarh, people classified
under bpl are provided with specially-sub
sidised rice every month. In the district,
then, there are a total of 1,06,900 persons
termed bpl and 1,61,100 apl.
According to a poverty profile study con
ducted by Delhi-based ngo Actionaid India,
allocations for the very poor exist mainly in
the realm of theory. The poor in Bolangir
now get their monthly quota once in two or
three months and all together for the whole
period. That means he or she gets a mini
mum of 40 kg of rice at the same time. The
B
question is, how does he or she pay for all
the rice? An amount of Rs 80 to get 40 kg of
rice is too big to make a one-time payment
in this backward Orissa district.
The pds dealer is not willing to give the bpl
cardholder too much time to organise the
money either. So what does the bpl benefi
ciary do? He buys whatever he can, an entry
is duly made in his ration card which proves
that the entire quota has been allotted. If by
any chance the poor illiterate comes back
for more foodgrains, he is informed about
the perfectly legitimate entry in his ration
card. The result is a huge surplus which the
dealer is most happy to seU in the black
despite socialism being reduced to rhetoric, there was still
tokenism. Now even that has been abandoned. We have to look at
long-term solutions like employment guarantee with the food
component being included as legal entitlement."
Jain has another solution: local self-sufficiency through decen
tralised storage. "The stomach is a biological tyranny. Hunger
demands immediate availability of food. We have 3.5 lakh panchayats in this country. In every single panchayat, let us have a
grain storage facility." The massive Rs 70,000-crore rural develop
ment budget surely permits the setting up of such village-level
facilities within the year, he says. The Centre need only store a
buffer of, say, 10 million tonnes. Let the rest go to the villages and
encourage the panchayats to achieve local self-sufficiency in
growing foodgrains. In times of scarcity, let the sarpanch rather
than the food minister answer to the people.
HE reluctance of the states to go in for decentralised pro
curement despite the urging of the Centre he puts down to
bureaucratic recalcitrance. Many bureaucrats would be ren
dered redundant. Many in the food ministry point out that the
Centre only needs to exercise some political will to push the
scheme through and the states would perforce fall in line. After
all, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh have already successfully
implemented'decentralised procurement.
Says Madhya Pradesh chief minister Digvijay Singh: "In India, it
is not a question of scarcity. It is a question of surpluses and
unequal distribution, whether of wealth or foodgrains. I think if we
can answer how the surplus is to be distributed, our battle is won."
Let's face it: the tpds as it is does not benefit the poor. For one, the
Planning Commission’s definition of who is bpl needs a serious
T
28
A Bolangir family: damned by poverty
market. Says an old man from Patharmun^r
village: "If you don’t go at the time allot^R
by the dealer, you’re sure to lose the quota."
In some cases,-in order not to let the bpl
rice quota lapse, individuals mortgage thenassets to the local moneylender at an inter
est rate of 10 per cent. Surekha Suna of
Santika village in Bolangir availed of 60 kg
of rice by mortgaging her bowl and vessel
for Rs 270. She failed to repay the amount
in "due time” and hence lost her "assets".
This is the India of the Green Revolution
and an ever-growing food surplus.
MORE RATION CARDS THAN PEOPLE
State
No. of BPL households No. of BPL
cards issued
Andhra Pradesh
Gujarat
40.63
_ 21-20
_ 1136
Bogus Cards
72.97
33.97___ 12.77
Karnataka
31.29
62.87
Orissa _
32.98
_____ 41.23
31.58
8.25
Tamil Nadu
48.63
65.51
16.88
Kerala
15.54
20.41
4.87
ALL INDIA FIGURES:
BPL households: 652.04 lakh
BPL cards issued: 731.46 lakh
Government of India figures
Figures in lakh
W
rethink, specially at a time when unemployment is spiralling. An
apl family, today, could be bpl tomorrow. There seems to be no logic
in the government's attempt to whitewash the issue by pushing,
through statistical sophistry, the poor above the poverty line.
The stark and apparently enduring Indian reality remains: half
of all Indian children are undernourished. Half of all adult Indian
women suffer from anaemia. A third of all Indian infants have low
birthweight. Undernutrition in India is the highest in the world,
except for Bangladesh. Food and nutrition is one priority area that
the government needs to address with more earnestness, political
will and pragmatism. ■
With Priyanka Kakodkar and Son! Sinha in Jaipur
OUTLOOK! September 17,2001
COVER STORY
By RAJESH JOSHI in Kashipur, Raigada
HE Orissa government's pre
dicament is pretty much like
that of the French royalty on
the
of theNaveen
revolution.
Chiefeve
minister
Pat-
T
naik seems to suggest that if bread is
not available to the tribals, then they
should eat cake. Put another way, rice
is available in plenty, but people, alas,
prefer to eat rotten mango kernel.
A fortnight after starvation deaths
became public knowledge, there see
med no truth in the Orissa governm
ent's assertion that the 24 tribals who
died in Raigada were victims of their
tradition of consuming mango kernel
and boiled grass even while grain is
available. Those who died had actually
been driven to eat poisonous, fungusridden mango kernel for want of a betAr choice. They were victims of starvaWron who w’ere denied basic medical
attention after they trudged miles to
the nearest government hospital.
In this deceptively idyllic and lush
green landscape of Raigada lurk hun
ger and death, even as a callous state
government machinery turns a blind
eye. The fact that of the 280 families in
one of its villages only 30 have below
poverty line (bpl) cards points to the
shocking state of the pds here.
Based on interviews of villagers as
well as officials, conducted by this
correspondent in Tikiri, Bilamal, Panasgunda, Pitajodi and other villages in
Kashipur block, where the 24 starvat
ion deaths occurred, Outlook can con
firm the following facts:
• The administration is deliberately
perpetuating a complete falsehood—
that tribals eat mango kernel and
boiled grass out of preference.
There is no food security of any
ad in the area since the pds is fla
wed. Rice is considered a precious
commodity. No one wants to finish their stock of foodgrains fast.
Mango kernel and grass are eaten during the rainy season.
• The administration's claim that the pds is fully functional is
baseless. While official records show that rice is being lifted by bpl
cardholders, it is actually being siphoned off by a clique of gov
ernment officials and local middlemen.
«
• Many tribal families who should fall into the 'poorest of the poor'
category have been declared as being 'above the poverty line (apl).
So, there is a lot of resentment among them.
• Medical facilities in the district are near zero. There was no doc
tor posted in Tikiri primary health centre till a day before the CM
visited the area. Raigada district collector Bishnupada Sethi admits
that "medical facilities in the district don't exist and the medical
officers are careless and callous". He should know.
But nobody knows it better than Alme Majhi of Bilamal village,
whose three dying family members—her brother-in-law Payala
Majhi, Payala's wife Sulme and father Sado Majhi—were turned
back from Raigada hospital. Alme's husband, Surata Majhi, died on
A KERNEL
OF TRUTH
A web of sheer lies, surrounding systemic neglect,
describes the starvation-death scenario in Raigada.
And even page-one shock treatment is no cure.
0UTL00KB September 17,2001
29
COVER STORY________________________________________
THE MAN WHO
COULDN'T CARE
Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik lives in his own private
world, and even a calamity seems unable to jostle him out of it
E is invisible, inaudible, inaccessi
ble and incommunicado. There is
no chief minister more divorced
from reality than Naveen Patnaik in
India today. The Doon School alumnus
and buddy of Gore Vidal and Mick
Jagger jells better with the strawberriesand-cream crowd at Wimbledon than
with the hapless, emaciated tribals of
Kashipur district. According to sources
close to him, Patnaik—Pappu to his
pals—can't understand why the media is
making so much fuss over 24 tribals
dying in a remote comer of his state.
For four weeks now, the Orissa chief
minister has used his best angrezi accent
H
to sell the story that the tribals have
strange eating habits. That they clearly
prefer crushed mango kernel to rice and
that they had died due to food poison
ing. Of course, few believed the story
and when after four weeks of inaction
Patnaik decided to visit the district, he
was subjected to the wrath of the tribals.
Bijoy Mahapatra, an ex-Bjn leader, says,
"Had the government reacted swiftly,
the situation could’ve been contained.
The state has surplus rice in its godowns.
Yet, people died of starvation."
Rather than endure the mango kernel
Sombre Naveen: reality doesn't bite
and dust of Kashipur, Patnaik would
have much preferred a quiet drink with
a Doon School buddy like energy min
ister A.V. Singhdeo, in the air-condi
tioned comfort of his house in
Bhubaneshwar. In fact, after becoming
chief minister a year ago, he used to
catch up with friends every evening at
the Oberoi. But media flak put paid to
that, and he's since retreated to a den
behind his house.
Now everyone in government knows
that the chief minister places a high
premium on his private space and
social life. Says a bjd mla: "We all know
it's not advisable to talk to him in the
evenings!" Chips in another local
leader: "Advisable or not, it is certainly
difficult to track down a chief minister
who does not own a mobile phone and
remains cloistered with his friends
most evenings."
So disconnected is Patnaik that even
his political friends speak of his total
lack of interest and motivation in affairs
of state. Says a bjp mla from Orissa: "He
became chief minister too easily. He
rode on his father's sympathy wave and
when that wears off he will return to
the hallmark of his style of governance.
Delhi. He gives the impression of a man
Says a bjd .mla: "He has a hands-off pol
who is just biding his time until the next
icy. It is the bureaucrats who run the
elections. He knows that he'll be routed,
show." According to him, this attitude
and then when this party (bjd) is over he
stems from the fact that the chief minis
will return to the other kind of parties he
ter has a genuine problem in communi
is comfortable with in Delhi."
Very clearly, for Patnaik, Kashipur is far
cating with the people of his state.
too distant a reality to be upset about. So
Oriya is not one of Patnaik's strengths.
those who speculated
When he is pushed to
that he would take up
speak in it, he reads from
"We all know it's
"pedestrian" issues like
a Roman script and that
not advisable to
drought and famine
too in an embarrassing
when he boarded the
anglicised accent. Acc
talk to him in the
CM’s special plane to
ording to bureaucrats, he
evenings. He's
attend the National Dev
switches on when spo
elopment Council (ndc)
hands-off, it's the ken to in English and
in Delhi last week got it
switches off when some
bureaucrats
who
all wrong. A nonplussed
one uses Oriya. The joke
Patnaik was into discu
doing the rounds among
run the show."
ssing 'broader" economic
Congressmen from Ori
issues. Kashipur was not
ssa is that if only the trib
even on his agenda. Afterwards, he
als of Kashipur could have made their
stayed on in Delhi to have dinner with
representation in pucca Queen's English,
old friend, the affluent high-flying Rajya
they might have had a patient hearing
Sabha member from Orissa, Jai Panda.
from their chief minister.
This, according to those who know
But even such barbs only go so far with
him, was typical of Naveen. A certain
the chief minister. Naveen Patnaik rolls
sense of apathy and indifference, rather
on—Kashipur or no Kashipur.
Priya Sahgal
than calculated callousness, has been
August 9 in the presence of doctors. The other two
died within two days with no medical help.
On August 8, Alme and her family had boiled mandya (millets) and mango kernel to prepare a gruel.
Next day at 6 am, Alme and Payala felt giddy and
went to the Tikiri dispensary. The doctor, on his
arrival in the evening, referred them to the district
hospital at Raigada. By then Sado, Payala and Sulme
had also started vomiting. Sulme was taken to
Sanmati Kona village by her parents and the rest
were taken to Raigada. But it was too late.
The government machinery, which till then was
an epitome of lethargy, swung into action. Sethi
tried to punch holes in a news report that none of
the families where deaths took place on August 8
had rice to eat. He called the report "highly
mischievous". The district collector maintained that
three days before his death Sado Majhi had pur
chased 32 kg of rice and that the people of Bilamal
village had "adequate foodgrain". He attributed the
deaths to eating of poisonous mushrooms.
ILLAGERS of Bilamal contradict Sethi's claim.
They say Sado couldn't have picked up 32 kg
of rice because rice is sold only to bpl card
holders. Sado’s bpl status had been terminated two years ago when
the government surveyors saw some cement plaster in front of his
shanty. There were no entries in his card after 1998. The most rec
ent entry: 16 kg "free rice" provided after the deaths.
The villagers also counter the government's claim that eating
mango kernel is part of their food habit. Says Sora Beni of Jhudiasai mohalla of Tikiri village: "Give us rice and we won't eat taku
paje (mango kernel gruel). On days when we have work we get Rs
25 but we hardly get seven days of work in a month. As things
stand, we are even running out of mango kernel."
A railway project was the main source of employment for them
V
32
from 1980 to 1990. Despite that, starvation deaths had taken
place, prompting then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to announce
the Rs 60-crore Orissa Tribal Development Project (otdp).
A decade after the 'completion' of the project there are no visible
signs of progress. But it has helped the administration find an expla
nation on why it has reduced the number of bpl cardholders. Says
Sethi: "Between 1992 and 1997,14,000 extra families were added to
the new bpl list in the district. But only Kashipur block contributed
9,000 families to the list. There is a clamour for bpl cards in Kashipur
where it should have been less because of the Rs 60-crore project."
What he implies is that the fruits of the project have reached the
OUTLOOK! September 17,2001
From left: Singari with daughter-in-law Majhi (left) lost tour
members of her family; the Kashipur block health centre
poorest of the tribals and they have moved above the poverty line.
Probably, Panasgunda’s Vishwanath Majhi (25) is the most strik
ing example of how the Orissa administration resorted to lies to
hide their apathy. In July, seven tribals working on his fields died.
They included his five-year-old son Sunduru, wife Harso and
mother Wanoo. Even though Vishwanath is a bpl cardholder, the
administration spread lies that he was a landlord and had
employed 20 labourers to work on his fields. This to prove that "a
landlord's family members” couldn't
have died of hunger. However, the
fact remains that he owns 1.3 acres of
unproductive hilly tract where,
according to tribal tradition, he had
requested his relatives to help him
out. By no definition can Vishwanath
be categorised a landlord. Sethi, how
ever, is insistent: "He may be poor but
he was still an employer.... How can
they die of starvation?"
Dr Parmeshwar Sethi of the Kashipur
government hospital seconds the coll
ector's thesis. "A starvation death is
when there is no food material found
in the stomach. In this case it's their
traditional habit to eat mango ker
nel.... It's edible, it's nutritious," he
echoes the chief secretary’s words who
wants everyone to believe that rotten
mango kernel is full of nutrients.
Even after 24 starvation deaths, Dr
Sethi is cold enough to reel off statis
tics to prove there were no starvation
deaths: "Fourteen people have died of
food poisoning, one of haematuria, four or five of bacterial dysen
tery, four of hepatitis, four died of anaemia and 30 due to old age.
But our target has not been fulfilled.” The choice of words, though
unfortunate, lends an ironic edge to the official line. "In August.
70 people have died but the annual target is 1.300 people.”
The CM has surveyed the area; mediapersons have come and
gone. The first round of the ritual seems to be ewer. B-.:t Ruie.-d i
tribals still hope that they will get one kg of
mango kerne! :s promised by the govetnm ■■■
...emare
also waiting to be tssv.c.i'i
. .cast holds out the
promise of a convertu
........ jays of the week. ■
THE
HUNGER
PROJECT
N<JT-"cI .
Commitment, Leadership, Strategy and Action
February 8’ 2003
Dear Friend,
This is to request you to submit nominations for the Third Sarojini Naidu Prize for Best
Reporting on Women in Panchayati Raj in the print media. The prize awards three individuals for
the best-published articles on this subject - one for articles in English, one for Hindi and the third for
entries in any Other Indian language.
Each Prize will include a cash award of Rs. Two lakhs to enable the reporter to continue his or her
work on the subject. The decision to award three such prizes every year reflects the need to recognize
and promote effective press coverage of the processes unleashed by the 73rd Amendment to the
Constitution. These processes hold the key to the expansion and strengthening ofgrassroots democracy,
but have not received the media attention they deserve.
It is the function ofmass media to break the mindset ofcynicism that impedes women from playing a
constructive role in overcoming challenges in the fields ofhealth, education, nutrition, environment and
other vital areas ofhuman development. To encourage the press to play its crucial role in this historic
process, The Hunger Proj ect has constituted the Sarojini Naidu Prize.
Entries for the Sarojini Naidu Prize should include a brief biodata of the writer and photocopies of
published newspaper articles on any aspect of Women in Panchayati Raj. The articles should be
submitted to the New Delhi office of the Hunger Project, B-3/18, Second Floor, Vasant Vihar, New
Delhi 110057, Tel: 011- 26154181-84, fax: 011-26154186, email: thp@vsnl.net or sumedha@thp.org
no later than 15 July, 2003.
A jury ofeminent Indian journalists and academics will evaluate the entries. The jury consists ofAjit
Bhattachaijea (Director, Press Institute ofIndia); Usha Rai (Development Journalist and Editor); N.S.
Jagannathan (former editor-in-chief The Indian Express); George Mathew (Director, Institute ofSocial
Sciences); Syeda S. Hameed (former Member, National Commission for Women); and Kalpana Sharma
(Deputy Editor, The Hindu, Mumbai).
The Second Sarojini Naidu Prize was awarded to two journalists on 2nd October 2002 in the category
of Hindi and English. No award was given in the category of Other Indian languages. The Third
Sarojini Naidu Prize will be awarded on October 2’ 2003.
With best wishes to you and your colleagues.
Sincerely
TZl (ci
Rita Sarin
Country Director
The Hunger Project - India
India Office : B-3/18, 2“ Floor, Vasant Vihar, New Delhi-110057.Tel.: (011) 26154181 - 84 Fax : (011) 26154186 E-mail: thp@vsnl.net
THE
HUNGER
PROJECT
Commitment, Leadership, strategy and Action
PRESS RELEASE
THE HUNGER PROJECT
Announces the Third Sarojini Naidu Prize for Best Reporting on
Women in Panchayati Raj
The Hunger Project announces the Third Sarojini Naidu Prize for Best Reporting on Women
in Panchayati Raj, in support and encouragement of the vital contribution that the media
can make to India’s future. Named in honour of a champion of women’s causes, Sarojini
Naidu, the Rs. 2-lakh prize each will be awarded to three journalists on 2nd October 2003.
The press plays a critical role in India. Throughout the twentieth century, India's media
have participated in the Freedom Movement, generated response to famine and disaster,
and strengthened Indian democracy. India’s new constitutional commitment to women’s
leadership in Panchayati Raj is the next unfolding of human freedom and development in
India.
Through accurate and increased coverage of the historic process of women's participation
in Panchayati Raj —including their battles to achieve hard-won success - democracy can
be a reality in India.
Given the critical role of the press in this historic process, The Hunger Project is committed
to supporting the press to energetically and prominently report the breakthroughs and
success stories of women’s leadership in Panchayati Raj.
The Sarojini Naidu Prize annually honors three journalists for outstanding reporting on
women in Panchayati Raj. The awards will be presented in three categories:
■
■
Best English-language reporting
Best Hindi-language reporting
Best reporting in other Indian Languages
Each prize includes a Rs. 2 lakhs cash award to enable the reporter to continue his or her
work on this issue.
The Second Sarojini Naidu Prize was given to two journalists on 2 October, 2002. The
prizewinners were Ms. Mamta Jaitly (Vividha Women’s Documentation and Resource
Center, Jaipur, Rajasthan) for Hindi and Mr. Deepak Tiwari (The Week, Bhopal, Madhya
Pradesh) for English. No prize was awarded for the category of Other Indian languages.
India Office : B-3/18. 2"° Floor, Vasant Vihar, New Delhi-110057. Tel.: (011) 26154181 - 84 Fax : (011) 26154186 E-mail: thp@vsnl.net
The prize is limited to reporting in the print media in the country. Only articles published in newspa
pers and magazines are eligible for the award. Copies of the articles may be sent directly to address
given below. Entries must be submitted by 15“' July 2003.
Country Director
The Hunger Project
Second Floor
B-3/18, Vasant Vihar
New Delhi 110057
For further information regarding The Hunger Project’s work in India and the Sarojini Naidu Prize
please write to us at the above address or email us at thp@vsnl.net or sumedha@thp.org
The Jury:
Chairperson:
Ajit Bhattacharjea
Director, Press Institute of India
Members:
Syeda S. Hameed
Former Member National Commission for Women
N. S Jagannathan
Former Editor-in-chief, Indian Express
Usha Rai
Development Journalist and Editor
Kalpana Sharma
Deputy Editor, The Hindu, Mumbai
George Mathew
Director, Institute of Social Sciences
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ri
Integrated Nutrition project, Karnataka
What is Malnutrition?
Malnutrition is a condition caused due to lack of availability, intake and/ or
-Utilization of certain essential nutrients in the right amount to the body.
Who is most affected?
There are certain periods in life e.g., pregnancy, early childhood and
adolescence when growth takes place at faster rate, therefore nutritional
demand during that period increases and needs special attention. If adequate
nourishment is not provided during these stages of life it leads to malnutrition.
Malnutrition is transmitted across the generations. Malnourished women gives
birth to a low Birth Weight Child (LBW), who if remains malnourished during
childhood grows as a malnourished adolescent and malnourished adult. These
women when pregnant deliver LBW babfes. Early marriage and teenage
pregnancies further make the situation worse.
What are the causes of malnutrition?
Lack of proper food intake and lack of proper utilization of food due to
disease are the two immediate causes of malnutrition.
However, there are certain underlying causes of malnutrition also. These can be
inadequate mother and child care practices e.g., care about food, health
check ups and rest during pregnancy, lack of availability of exclusive mother's
milk to the infants during first 6 months of life, delayed introduction ( after 6
months) of semi-solid food to infants, lack of hygiene and sanitation etc.
Insufficient access to food and poor water, sanitation and health
practices.
Other factors contributing to malnutrition are, illiteracy, poverty, lack of
knowledge, gender discrimination and discriminatory attitudes and practices and
to some extent pollution.
What are the Consequences of malnutrition?
Good nutrition is needed at all stages - infancy, childhood, adolescence and
adulthood- specially for girls and women. If malnourished it may lead to:
Impaired physical growth
Impaired mental and intellectual development
Higher vulnerability to chronic infections and diseases
High risk of death.
What should be done?
Improvement in:
J Mother care and feeding practices specially during pregnancy and lactation.
J Infant and child care and feeding practices
z Hygiene and sanitary practices specially while cooking, serving and feeding
J Access to maternal and child health services, hygiene and sanitation facilities,
iodized salt and clean drinking water
Access to food
The purpose of INP, Karnataka is to improve nutritional status of people by
reducing all forms of malnutrition.
For whom the project is?
Project will adopt the life-cycle approach for solving the problem of
malnutrition. It will aim at young children, adolescent girls, pregnant and
lactating women.
What will be done?
Malnutrition is the result of many interrelated factors related to number of
sectors. This project aims at solving malnutrition problem by bringing all the
sectors together.
The main aim of this project is to empower women of the community so that
they can look after the health of people in their community.
The main components of the project are:
1.
Information, Education and Communication(IEC)
(i)
Provide support to women's Self Help Groups (SHGs)- These groups after
getting trained will:
-prepare nourishing food for young children, adolescent girls and pregnant
and lactating women.
-educate community about proper mother and child care.
-educate community about growing fruits and vegetables preservation of
fruits and vegetables in the peak season.
-monitor the nutrition situation in the village and keep the records of
progress of children's nutritional status.
(ii)
Nutrition and Health Education: People will be helped to change their
practices that will help in preventing malnutrition. All possible
opportunities will be used to convey the messages to people. These can
be health melas, weekly markets, fixed health days, religious functions,
literacy programmes, mahila mandal meetings etc.
All possible methods of communication, one to one and mass
communication will be used. Face to face or one to one communication
will be through SHGs, AWWs, ANMs, school teachers, rural development
teachers, TBAs, NGOs or any other field workers.
Nutrition topics will also be included in school syllabus.
(iii)
Training: All the grass root level workers should have knowledge of good
caring practices so that they can convey uniform and correct messages to
community. These messages can be exclusive breastfeeding to children
from birth to 6 months, timely introduction of semi-solid foods at 6
months of age, emphasis on good nutrition of adolescent girls and
pregnant and nursing women etc. They should also know how to influence
people for improving their practices. Therefore appropriate training will be
provided to all field level workers and women of SHGs.
2
(i) Food fortification: It is a very good strategy to improve micronutrient
malnutrition. Foods most commonly used by people can be fortified with
minerals and vitamins to improve nutritional status of people. Local
cereals e.g., ragi or jowar will be fortified with vitamins and minerals at
the local chakkis where people take their cereals for grinding.
(ii) Fortified supplementary food prepared by women of SHGs will be
distributed to 6m-6 years old children, adolescent girls and pregnant and
lactating women. It can be considered to recover a nominal cost of the
food from the beneficiaries.
3.
(i) Supplements of Iron and Folic Acid (IFA) will be distributed to pre
school children, adolescent girls and pregnant and lactating women to
prevent anaemia and it's associated problems.
(ii) Vitamin A supplements will be distributed to children from 9m-5years
old children.
4.
Promotion of production and consumption of fruits and vegetables:
women of SHGs and other field level workers will be trained to educate
community on production, consumption and processing of fruits and
vegetables which is the long term solution to the problem of micronutrient
malnutrition.
5.
Health and nutrition are strongly interlinked. Therefore, joint health and
ICDS teams will be formed to deliver combined services to people.There
will be:
-joint communication drives
-M/\N as depot holder for IFA tablets, Vitamin A and ORS
-joint house hold visits for severely malnourished cases
-joint updating of records
-support of ANM in growth monitoring and promotion sessions
-joint meetings with MSS or SHGs
any other innovative activity can be identified at district level
6.
Monitoring and Evaluation:
Base line survey
Mid term and end evaluation
Regular monitoring of the process and acheivements
Community based monitoring (by women of SHGs ) to provide timely
information required for taking action at community as well as
government level
******
Nutritional Status of Women and Children in Karnataka
The Important Indicators
Kairnataka
India
51.5
67.6
.
IMR-
•
CMR-
19.3
29.3
•
% with B.MI below 18.5 kg/m
38.8
35.8
•
% of women with anemia
42.4
51.8
•
% of women with severe anemia
2.3
1.9
•
% of children ex. Breastfed in 0-3 m
66.5
55.2
•
% of children got semi-solids at 6-9 months
38.4
33.5
•
% of underweight children
43.9
47.0
•
% of children stunted
36.6
45.5
•
% of wasted children
20.0
15.5
•
% of children with anemia
70.6
74.3
•
% of families eating iodized salt
12.9
16.8
Un derlyingjfactors of main u trition
•
Age of women at marriagef median age)
•
.Median age first pregnancy
16.0
•
Percent of institutional deliveries
52.9
14.7
•
Percent of deliveries attended by health prof
61.9
•
Percent of children recd all vaccination
60.0
42.0
•
Food consumption by women
55%
58.2
•
Female literacy
•
Women’s autonomy
Not involved in decision making
8.1%
9.4%
Decision making in what to cook
88.4%
85.1%
About their health care
49.3
51 6
WHAT THE CONCERNED SECTORS COULD DO
Agriculture :
•
To promote production of coarse grains, pulses, fruits and
vegetables, milk, nuts and oil seeds.
•
To promote horticulture at the community and household levels.
Food and Public Distribution :
•
To ensure food and nutrition security at the household level.
Education :
•
To include nutrition in all formal and non-formal curricula.
Health :
•
To give due emphasis to nutrition at every level - medical
education, training, primary health care and disease surveillance.
Rural Development and Urban Development:
•
To ensure universal access to safe drinking water and sanitation
Information and Broadcasting :
•
To help create a climate of nutritional awareness in the country.
Women and Child Development:
•
To focus on eradication of malnutrition through various women
and child development programme.
18
courts 35
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N vT- H.
SPECIAL REPORT OFTHE COMMISSIONERS TO THE HONOURABLE SUPREME
COURT
(A follow-up to the Fourth Report submitted in August 2003, with advice for immediate
orders)
The four reports submitted earlier aimed at evaluating die implementation of food and
employment related schemes and of the Honourable Court's orders. We wish to reiterate our
earlier concern that the right to food cannot become a reality till due recognition is given to
tire crucial link between it and the right to work as well as the right to information.
This special report follows a series of meetings held with government, as directed by the
Hon'ble Court.
Many agreements have been reached, such as the discontinuation of grain
exports and a ban on Hie use of labour-displacing machines on public works. However, some
of the orders of the Honourable Court have not been complied with. The most flagrant
cases of non-compliance are discussed below.
I
1
Mid-day Meal Scheme
1
There is much evidence of the benefits provided by cooked meals both in terms of
higher enrolment rates and better nutritional status of children (including that of the
girl child). It was in this view dial die Honourable Court ordered all the states to
provide cooked meals in all government and government aided primary schools.
1.2
However recent reports show that die midday meal scheme has not been started at all
in the states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Uttaranchal. Some states like Jharakhand
and Orissa have interpreted an earlier order of the Court1 directing them to start the
scheme in at least one fourdi of die districts, to justify the non-implementalion in the
entire state. Still other states like West Bengal have implemented the scheme in a few
blocks and within these, only in a few schools. Further communication reveals that
little effort is being taken to ensure that the coverage is universalised to cover all
eligible schools.
1.3
We have also been informed that in Mizoram, parents are being asked to contribute
towards the costs of mid-day meals. Government orders to this effect appear to have
1 Order dated 8 May 2003, whereby tire bench directed Jharakhand and others to implement the scheme
in al-least one fourth of the districts.
been issued, asking teachers to extract payments or donations from parents to meet
the costs of fuel and utensils.
In this light we advise the Honourable Court to:
A.
Direct the states that are yet to initiate cooked mid-day meals in primary schools as
well as those that have implemented it partially to comply with the order of
November 28,2001.
8.
Issue clarificatory orders that the order dated 8 May 2003 permitting partial
implementation was only a temporary measure and the intention is to ensure
universal coverage of all government and government-assisted primary schools with
midday meal scheme immediately.
C.
Direct that the conversion costs needed to provide a hot nutritious meal are not
recovered in any form or percentage from the parents of the children enrolled in
these schools.
2
Antyodaya Anna Yojana
2.1
In the last few months an attempt was made to ascertain the degree to which the
interim order directing the Government of India to issue additional Antyodya cards
to identified priority groups has been complied with.
2
2
We find however that the guidelines issued by the Governments in this regard are
flawed in two respects. This in turn fails to make these priority groups particularly
the primitive tribal groups (PTG's) eligible as a 'matter of right', as recommended by
the petitioner and directed by the Court2. First, they explicitly require BPL status as a
pre requisite for eligibility to receive benefits under the expanded programme
thereby' ensuring that Antyodaya cards are only issued from among existing BPL
cardholders. In order to ensure that the poorest are issued cards it is important that
individuals from the priority groups be given Antyodaya cards even if they' have
been inadvertently' or wrongfully excluded from the BPL lists.1 Orders to this effect
have already been issued in West Bengal3
3 In the order of 8 May, 2003
3 This was also agreed upon in a recent meeting convened by the Department of Food and Public
Distribution. This meeting, held in New Delhi on 19 September 2003, was called to discuss the
recommendations made by' the Commissioners in their fourth report.
Second, the governments of many states have interpreted the order incorrectly to
2.3
mean that the number of Antyodaya cards issued in each district should simply be
increase from 15% of tire existing BPL cards to 23%. Such an automatic increase does
not allow for differing numbers between districts of the priority groups mentioned in
the order. The result is that in areas of intense poverty, where the need for cards is
greater, only a small proportion of the vulnerable households are covered.
This
problem was found, for instance, in villages of Dahi block in Madhya Pradesh and
Lakhanpur block in Chattisgarh.
Persons representing the commissioners came
across many destitute households belonging to the PTG's of Bharia and Hill Korwa
respectively who had not been issued Antyodya cards.
Thirdly, in all states other than MP, Chattisgarh, Rajasthan, Sikkim and Nagaland the
2.4
process of identification is yet to be completed.
In the light of the above, we advise the Honourable Court to:
A.
Direct the Government of India and State Governments to issue revised guidelines
ensuring that the possession of a BPL card is not a necessary eligibility criterion for
inclusion in the expanded Antyodaya programme.
B.
Direct the States to ensure that the inclusion of priority groups is done as a matter of
right, as per the orders of the Court.
C.
Direct that the cards must be issued within four weeks to all primitive tribes and
within eight weeks for oilier priority groups, for those states that are yet to complete
the process of identification and distribution of cards.
D.
Direct the Government of India to ensure that grain allocations under Antyodaya
Anna Yojana are raised as may be required for the implementation of these
directions.
3
3.1
Annapurna and NSAP
The Annapurna scheme, from being a centrally sponsored one was transferred to the
State Plan wef 2002-2003. Since then a number of States including MP, Karnataka,
Haryana, Punjab, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Chattisgarh, Gujarat, Kerala, Manipur,
Nagaland, UP and Uttaranchal4 have discontinued the scheme, in many cases
without providing any alternative. In both the districts of Sheopur and Dhar in MP.
our investigators met many elderly persons who were dependent on the Annapurna
benefits for their survival but had been abruptly deprived of it since March 2003.
Moreover this had
been done without providing for any other alternative
arrangement. This had been brought to the attention of the stale government in July
2003 but field visits made in November showed that no heed had been paid to the
Commissioners recommendation that these benefits not be withdrawn.
In the light of the above we advise the Honourable Court to:
A.
Direct that no scheme covered by the orders of the court (including the National Old
Age Pension Scheme and the National Family Benefit Scheme and in particular
Annapurna) be discontinued or restricted in any way without the prior approval of
the court. If any of the schemes have already been discontinued, the States should
reintroduce them with retrospective effect.
B.
Direct states, which contend that allocations under Annapurna are not required, since
the entire eligible population has been covered under the national and state pension
schemes, to establish before the Court that this indeed reflects the situation at the
ground level. Adequate proof must be furnished and submitted to the court that no
one in the state wishes to get benefits under this scheme.
C.
Direct the Gol to make full allocation for NSAP in its budget. Al present against a
requirement of more than Rs 1400 crores, only Rs 680 crores is being provided,
resulting in huge backlog of non-payment in the stales.
4
4.1
Moving towards an Employment Guarantee
We have mentioned earlier the inextricable link between the right to work and the
right to food.
The Government of India has in the past also recognised this by
conceiving of and announcing the implementation of Jaya Prakash Narayan
Employment Guarantee Yojana (JPEGY) in the budget of 2002 - 03 (Budget speech of
the Finance Minister, February' 2002) more than a year and a half ago.
In particular
the programme clearly lays down that any individual in the selected districts, should
4 Grains are allotted by the Department of Food and Public Distribution on receipt of demand from the
stales. The mentioned stales have not been allotted grain under the programme for the year 2002-2003
be able to get employment at the legal minimum wage within one fortnight of
registration, and should be eligible for compensation if employment is not thus
provided. However nothing has been done since the budget announcement
We therefore advise the Honourable Court to:
A. Direct the Government of India to implement the Jaya Prakash Narayan Employment
Guarantee Yojana in the identified 131 backward districts forthwith and in any case
not later than one month from the date of the order.
5
Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)5
5.1
It may be recalled that in an order dated 28 November 2001, the Hon'ble Court had
directed all states to ensure that there is an Anganwadi centre in "every settlement".
The intention of the order was to provide universal access to ICDS. However, the
Department of Women and Child Welfare has admitted in a recent meeting, that
orders aimed at compliance with this directive have not been issued.
Further, the
Department maintains that due to financial constraints it is unable to cover "eac/i
child, pregnant & nursing mother and adolescent girl" under the scheme as directed
by the Supreme Court".
Requests made by the Department for enhanced financial
allocations have been turned down.
5.2
The response of the Department indicates that the Supreme Court Orders have been
interpreted within the existing guidelines, rather than as directions that go beyond
the same. This is the rationale used for not universalising the scheme either in terms
of reaching every "settlement" or in terms of covering "each" beneficiary (child
within the age group of 0-6, pregnant and nursing mother, adolescent girls).
5.3
The net result is that only 3.4 crore children are getting the benefit of supplementary
nutrition under ICDS. This is nowhere near the number of children in the relevant
age group (over 15 crores), or the numbers that are malnourished (8.5 crore), or even
the numbers belonging to families below the poverty line (6 crores). The percentage
of adolescent girls being covered is much less as the scheme for them has not been
as per the information received from FCI as on 26.6.2003
5
The content in this section is largely drawn from a meeting convened by the Department of Women
and Child Welfare, held at New Delhi on 25 November 2003. The meeting was called to discuss the
recommendations made by the Commissioners regarding the ICDS programme as well as analyze to
what extent the Hon'ble Courts orders have been complied with.
" Dated 28,h November 2001.
operationalised for all Anganwadi centres. The coverage of settlements is also not
complete.
At present for around 14 lakh habitations, there are only 6.05 lakh
reporting Anganwadi centres. Thus the present coverage of the scheme is clearly
insufficient to meet the needs of all those who require it.
We may add that 3.4 crore is the theoretical entitlement, actual coverage is much less,
as the states do no provide sufficient funds to meet the cost of nutrition.
In the light of the above we advise the Honourable Court to:
A. Issue clarificatory orders that the term " settlement" as useci in the Order dated 28
November 2003 pertains to a cluster of households within a village. The order must
not be interpreted by lire Department, as only operationalizing the present number of
sanctioned ICDS projects.
B.
Issue orders that the ICDS services be extended to every child, pregnant and lactating
mother and adolescent girl, as directed in the order dated 28 November 2003. The
services must not be restricted to disadvantaged families or to a predetermined
number identified and given to the states.
6
6.1
The Right to Information
Documents pertaining to food and employment related schemes are still being
routinely denied to tire public, and even to the Commissioners investigation teams.
Despite the necessary authority, open access to information and records dealing with
these schemes is still not readily attainable. The non-accessibility can be on account
of continued absence of the concerned authority and thereby his non-availability to
those who require his services, blanket refusal to provide the information as well as
the phenomenon of prohibitive pricing.
A case in point is the price charged for
photocopying muster rolls in Madhya Pradesh, which at a steep Rs 20 per page is ten
times more than that charged for photocopying one page of most other documents.
Two letters addressed to the Chief Secretary of the state by the Commissioners have
not even received a response let alone any action. A recent trip to Dhar district of MP
several months after the letters were sent has confirmed that no order revising the
price has been issued, as was requested by the commissioners.
6.2
Letters have also been sent to all the state governments requesting that documents
related to tire PDS including the list of beneficiaries and the stock register be made
public.
Though several state governments have issued standard orders in this
regard, actual implementation of these orders at tire ground level is not carried out.
In November 2003 the Commissioners representatives visited the district of Dhar in
MP. Despite having the required authority and thereby being promised the relevant
information none was forthcoming. It appears that there is little accountability on not
providing the information.
Measures must therefore be taken to ensure that
information and documents are available at a cost effective and time bound manner.
In light of the above, we advise the Honourable Court to:
A. Direct that all documents pertaining to food and employment schemes, including
those mentioned in the interim order of 28 November 2001, should be treated as
public documents, open to public scrutiny and accessible for consultation by any
individual at any lime. In cases where an application is made for a copy of these
documents, certified photocopies should be provided within one week of the
application. The charge for the photocopies should be no greater than the cost of
photocopying and in any case no higher than Rs. one per page.
B.
Direct the Slates and the Government of India to submit an affidavit clarifying the
procedure required to apply for these documents, and the available redressal
mechanisms when records are not provided on time.
This should explicitly include
measures to be undertaken on account of refusal to accept complaints and letters of
application in addition to required action that must be taken against any official
found to be guilty of repeated inaction.
C.
Direct the Gol to bring into force the Right to Information Act passed by Parliament
and to issue rules and procedure pertaining to the Act.
main identity
From:
To:
Sent:
Subject:
"S Vivek" <right2food@yahoo.co.in>
"Sochara@Vsnl. Com" <sochara@vsnl.com>
Tuesday, December 02, 2003 3:15 AM
Update 25
Dear Friends.
Welcome to "right to food updates", a periodic bulletin about India's right to food campaign,
circulated once a month or so. This 25th Update is beipg sent to an expanded list, including not
only the 2000-odd supporters who have been patiently reading earlier updates, but also many new
recipients.
If you have missed earlier updates, you can find them on the campaign website
(www.righttofood, com). The website also contains a wealth of related material of interest Supreme Court orders on the right to food, reports of campaign activities, selected articles, and
much more.
)
If you wish to be deleted from the list, please send a line to right2food@yahoo.co.in
In this Update, we have further news of recent activities around the country, including the "truck
yalra" in Rajasthan, complaint camps in West Bengal, demonstrations for mid-day meals in
Jharkhand, and the Parivartan struggle in Delhi, among other items. There is also an important
section on a "special report" just submitted by Dr. Saxena and Mr. Sankaran to the Supreme
Court. The next hearing is due tomorrow.
za
)
Today's headlines:
1.
JHARKHAND: FURTHER ACTION ON MID-DAY MEALS
2.
RAJASTHAN: TRUCK YATRA ROLLS ON
3. DELHI: LINKING THE RIGHT TO FOOD WITH THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION
4.
WEST BENGAL: COMPLAINTS AND REDRESSAL
5.
MAHARASHTRA: ANTYODAYA CARDS FOR PRIORITY GROUPS
6.
MAHARASHTRA: RALLY FOR BETTER DROUGHT RELIEF
7.
CHHATTISGARH: DRAFT "RIGHT TO WORK BILL"
8.
COMMISSIONERS CALL FOR UNIVERSAL CHILD CARE SERVICES
9.
COMMISSIONERS' WORK: OTHER MATTERS
10.
MISCELLANEOUS
1.
JHARKHAND: FURTHER ACTION ON MID-DAY MEALS
Jharkhand activists are back on the streets, trying to persuade the government to start providing
mid-day meals in primary schools. An extensive signature campaign took place recently in about
12/2/03
Page 2 of 7
10 districts. Following on that, over seven hundred people from all over Jharkahnd gathered in
Ranchi for a series of campaign activities, starting with a press conference on 10 November 2003.
The next day. a rally was taken from Goskar College to the Secretariat. En route, further
signatures were collected. This was followed by a public mid-day meal for children, aimed at
embarrassing the government, and a colourfill bal sansad' (children’s parliament).
An appointment had been sought with the Chief Minister. When the rally reached the Secretariat,
people decided to stage a sit-in demonstration on the spot. Most responsible officials as well as
the Chief Minister were inside the building, for a Cabinet meeting. Though the CM did not meet
the group, a delegation was received by the Chief Secretary of Jharkhand.
The Chief Secretary said that the government had decided to start providing mid-day meals, and
that Rs 20 crores had been sanctioned tor the current financial year. JThe programme is due to”
begin on 15 December. 2003. He further stated that a proposal for a full-fledged mid-daymeal
programme, with a budgetary7 provision of Rs. 136 crores per year, was with the Cabinet
Committee. The proposal envisages an expenditure of Rs. 2.50 per child per day and takes on
board most of the demands made by the right to food campaign in Jharkhand. It also includes a
provision of Rs 15.000 per school lor building kitchen sheds. A follow-up meeting with the
Education Secretary and other senior officials was fixed for 19 November 2003, for further
discussions of the guidelines of the scheme.
2.
RAJASTHAN: TRUCK YATRA ROLLS ON
Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), along with other local organisations, have been
campaigning for a "peoples' agenda" in Rajasthan, in the context of the forthcoming elections in
the state. Under the banner of Jan Niti Abhiyan (campaign for a people’s agenda), a 'truck yatra'
has been criss-crossing Rajasthan during the last three months. The truck yatra is part of a larger
effort to promote participatory' democracy and to articiiiate common people's priorities.
Emerging priorities include the right to work (including an Employment Guarantee Act); the right
to food; the right to information and other tools of participator/ and accountable governance;
concerns arising from the privatisation of public utilities like water and electricity; the living
conditions of marginalized communities; struggles against oppression waged by the Dalit and
women's movement; etc. These and related issues will be compiled in a "Jan Ghoshna
Patrika” (People's Manifesto), to be widely distributed and discussed in the final phase of the
truck yatra.
The final phase (November 13-26) started with an intense campaign at the Pushkar Fair, which
was innovatively used to reach out to a large number of people on electoral issues. From there it
proceeded to cover six districts of Rajasthan. The team pays as much attention to the mode of
communication as to the message itself. The issues are conveyed through catchy and imaginative
mediums such as street plays, songs, spoofs and puppet shows.
The yatra ended on 26 November. In the past three months, it has covered most districts of the
state. It has also combined with a set of other activities including a "people's assembly"
coinciding the previous assembly session; an "election watch" process to ensure participatory
verification of electoral rolls; wide dissemination of information on the disclosure made by
candidates; etc. The common goal of these activities is to foster pafficipaforyTlembcfacy and
ensure that people's priorities are reflected on the political agenda.
For a first-hand report on the truck yatra, see http:/7geocities.com/righttofood/data/truckyatra.pdf
12/2/03
Page 3 of7
3.
DELHI: LINKING THE RIGHI TO FOOD WITH THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION
Parivartan, a Delhi-based organisation committed to the right to information, has been actively
trying to eradicate,corruption from the public distribution system (PDS). Despite strong protests
from the PDS dealers, supported by sections of the administration, Parivartan has stepped up its
campaign, and there are early signs of success.
Parivartan has mobilised a large number of people in Delhi and helped them to apply for their
RDS records under the right to infotmation act. Initially the concerned officials' refused to
disclose the records, but later they started sending letters io the applicants specifying the time and
place where records could be verified. On 23 September 2003. five women went to the specified
office with two Parivartan activists. In anticipation of their visit, several PDS dealers had reached
the spot. They beat up the activists and threatened to lynch them if they continued with their
work. Government officials and the police also started intimidating people who had applied,
forcing some of them to withdraw their applications. But most applicants have withstood the
pressure and the dealers are now begging them not to press for action.
Meanwhile, the incident was taken up with the Chief Minister. Following her prompt
intervention, the intimidations have stopped. Full records of 15 PDS shops were obtained in
Balswa. welcome colony and Gautampuri. The process has had a dramatic impact in these areas:
the PDS shops have started opening regularly, and people are reported to be getting their rations.
Parivartan is planning a social audit of several ration shops immediately after the forthcoming
elections (1 December 2003) in Delhi.
4.
WEST BENGAL: COMPLAINTS AND REDRESSAL
In the last Update we shared with you the concept of complaint camps being conducted in West
Bengal. Initiated by Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity and Shramajibee Mahila Samity, this
system of collecting complaints of people in an organised fashion, and taking them upfor
redressal, has made an impact in several places.
The process is conducted under the aegis of the Commissioners, but with no direct inputs from
them. According to Anuradha Talwar (advisor to the Commissioners for West Bengal), the long
shadow of the Supreme Court goes a long way in getting the local administration moving even
without direct intervention from the Commissioners. Even senior officials do not want to take
chances, and have become much more responsive to people's complaints.
In one case in South 24 Parganas district, the BDO of Pathar Pratirna block had stated in a report
to the District Magistrate that ration shops functioned perfectly well. Since he knew that the local
organisations would take up this matter, he started organising public meetings in each Gram
Panchayat to redress people's complaints. When it was pointed that these meetings contradicted
his claim that all was well with the PDS, he replied that he had to submit a rosy report in order to
save his job. but was actually keen to redress the complaints.
Another interesting situation arose in Nakashipara block in Nadia district, where many PDS
dealers had not supplied any gram for eight months. The local groups wanted grain to be supplied
with retrospective effect. The dealers asked to be forgiven and promised regular supplies
henceforth, but argued that 'what has happened has happened'. As a compromise, they finally
agreed to supply with retrospective effect for four months. All this was to be done without official
cognisance.
5.
MAHARASHTRA: zkNTYODAYA CARDS FOR PRIORITY GROUPS
May\2003, the Supreme Court directed the Government of India to issue Antyodaya cards to all
12/2/03
Page 4 of 7
sv'rcnnc hpinnm’nnr Tn certain nrinritv araiiiK I’in/'.hiHinw nli nriniiliv
**
trihec
*
xvnkMt
regular support, aged persons without support, among others). This process, however, has faced
serious hurdles in most states.
While the Supreme Court order states that ALL people belonging to these priority categories
should be covered, the Government of India has raised the number. ofAnlyodaya cards by just
fifty lakhs (from a base of one-croreX-which is grossly inadequate. In many states, even this
expansion has not been done properly. In Maharashtra for example, the state government did not
issue further Antyodaya cards, as this would have emailed additional transport cost. Anna Ani
Aiogva Adhikat Abhiyan took up ftusissue with the state government and demanded ffie timely
distribution of additional cards. The state government responded with an orderTor tKEExtended
Amybdaya Scheme’ on October 16,2003. The campaign groups have distributed the order widely
and watched its implementation on the ground.
Recent reports suggest that the distribution of Antyodaya cards to priority groups leaves much to
be desired. The direction of the Supreme Court in this respect is brazenly violated in most places.
when local officials are aware of it at all. Even district-level officials are often unaware of it. And
we are yet io hear of a district where efforts have been made to distribute Antyodaya cards to all
widows without support (one of the main "priority' groups"). Further feedback on these issues
would be appreciated - just send a line to right2food@,yahoo.co.in
6.
MAHARASHTRA: RALLY FOR DROUGHT RELIEF
This year has seen pockets of drought in some parts of the country. In drought-affected Sangli
district of Maharasthra, local organisations are campaigning for better drought relief. A rally took
place on November 27 2003 to press for timely provision of grain under the Employment
Guarantee Scheme (EGS) and for proper implementation of all food-related schemes. The rally
endedTritiTachanerofdemands including separate arrangements for grain distribution to EGS
labourers; provision of work within 2-3 kms of residence; supply of grain at Antyodaya rates to
all families in drought-affected areas; provision of temporary ration cards for migrant labourers
working on sugarcane plantations; and full implementation of all food schemes.
7.
CHHATHSGARH: DRAF T "RIGHT TO WORK BILL"
As mentioned in the last Update, the Government of Chhattisgarh is actively considering a
possible "right to work bill". A draft bill prepared by the government is available on the campaign website (www.rightorood.com). It you have any comments on the draft bill, please
send us a line at right2food@yahoo. co. in. Efforts are on in Chhattisgarh to pursue the issue and
build popular support for an Employ-ment Guarantee Act For example a meeting took place in
Raigarh last month, with 300 participants, to build support for the right to work.
8.
COMMISSIONERS CALL FOR UNIVERSAL CHILD CARE SERVICES
The Commissioners of the Supreme Court, Dr. N.C. Saxena and Mr. S.R. Sankaran. have just
submined a "special report" to the Court. The report reiterates earlier concerns that tEeright to
food cannot become a reality till due recognition is given to the crucial link between it and the
right to work as well as [he right to information. It also discusses some flagrant cases of viola tions
of Supreme Court orders relating to the right, to food, and calls for immediate orders to address
these lapses.
In particular, the Commissioners call for strict orders to ensure that basic health and nutrition
services reach ail children under the age of'6. These children are meant to be covered by the
Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), but the report, notes that the actual coverage of
12/2/03
Page 5 of 7
ICDS is very small - barely one fifth of tire relevant aec group. The government has failed to act
on an earlier order calling for an anganwadi centre to be provided in "every- settlement".
financial allocations was 'categorically rejected" by the Cabinet.
Other flagrant cases of non-compliance with Supreme Court orders include: (a) failure to initiate
mid-Jav.meals in. primary schools in several states: (b) abrupt discontinuation of food schemes
such as Annapooma: (c) failure to disclose public records relating.to Jood and employment
schemes. In the light of these and other transgressions, the Commissioners call for immediate
orders from the Supreme Court, including:
* Universalisation of the Integrated Child Development .Services (ICDS).
* Immediate provision of mid-day meals in all primary schools.
* implementation of .Taya Prakash Narayan Employment Guarantee Yojana (JPFXrY) within one
month.
* No withdrawal or dilution of any food entitlements covered by Supreme Court'orders without
* Antyodaya cards to be given to "priority groups" (e.g. widows without support) as a matter of
right.
* All records pertaining to tood- and employment-related schemes to be available for public
scrutiny.
The full report 1'7 pages) is available on the campaign website ('www.righttofood.com - see
"
"Reports" in the "Commissioners' Work" section, or click on the moving banner at the top of the
Home Page). For further information, please contact Shonali Sen (assistant to the Commissioners)
at shonalisen@hotmail.com
9.
COMMISSIONERS' WORK: OTHER MATTERS
Aside from preparing this special report, the Commissioners have continued their routine work
and intensified their efforts to ensure compliance with Supreme Court orders. Some highlights of
recent and tofthcomiiig activities!
* Dr. Saxena convened a meeting with the Department of Women and Child Development on 25
November, to discuss court orders relating to the Integrated Child Development Services (TCDS).
An important insight from this meeting is that the Department has no intention to implement the
Court directive (28 November 20Gli callnm for ihe provision ol ananganwadi centre in every
settlement”. The Department clearly stated that it has neither the money nor even a "mandate" for
universaiisarion of ICDS. As per official guidelines, ICDS has always been for specific project
areas, and even within those areas, only for "disadvantaged families". A recent proposal for
expansion of ICDS by "categorically rejected" by the Cabinet, on the grounds that there was "no
money”. Therefore, the Department's efforts are confined to "universalisation within the present
guidelines", so to speak, i.e. the operationalisation of ICDS centres that have already been
sanctioned. Dr. Saxena patiently explained that the purpose of the Court order was precisely to
nudge the government beyond the present guidelines, but there was little meeting ground on this
point. This matter figures prominently' in the Commissioners' "special report" (see previous item),
and is likely to be return to the Supreme Court.
12/2/03
Page 6 of 7
* In early November, the Commissioners sent an investigation team to Dahi (district Dhar,
Madhya Pradesh), following complaints of non-payment of minimum wages in relief works. The
team's report notes that "the system of non-payment of minimum wage has been institutionalised
in the entire block". Wages paid ranged from Rs 35 to Rs 40. as against a legal minimum of Rs
biitsu eye". In Fuel. ihc svsiem of task-based wage payment has become a "tool of exploitation' »•
toeapexjicccrding to the report1'the team also uncovered gross irregularities in the
implementation of other food-related schemes, c.g. failure to distribute Antyodaya cards to
families belonging to primitive tribes and abrupt discontinuation of benefits under Annapoorna.
* Dr. Saxena visited Bihar again in late November, mainly to review the functioning of ICDS
centres. He visited close to 15 anganwadi centres in Muzaffarpur and Vaishali districts. A report
on this will be available shortly.
* Mr. Prasad Chacko has been designated as Advisor to the Commissioners for the state of
Gujarat. He may ne reached at sxnfesadi@sanchamet.in or at Behavioural Science Centre. St
Xavier’s Nbnformal Education Society, St Xavier’s College Campus, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad.
* Mr. Sankaran is scheduled to visit Maharashtra in the first week of December. His tentative
itinerary includes Nasik, Raigad and Thane. Aside from field visits. Mr. Sankaran is likely to
meet the Chief Secretary and various citizens' organisations. For further details, please contact Dr.
Abhay Shukla, advisor to the Commissioners in Maharashtra, at cehatpun@vsnl.com
10 MISCELLANOUS
10.1.
Mid-dav meals in UP.’ In Uttar Pradesh, Mr Ashok t5ajpai Minister for Civil Supplies,
recently made a public statement to the effect that the government was not planning to provide
mid-day meais in primary schools. He even said that ihc government would seek a reversal of the
Supreme Court order on this. The same 'article,pubEshed inTimes of India, quoted senior
officials and "experts” who claimed that cooked mid-day meals had been found ineffective
elsewhere. However, within a week of this faux pas, the government issued a statement clarifying
that mid-day meals would be introduced IlsoonLin 1S districts. This promise, however, should not
be taken at face value as several announcements of this kind have been made earlier. On 13-14
November, a two-day protest meeting was organised in Lucknow, based on a 17-point charter on
various aspects of education including mid-day meals.
10.2.
Gram Sampark in NIP: The Government ot Madhya Pradesh has developed a web-based
monitoring and Information system, aimed at providing month-by-mont_h infonnaiion on eleven
basS^r.'fce'S’hreverwsingte'viirage. These services include schools, health centres, water supply
and several rood-reiaiedkprografnrnes. If any facility' is defective, it comes under the ’defaulter'
list, which is available online for anyone to check. This list is supposed to be reviewed every
month at the block, district and stale levels, and the concerned authorities are expected to produce
monthly "action taken" reports. The credibility of the system remains to be seen, but if the
information is credible, it presents a potential campaign tool of some interest. The information
can be- accessed at www.mp.nic.imgramsampark
10.3.
ICDS study: The Centre for Equity Studies is planning to launch a study of ICDS under the
aegis of the Commissioners of the Supreme Court. This will be based on a field survey of ICDS
in 5-6 states, mainly but not exclusively in the Hindi belt. The study' will be action-oriented, and
CHS is keen to collaborate with organisations committed to ICDS. For further details please write
to icdsstudv@vahoo.co.in
10.4.
Website address: Perhaps you have noticed that the website address www.righttofood.com
12/2/03
was dysfunctional for a few days. This happened because the domain name registration had
expired. The problem has been fixed, and the site is also accessible at
http:..-aeocities.conrrighttofood.
10.5.
Next Supreme Court hearing: The next hearing is expected on 2 December 2003.
N'-'TI FOOD
-
SECURITY
For a world free of hunger
An Asia-Pacific Consultation in Chennai comes out with a 10-point scientific and public policy agenda
on eliminating hunger.
ASHA KRISHNAKUMAR
N 1974, the World Food Conference in
Rome resolved that by 1984 “no child,
woman or man should go to bed hungry
and no human being’s physical or mental
potential should be stunted by malnutri
tion.” Twenty-two years later, and 12 years
kfrer the deadline, the World FoodSummit
I
was convened again in Rome in 1996 and
it reaffirmed “the fundamental right of
every human to be free from hunger.” But
at that point in time over 700 million peo
ple the world over were going to bed hun
gry, 800 million suffered from chronic
under-nutrition in theless developed coun
tries and 200 million children under the
age of five were suffering from malnutri
tion in the 88 low-income countries. So it
diluted the goal set in 1974 and set a less
ambitious goal of halving the number of
undernourished people by 2015. Fiveyears
have passed and hardly any progress has
been made towards solving the problem.
As against the required quantum of reduc
tion of200 million every year if the 1996
goal of halving the number of malnour
ished people is to be met, the decline has
been hardly of the order of 8 million.
In order to review the situation and to
Jtset targets, heads and Ministers of gov
ernments are to meet again in Rome, in
November this year. To assess the progress
in achieving the goals set during the 1996
World Food Summit and to work out a
strategy to provide sustainable food securi
ty and nutritional adequacy to the poor,
the Chennai-based M.S. Swaminathan
Research Foundation (MSSRF) organised
a four-day Asia-Pacific Consultation in
June. The consultation came out with a
document, the Chennai Declaration,
which, with its 10-point scientific and pub
lic policy agenda, should constitute an
important input for the Rome meeting.
Food stocks are piling up in India, and
yet the country remains home to a fourth
of the world’s poor and hungry- 208 mil
lion undernourished and 250 million poor
people. In the light of this paradoxical sit
uation, the participants discussed the issue
80
unit of water, land and other inputs on a
of access to foodgrains for the poor.
While matching the demand for grain sustainable basis.
* Stressing environmentally sustainable
with supply is a major issue in Asia, and
India in particular, the participants felt that technologies by blending traditional wis
sustaining foodgrain supply itself is emerg dom and practices with frontier science.
ing as a critical issue. The task has become Not only quantity but quality should be a
especially daunting in Asia, which has 57 crucial factor in designing and popularis
per cent ofthe world’s population and only ing technologies. Improving post-harvest
33 per cent ofthe world’s arable land. With
technologies would go a long way in
the available arable land itself shrinking improving quality, which is particularly
relevant with the removal of quantitative
rapidly and reaching the limits of its carry
ing capacity, the continent in general, and
restrictions (Q.Rs) on imports. According
India in particular, is on the verge of a seri to Dr. Suman Sahai of the Gene
ous crisis. The reason for this is the over- Campaign, the Codex Alimentarius food
exploitation ofnatural resources, which has standards, to promote food safety, is tend
led to the degradation of land, deforesta ing to become a mechanism to impose pro
tion, water depletion and contamination,
tectionist measures in foreign trade,
and loss of biodiversity - that is, a major particularly in discriminating against food
imports from developing countries. This
drain on the resource base. The picture is
trend, the participants of the Consultation
made more dismal by the looming threats
of global warming and climate change,
felt, should be opposed by developing
which will impact particularly severely on
countries at Doha.
* The Asia-Pacific region is characterised
farm productivity and production.
In this context, the solution may lie by small farm holdings. The per capita
with science, or specifically fam research. availability of arable land and irrigation
Important areas are biotechnology, inte water is diminishing rapidly with intensive
grated natural resource management and cultivation and increased biotic and abioteffective linkages among research, exten icstresses. In order to combat the problems
sion and market. But a link between sci associated with die scale ofproduction and
ence and policy formulation, particularly input-use, the Chennai Declatadon rec
in the context of globalisation and liberal ommends cooperative Firming with stress
isation, is crucial. Some key policy areas on agri-clinics (to provide services such as
that need immediate attention are sanitary soil healdi-care, water conservation and
and phytosanitary regulations, food quali integrated nutrient management and to
ty and safety standards, intellectual prop disseminate principles of eco- and preci
erty and farmers’ rights, regulation of sion-farming) and agribusiness (to provide
biotechnology and its products, and the at the farmgate value adding processes and
management of marine exclusive econom markedng services).
* Widening the narrow food security bas
ic zones.
The Chennai Declaration’s 10-point ket to include local cereals, millets, grain.
programme which provides a framework legumes, tubercrops and vegetables could
for scientific policy-making to reduce be an effective strategy to combat hunger.
hunger and poverty and also a basis for dis The Food and Agriculture Organisation
cussion at the coming World Trade (FAO), die Chennai Declaration insists,
Agreement on Agriculture at Doha in should classify millets as ‘nurridous cereals’
November are:
instead of ‘coarse cereals’ and should
* Shifting from a commodity-centred increase the economic stake in the conserapproach, the basis of the Green vadon and cultivation of such crops.
Revolution of the 1960s, to a farming sys-: ■. * The case for the rights of conserves of
tems-based approach built on the founda agrobiodiversity and holders of traditional
tion of integrated natural resource knowledge should be highlighted. This
management to produce more from every should be recognised both in accordance
FRONTLINE, AUGUST 17. ’001
5 would find the arithmetical sums trivial
3 and finish them quickly, but that was not
§ the case.
S
The results of the test show that chil
dren in Class IV of schools in the DPEP
districts perform remarkably better than
those in non-DPEP districts; in some cases
they outperform the much older students
of Class IX. We tested for the proportion
of Class IV children who could get grade
A in writing. In Malappuram, Kasaragod
and Thiruvananthapuram districts it was
45, 31, and 65 per cent, while in
Kozhikode, Emakulam and Kollam it was
19, 16 and 16 per cent respectively.
Similarly, for reading comprehension it
was 71,51 and51 per cent respectively in
the three DPEP districts as against 17, 30
and 11 per cent in the non-DPEP districts.
In the case of arithmetical operations the
figures were 65,53 and 54 per cent respec
different in Kerala.
tively compared to 16,42 and 31 per cent
We conducted an evaluation of the respectively in the latter districts. When it
basic competencies achieved by children comes to identifying one’s own district and
and found a correlation between their per
the capital of Kerala on a map, the per
formance and the degree of curriculum centage of children who got grade A was
change in the district. Where the training 88, 60 and 71 in Malappuram, Kasaragod
of teachers, the involvement of resource and Thiruvananthapuram, compared to
persons, theefficiency ofthe support mech 41, 56 and 59 respectively in Kozhikode,
anisms, including the mobilisation of the Emakulam and Kollam districts.
community, and so on were in a relatively
The corresponding figures for Class IX
robust state, the classrooms and the learn (the DPEP is not followed in any district
for high school classes) are in sharp con
er evaluation genuinely mirrored the good
health of the programme. On the other trast to the performance of Class IV chil
hand, ineffective reaching practices, dull dren. In writing abilities die percentages
classrooms, and lack of preparation of were 12, 11 and 36 respectively in
teachers, indicating the overall weakness of Malappuram,
Kasaragod
and
the programme, showed up in the unsatis Thiruvananthapuram districts and 19, 39
factory performance of the children of that and 15 respectively in Kozhikode,
Emakulam and Kollam districts. Similarly,
district.
We designed a paper-and-pencil test to for arithmetical operations it was 33, 51
evaluate some basic competencies of the and 65 per cent and 57,75, and 42 per cent
children. We observed that the children
in the six districts respectively. This shows
had learnt more than what a test of this
that in simple sums in addition, multipli
kind can reveal, for instance, to speak con- cation and so on, 65 per cent of the Class
fidendy, sing tunefully in chorus, work col
IV children of Malappuram district got
laboratively, carry out investigations, and grade A as against 33 per cent of Class IX
so on. The test for children entering Class children. Similarly, the question on map
IV looked at the following competencies - reading should have been simple for Class
creative writing, listing, reading and com IX pupils, but in the six districts only 19,
prehension, drawing, problem analysis, 40, 36, 17, 16 and 11 per cent respective
basic arithmetical operations, classifica
ly won grade A. It is indeed shocking to
tion, map reading and awareness about the find that most pupils of Class IX cannot
identify their own district on the map of
environment. We chose Kasaragod,
Kerala and cannot even show the State’s
Malappuram and Thiruvananthapuram
from among the DPEP districts, and capital.
We certainly expected much more
Kozhikode, Emakulam and Kollam from
among the non-DPEP ones. From each from high school students in Kerala, a State
that the entire country looks up to for inspi
district a sample of four different school
ration
in achieving universal education.
divisions was selected, with an average
strength of about 30 children each. We Indeed “universal education” must mean
chose a similar sample from Class IX. We much more than this poor level of achieve
had thought that the students of Class IX ment.
FRONTLINE, AUGUST 17, 2001
Detractors of the DPEP had insisted
*
that children taught under the system
made more mistakes in writing. Our study
contradicted this claim. In a random sam
ple, while children of Class IV in DPEP
districts made only 49 spelling mistakes,
Class IV children ofschools in non-DPEP
districts made 134 such mistakes and •
those in Class IX made 117. There is noth
ing to show that language abilities are bet
ter developed when schools resort to more
“traditional ” teaching techniques, such as
the teaching ofalphabets, dictation, copy
writing, rote memorisation and so on.
Similarly, this analysis also revealed that
traditional methods of teaching mathe
matics, through rote, drill, multiplication
tables and so on, do not lead to better per
formance even in Class IX, by which stage
all children should know how to compute
56 plus 78 or 436 minus 248 or, for tha^^
matter, even 15 multiplied by seven. 1^^
the random sample, whereas Class IV chil
dren of schools in DPEP districts made
only 19 and 25 mistakes in simple addi
tion and subtraction respectively, Class IX
students made 42 and 45 mistakes respec
tively, while Class IV children of schools
in non-DPEP districts made 66 and 59
mistakes respectively.
We had hoped that these results
would serve one purpose - ofar least con
vincing people, especially officials and
other persons concerned, who may not
understand the intricacies of curriculum
design or child psychology, that they were
on the right course. Much more orienta
tion is required in the Education
Department itself, so that its officers may
understand and promote the process of
curriculum renewal. Matters relating to
curriculum require more sophisticated
consideration than “personal opinion^®
and need to be discussed with primary
teachers and other experienced practi
tioners. It can take years of painstaking
efforts by thousands of people in the field
to build a good programme, but just a
stroke of the pen can undo all that. One
can only hope that Kerala will not retract
from this effort, as any such move would
be at the cost of the future of its children.
This article is based on a study by an external
experts committee sponsored by the Primary
Education Society ofKerala (PEDSK) - the
agency implementing the District Primary
Education Programme - on the impact ofthe
programme in primary schools in Kerala.
Dr. Anita Rampal, one ofthe members ofthe
committee, is the Director, National Literacy
Resource Centre, Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy
ofAdministration, Mussoorie.
Union Minister for Rural Development M. Venkalah Naidu, Union Minister for Agriculture Nitlsh Kumar, Tamil Nadu Minister
for Agriculture R. Jeevanantham and Chairman of the M.S, Swamlnathan Research Foundation Dr. M.S. Swaminathan at the
inauguration of the four-day Asia Pacific Consultation on June 25.
^th the Global Convention on Biological
Therefore, the FAO should introduce a for the inclusion of a “Livelihood Box”, an
exemption like the "Blue Box” and the
Diversity and the FAO’s revised ‘Livelihood Security Box’ in the revised
“Green Box” introduced by developed
International Undertaking on Plant Agreement on Agriculture. To retain, and
Genetic Resources. Hence, agrobiodiversi- attract, farmers in agriculture, it is impor countries in the Agreement on Agriculture.
According to Suman Sahai, it is impor
ty-rich developing countries should build tant for governments to work out strategies
to provide assured and remunerative mar tant for countries such as India to intro
a case for the FAO adoptinga universal dec
duce special safeguard mechanisms as an
keting of their produce.
laration on ‘Plant Genome and Farmers’
★ Climate change has serious implications alternative to Q.Rs. The developed coun
Rights’ on the lines ofUNESCO’s Human
Genome and Human Rights. A fair and for food and livelihood security, particular tries, which already have high levels ofform
transparent reward and recognition system ly in the tropical and sub-tropical regions. subsidies, have introduced safeguards into
agriculture and food security and are
For instance, a recent study by the Indian
should be introduced.
restricting the entry of form products into
★ Reaching the unreached and including Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR)
the excluded in terms of technology dis shows that a one-degree-Celsius rise in tem their countries by resorting to non-trans
semination is important. Modern biotech perature reduces the duration of a wheat parent technical barriers. India should,
therefore, get into the standard- setting
nological
innovations
such
as crop by a week and yields by 500-600 kg a
vermiculture, biopesticide, bioindicators hectare. International organisations such as process at the WTA discussion at Doha,
and bioremediation agents provide the FAO should convince the industrialised Suman Sahai said.
The developed countries have an oblig
countries, which are responsible for over 80
uncommon opportunities to enhance pro
ductivity, profitability and sustainability of per cent of the greenhouse gas emissions ation to help the less developed countries
farming systems. International organisa- leading to global warming, to take actions with both funds and technology. Most of
^fons such as the FAO and the UNDP that would mitigate the effect it has on poor the centres of origin of the 30 crops that
^Pnited
Nations
Development countries.
provide humans 95 per cent of the dietary
energy and proteins are in the less devel
Programme) should be forced to take the
Said Dr. M.S. Swaminathan: “So for,
benefits of functional genomics, pro the Agreement on Agriculture has been oped countries. Another aspect is the
inequitable pattern of economic growth
teomics, DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid)
adverse to poor nations, their people in par
ticular. It is important for less developed and the unsustainable pattern of con
microchips and microarrays, as well as the
advantages of modern information and countries to articulate their position unan sumption, which impact on access to food.
communication technologies to the rural imously at the Doha meeting.” According Developed countries, which account for
less than 25 per cent of the world’s popu
to Kerala State Planning Commission
poor.
lation, consume 80 per cent of the
* Synergy between technology and public member Dr. K.N.N.S. Nair, the real fail
resources. Unless these disparities are nar
policy is crucial if the benefits of innova ure is that we have not used properly the
tions in science are to reach everyone. In opportunity provided during earlier WTA rowed, ifnot removed, there cannot be sus
tained development. In the context of
negotiations. This needs to be rectified.
this context, every country should establish
N. Ram, Editor, Frontline, said during globalisation and the opening up of the
an empowered National Commission on
form sector, the inequities between the
amedia workshop on “Impact ofthe World
Food and Livelihood Security.
developed and less developed countries are
* Food security is best defined in terms of Trade Agreement on Agriculture in India”:
million person years of jobs rather dian in “Lack ofpreparedness by the less developed increasingly being used by the former in
form trade. If, as former U.S. President Bill
million tonnes ofgrain. Unfortunately, the countries and India, in particular, has
World Trade Agreement on Agriculture accentuated the unequal global trade bar Clinton said, “trade and not aid is impor
could destroy livelihood opportunities in gain between the developed and less devel tant in poverty alleviation”, then econom
poor countries as it is designed to favour oped countries.” He said there was a need ic inequity becomes a crucial issue. The
basic inequities in the system has to be nar
for the less developed countries to campaign
‘factory farming’ and not ‘former forming’.
FRONTLINE, AUGUST 17, 2001
rowed and there should be a serious indict I FOOD SECURITY
ment of the developed countries for using
various means, such as food standards and
sanitary and phytosanitary measures, to
restrict imports from developing countries.
According to Dr. Swaminathan, India
has a unique opportunity to achieve the
World Food Summit’s goal of freedom
from endemic, hidden and transient
hunger by utilising the 60 million tonnes
of grain stockpiled in government
godowns. A World Bank report states that
half the stock with the Food Corporation
of India (FCI) is at least two years old, 30
per cent up to four years old and the rest,
about 16 years old. This calls for immedi
ate disbursal of grain to achieve the twin
goals of preventing its wastage and feeding
the millions who do not haveaccess to food.
SUMAN SAHA1
The Chennai Declaration suggests a
decentralised community grain banking
HE Uruguay Round of the General
system, which would ensure local-level
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
food security. The structure of the grain
bank, which would involve all irrespective
(GATT) negotiations went rather badly for
of religion, caste, age and gender, can be as
India. This happened because the Indian
follows:
negotiating teams comprised solely of
Every village or a cluster with a popu bureaucrats. They were ill-prepared and no
lation of2,000 to 5,000 can set up a com experts were consulted either before or dur
munity grain bank. This can function ing the long-drawn-out (1986 to 1994)
under the overall guidance of a society or a
negotiations. India was unable to protect
council, which would have as its members its interests in any sector, not in the tradi
three groups of people - the entitlement
tionally important area oftextiles where the
group that benefits from government country got clobbered, not even in the cru
schemes such as the targeted public distri cial and sensitive sectors offood and health.
bution system, the Integrated Community
In the Agreement on Agriculture
Development Scheme, and so on; the ecol
(AoA), India has negotiated equally disas
ogy group, which would consist of those trously. India’s efforts to protect agricul
desirous of joining the food-for-work pro tural products from imports were pegged
gramme; and the ethics group - including
foolishly on its adverse balance ofpayments
pregnant and nursing mothers, infants and
(BOP) position. This is permissible under
children and the old and the infirm - which
GATT. At the same time, India pursued
is entided to free access to foodgrains. All
an aggressive strategy to increase its foreign
the three groups can be managed by self exchange reserves and to seek as much for
help groups, supported by revolving food eign direct investments as possible.
stocks including grain from the local areas.
Increasing foreign exchange reserves can
This, the participants at the Consultation celled out the BOP vulnerability and India
felt, would have low transaction costs and had to lift quantitative restrictions (Q.Rs)
also be self-perpetuating. It recommends on imports. The European Union (E.U.),
that the Central government allocate five on the other hand, negotiated Q.Rs on
million tonnes of foodgrains for this.
agricultural produce of interest to it in the
While most ofthese issues and solutions agriculture negotiations. So the E.U.,
have been discussed at various internation which provides $ 365 billion as subsidy to
al conventions, there has been no political agriculture, will continue to impose its
will to implement them. All the ills of Q.Rs but India has had to lift its restric
India’s farm sector are conveniendy attrib tions.
uted to the inherent biases in the World
Fortunately for India, the AoA is being
Trade Agreement on Agriculture and the reviewed. The negotiations will in all like
unfair practices ofdeveloped countries, but lihood stretch out over a number of years,
rhe governmentcannotshrugoffits respon so India should plan a long-term strategy
sibility. Ultimately, the success of the Food to push its interests, make alliances and par
Summit will depend to a large extent on the ticipate vigorously, and what is more
political commitment of the governments important, competendy in the negotia
of the participating countries. ■
tions.
Negotiating for
food security
India should plan a long-term strategy to push its
agriculture-related interests in the forthcoming international
trade negotiations by making alliances. It should participate
vigorously and competently in the negotiations.
T
82
The first step of India’s AoA strategy
will have to be a determined mobilisation
of pressure to get the E.U. and the Uni^k
States to reduce substantially their domeF
tic as well as export subsidies. This will nor
be easy but it is fundamental to reducing
trade distortion. Of foremost concern to
India and all developing countries seeking
access to the markets of developed coun
tries are the very high, clearly trade-dis
torting subsidies given by the E. U. and the
U.S. Running into hundreds of billions of
dollars annually, these subsidies given for
domestic agricultural production and for
agricultural exports, formally preclude any
access to European and American markets.
What is more, Indian produce cannot
compete with the heavily subsidised
American and European produce for Third
World markets.
The other trade-distorting aspectofthe
agriculture policy ofdeveloped countries is
the very high tariff they impose on some
important traded products. This “dirty tat
iffication” ( a commonly used term rei^B
ring to the excessively high tariffs imposed
by the U.S. and the E.U.) has set tariffs as
high as 390 per cent for certain products.
In effect this tariffication has emerged as
being far more protectionist than the nontariffbarriers of the earlier years. These tar
iffs will also have to be corrected if further
negotiations on agriculture are to have any
meaning for the developing countries.
The AoA, with its emphasis solely on
commercial
agriculture,
completely
ignores the vulnerability of most develop
ing countries where agriculture is, more
than being a commercial activity, a means
of livelihood and most farmers fall within
die small to marginal range. In addition to
this, almost all developing countries have
food security concerns. India must empha
sise and insist that the AoA cannot be
allowed to come in the way of domestic
FRONTLINE. AUGUST 17. 2001
The Indian position must insist that food security, rural employment and rural
development through agricultural activity will be the foundation on which India will
negotiate the Agreement on Agriculture.
food demands. The AoA should not be
allowed to impact on food production for
domestic consumption and it should have
mechanisms to protect small and house
hold fanners who do not engage in com
mercial activity but produce for their own
needs.
The notion that agriculture is a multi
functional activity, a concept floated by
developed countries, suggests that apart
from the production of food, agriculture
has other functions, all equally important.
Jjlese include maintaining traditional culWres. affording recreation and keeping a
balance in the environment. The multi
functionality concept must be resolutely
opposed by India. It should propose
instead that for developing countries, by far
the most crucial aspect ofagriculture is the
production of badly needed food. The
Indian position must insist that agricul
tural activity is primarily intended to
ensure food and nutrition to impoverished
communities and that food security, rural
employment and rural development
through agricultural activity, will be the
foundation on which India will negotiate
the AoA. This central dogma must inform
all the positions India takes in the AoA.
India has officially proposed a Food
Security Box along die lines of the Green,
Blue and Amber Boxes relating to subsidies
in its submission to the AoA negotiations.
The Food Security Box concept requires
FRONTLINE. AUGUST 17, 2001
that measures for poverty alleviation, rural
development and diversification of agri
culture be exempt from reductions. The
Indian submission has also asked for the
continuation of the safeguards mechanism
allowed under Article 5 of the AoA, to
introduce Q.Rs in the event of import
surges so as to protect domestic markets
and domestic producers. These are good
steps, but only if die negotiators will stand
by this position when they go to Geneva.
Also associated with agriculture is an
area where India has been traditionally
weak and infamously tardy. This refers to
the conditions set out by the agreement on
sanitary and phytosanitaty standards
(SPS). SPS sets food standards so that food
that is traded is safe for human consump
tion. SPS standards deal with the kind of
chemicals, for example pesticide residues
that are permissible in foods. The SPS stan
dards will determine what concentrations,
for example how many micrograms per kg
of food, of a certain chemical residue are
allowed. Although the SPS is an agreement
separate from the AoA, it is treated in tan
dem with it and the SPS standards are used
as reference points for the AoA. It is there
fore very important for India to participate
proactively in what is happening in the SPS
negotiations.
Levels of residues, the chemicals con
sidered safe or not, the extent of growth
hormones allowed and other such aspects
are sometimes fixed arbitrarily.
Although it is no one’s case that
food standards should be lax, these
3 standards should not be allowed to
’ become protectionist weapons, as
they so often do. A clear case ofpro
tectionism was witnessed when the
E.U. banned American beef
because of the very high levels of
hormones found in the meat.
When the case was taken to the
WTO (World Trade Organisa
tion) dispute setdement board, the
board ruled that the E.U. could not
ban the high-hormone beef of the
U.S. and would have to import it.
At the moment all food stan
dards are being set in a body called
Codex Alimentarius which is com
pletely dominated by the developed
countries. India should, together
with other developing countries,
press for regional centres to set stan
dards for food. The developing
countries should express their view
point and bring their concerns into
the standard-setting process. The
SPS is going to be a very important
instrument for regulating food
trade and should not be underestimated.
The regional head ofan international food
agency was recendy heard lamenting how
shoddy and inadequate India’s participa
tion was in the SPS negotiations, and how
this would go against India’s interest in
agriculture in the WTO.
Finally, another related but still
nascent development that will relate to
trade in agriculture is the question ofset
ting up a Working Group on
Biotechnology in the WTO. This issue is
hanging fire but the developed countries,
particularly the U.S., are pushing it
strongly. The reason is quite simple. The
Americans are sitting on stocks of gener
ically modified (GM) food that nobody
wants. Consumer resistance is pushing
GM foods off marker shelves and coun
tries are closing their doors to these foods.
Even the official Indian policy is not to
allow the import of GM foods. India
should oppose the setting up of a Biotech
Working Group because it has no bene
fits, only drawbacks from it. If such a
working group indeed comes into being,
countries like India with no tracing and
monitoring facilities will become the
dumping ground for GM and similar
foods. That is surely the last thing India
wants. ■
Dr. Sununi Sahai is convener ofthe Gene
Campaign based in New Delhi.
I REPORTS
Technology for development
CT. KURIEN
Human Development Report 2001 Making New Technologies Work for
Human Development by the United
Nations Development Programme,
Oxford University Press, New York,
2001; pages 264, Rs.475.
HE United Nations Development
Programme’s (UNDP) recently
released 11th Human Development
Report deserves attention for more than
one reason. It provides a detailed account
ofthe status ofhuman development at the
end of the 20th century. In doing so, it
makes use of the specific, quantified and
monitorable goals for development stat
ed in the United Nations Millennium
Declaration. And it enters into the con
troversial area of the role of new technol
ogy for human development.
As the 21st century dawns, the chal
lenges of human development remain
large. “Of the 4.6 billion people in devel
oping countries, more than 850 million are
illiterate, nearly a billion lack access to
improved water sources, and 2.4 billion
lack access to basic sanitation. Nearly 325
million boys and girls are out ofschool. And
11 million children under age five die each
year from preventable causes - equivalent
to more than 30,000 a day. Around 1.2 bil
lion people live on less than (the equivalent
of) $1 a day (1993 PPP U.S. $), and 2.8
billion on less than $2 a day. Such depri
vations are not limited to developing coun
tries. In OECD (Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Develop
ment) countries, more than 130 million
people are income poor, 34 million are
unemployed and adult functional illitera
cy rates average 15%’’ (pages 9-10).
Global inequalities in income are also
high. In 1993, the poorest 10 per cent of
the world’s people had only 1.6 per cent
of the income of the richest 10 per cent.
The income of the richest 1 per cent
added up to that of the poorest 57 per
cent. The richest 10 per cent of the U.S.
population (around 25 million people)
had a combined income greater than that
of the poorest 43 per cent of the world’s
people (around 2 billion people).
Not a pretty picture, but not one to
T
be dismissed as totally hopeless. For, in
terms of the targets set by the Millennium
Declaration the performance has been
quite mixed. The goals of the Declaration
to be achieved by 2015 are:
* To halve the proportion of the world’s
people suffering from hunger,
* To halve the proportion of the world’s
people without access to safe drinking
water,
* To achieve universal completion of pri
mary schooling,
* To achieve gender equality in access to
education,
* To reduce maternal mortality ratio by
three quarters,
* To reduce under five mortality rates by
two thirds,
* To halt and begin to reverse the spread
of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other major
diseases.
In addition, three international devel
opment goals have been accepted - to
reduce infant mortality rates by twothirds; to provide access for all who want
reproductive health services; and to
implement national strategies for sustain
able development by 2005 to reverse the
loss of environmental resources by 2015.
An audit of performance is shown in
the accompanying panels.
The Report’s discussion of the role of
technology in human development must
be set against this background of terribly
uneven performance in moving towards
the specific millennium goals. The case
for technology is that “digital, genetic and
molecular breakthroughs are pushing for
ward the frontiers of how people can use
technology to eradicate poverty. These
breakthroughs are creating new possibil
ities for improving health and nutrition,
expanding knowledge, stimulating eco
nomic growth and empowering people to
participate in their communities.”
Further, “Today’s technological transfor
mations are intertwined with another
transformation - globalisation - and
together they are creating a new para
digm; rhe network age. These transf^fc
mations expand opportunities ana
increase social and economic rewards of
creating and using technology. They are
also altering how - and by whom - tech
nology is created and owned, and how it
is made accessible and used” (page 27).
This factual opening statement about
new technology in a new context is dis
cussed at length in the rest of the Report.
The discussion is wide-ranging, touching
specifically on the opportunities and risks.
It is impossible to sum up that discussion.
Hence, a few selective comments.
The Report cannot be said to be too
romantic about the possibilities of a tech
nological solution to poverty and depri
vation. It recognises many impediments,
limitations and risks. For instance, it is
pointed out that while for the starving
millions in many parts of the world tech
nological innovations increasing foak
production will be helpful, the probll^F
in the case of advanced countries, partic
ularly in America and Europe, is that of
surplus production and hence they will
attach low priority to technology and
research that will result in substantial
increases in the production of foodgrains.
However, the Report is basically opti
mistic about the possibilities of technol
ogy and the message conveyed is that if
the advanced countries are willing to help
and the poor are willing to cooperate,
there is now the possibility of a technol
ogy-prompted solution to the persisting
development problems. The support for
this view is provided by a concentration
of attention on medical technology.
Medical breakthroughs such as immuni
sations and antibiotics have been cited as
major achievements of rhe 20th century
resulting in reductions in mortality, espe-
FRONTL1NE. AUGUST 17. 2001
I FOOD
SECURITY
Upholding the right to food
In the battle for the right to food, the Supreme Court lends its weight to the cause of the deprived.
SUKUMAR MURALIDHARAN
EARING a petition filed by the
People’s Union for Civil Liberties on
August 20, the Supreme Court wondered
aloud about the utility ofstocks piling up
in the warehouses of the Food
Corporation of India (FCI), while mil
lions across the country remained vulner^hle to food deprivation. The three-judge
^Pich comprising Justices B.N. Kirpal,
H
Santosh Hegde and Brijesh Kumar
affirmed that the Central and State gov
ernments had the principal responsibility
to see that food reached the poor and the
indigent.
The Bench was asked to deal with a
series of questions, which could have farreaching consequences for rhe directions
of economic and social welfare policy.
First, did the right to life, as guaranteed
by Article 21 of the Constitution, imply
that people who were too poor to buy their
own food should be guaranteed the min
imum means of subsistence by the state?
In other words, did the right to life include
the right to food? And did this not in turn
imply that the state was obliged to pro
vide sufficient and adequate redress to vul
nerable sections in circumstances that
threatened to impair seriously the right to
^>od?
" The petitioners, represented by Colin
Gonsalves and Yug Chaudhuri of the
Lawyers’ Network for Human Rights,
placed before the court the' options open
to the government. The Employment
Assurance Scheme, they pointed out,
offered a safety net for people without suf
ficient assets, who would otherwise be
unable to cope with adverse fluctuations
in weather and employment conditions.
The mid-day meal scheme in schools not
only provided basic nutritional intake for
children in a vital phase of their growth
but also contributed to a substantial
increase in school enrolment. And the
Integrated Child Development Scheme
was a means to safeguard children against
the ravages of under-nourishment and an
inadequate health care infrastructure.
At an earlier hearing, the Supreme
Court had issued notice to the Central
122
government and to the governments of
Orissa,
Rajasthan,
Chattisgarh,
Maharashtra, Gujarat and Himachal
Pradesh, seeking explanations and clarifi
cations on the facts placed before it. After
the August 20 hearing, the Supreme
Court granted the time requested by the
respective governments to file their affi
davits and posted the matter for interim
orders in the first week of September.
The public interest litigation(PIL)
initiated by the PUCL represents a new
front in the battle for food rights, which
has been waged with varying degrees of
intensity in the States worst affected by
adverse weather conditions over the last
three years. Activist groups in Orissa,
Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh notably,
have been campaigning for increased out
lays in employment and rural works pro
grammes, only to be frustrated by the
continuing obduracy of financially
strapped State governments. And though
the pressure eased with the arrival of the
monsoon and the start of sowing opera
tions across the country, the damage
caused by floods in certain regions has
meant that distress conditions have per
sisted.
Behind the aggregate figures of infla
tion over the last decade lies a rather bru
tal reality. Of all the major commodity
groups, foodgrain prices have been pro
portionately the worst affected. If the tra
jectory of prices were to be plotted over
the decade beginning 1990-91, a quick
reckoning would show that the prices of
manufactured goods just about doubled.
I n comparison, average prices of the food
grains bundle that is represented in the
wholesale price index, increased by over
2.5 times. The only major commodity
group in the case of which prices have
increased at a faster pace is in the fuel and
lubricants sector. The increase here has
been of the order of three.
The price trends distinctly suggest
that those at the lower end of the scale of
income and wealth have suffered the worst
ofthe changing economic priorities of the
last decade. That the adverse movement
in prices, which tend to put foodgrain out
of reach of the masses, has been accom
panied by a rapid build-up of stocks with
the FCI - now estimated to be over 60
million tonnes against a norm for this time
of the year of 25 million tonnes - is an
integral part of the paradox of plenty that
today confronts the economy.
In any long-term view, agriculture in
the 1990s had been a crisis waiting to hap
pen. Ever since structural adjustment and
the curtailment ofthe fiscal deficit became
the ruling mantras, the impetus to growth
in the farm sector has been steadily weak
ened. In comparison to the 1980s, the
growth rate of foodgrain output in the
1990s was almost half - 1.8 per cent
against 3.54 per cent. The non-foodgrain
economy also presents a picture of stag
nation, with growth rates having fallen
from a trend figure of 4 per cent in the
1980s to 3.17 per cent in the last decade.
It may confound economic common
sense that a decline in output growth
should co-exist with crumbling prices in
agricultural commodities. This is a para
dox that is easily understood in terms of
the collapse of demand for these com
modities in a global environment domi
nated by the process of structural
adjustment. Massive currency devalua
tions have created a glut of commodities
in the world market, as producers seek to
shore up crumbling earnings by pumping
in larger volumes. At the same time, falling
public investments and vanishing safety
nets have meant that purchasing power,
especially of the poorer sections, has been
rapidly eroded.
In India, these realities have worked
themselves out in the form of a growing
gulf between those sectors of agriculture
that benefit from official procurement
operations and those that do not. The two
principal foodgrains — rice and wheat account for almost the entire stockhold
ing in the government’s warehouses. The
minimum support price (MSP) for these
two commodities has been increased
rapidly over the 1990s, partly to com
pensate the farm sector for the escalating
price of fertilizer and partly to offset a
decline in productivity. But with fiscal
correction being an obsessive concern, the
MSP offered by the government has
worked itself out in the form of a higher
issue price demanded from the States.
FRONTLINE. SEPTEMBER 14. 2001
Food banks as a solution
HE government’s failure to address
the paradox ofendemic mass hunger
co-existing with mounting grain stocks
has attracted wide attention. Addressing
mediapersons in Chennai on August 27,
the eminent agricultural scientist and
institution-builder,
Dr.
M.S.
Swaminathan, highlighted the role that
local communities can play in resolving
this paradox through cooperative action
by establishing grain and food banks.
Urging the establishment ofsuch banks,
he said: “Here is the way to address the
issue of the grain mountains.”
Swaminathan warned that the food
stocks with rhe Union government,
already measuring 65 million tonnes were likely to increase after the next har
vest, as a result of a good monsoon. He
said that the government, through the
Food Corporation of India (FCI), was
likely to end up buying more grain
because the minimum support price
(MSP) was high relative to prevailing
market prices. He urged the government
to release foodgrains for food-for-work
programmes.
Dwelling at length on the concept of
grain and food banks, Swaminathan sug
gested that decentralised Community
Grain Banks, governed by a Grain Bank
Council and by self-help groups, be
organised on the basis of four “major
streams of responsibilities”. By under
taking these “responsibilities” covering
^^arious dimensions of hunger and depri^Bation these banks would be in a good
position to address the problem of
endemic hunger in a comprehensive
manner, he said. Swaminathan referred
to the scores of schemes announced by
the governments at the Centre and in the
States and said that these constituted a
body of “entitlements” that citizens, par
ticularly the poor, could assert as their
legitimate right.
The second responsibility ofthe food
banks relate to ecological issues at the
local level. Swaminathan said that food
resources could be deployed to build and
nurture “water banks”, control desertifi
cation, and encourage afforestation activ
ities. The “ethical” responsibility of food
banks required them to deploy food to
vulnerable sections such as nursing
mothers, infants, pre-school level chil
dren, rhe aged and rhe infirm, he said. A
fourth responsibility of the banks is to be
prepared to face emergencies such as
cyclones, floods, earthquakes and other
natural disasters. Swaminathan said that
although decentralisation was vital for
the success of the food bank concept, the
Union government “can play a catalytic
role because it has the stocks of grain.”
Although the possibility of “local power
structures" sabotaging such a venture in
India was real, he said he was not pes
simistic. However, he cautioned that the
scheme “can only succeed if everybody
gains, not ifthere are winners and losers.”
The decentralised management of
the food banks “will help to improve die
delivery of entidements, reduce transac
tion and transport costs, eliminate cor
ruption and cater to the twin needs of
introducing a life-cycle approach to
nutrition security, and meeting the chal-
lenge of seasonal fluctuations in nutri
tional status.” Swaminathan referred to
the fact that half of the world’s mal
nourished children are in India. Pointing
to the feet that 30 per cent of Indian chil
dren have low birth weight, and conse
quently impaired brain development, he
asked: “How can India be a knowledge
super power when such a vast proportion
of our children suffer from impaired
brain development?” He suggested the
adoption of a holistic action plan to
achieve sustainable nutrition security at
the level of rhe individual. This can be
done by designing a varied response to
the requirements of each age group.
In a paper presented at the recent
International Congress on Nutrition in
Vienna, Swaminathan said that the “pre
sent global surplus of foodgrains is the
result ofinadequate consumption on the
part of the poor, and should not be mis
taken as a sign of over-production. ”
Emphasising a “food-based approach to
nutrition security”, he urged developing
countries to achieve “revolutions” in five
areas - productivity, quality, income and
employment, small farm management
and in “enlarging the food basket”.
Emphasising that the mere availability of
food is not enough, Swaminathan argued
drat “access” to food for the poor needs
to be enhanced. He pointed our that even
such access was not enough. “Lack of
access to clean drinking water, as well as
poor environmental hygiene and health
infrastructure," he said, “leads to poor
assimilation of the food consumed." He
also advocated the activation of pro
grammes - similar to die Maharashtra
government’s Employment Guarantee
Scheme - which addressed the issue of
“transient hunger”. ■
Officially issued grain has effectively
priced itself out of the marker, leading to
an enormous accretion of unwanted
stocks with the central warehouses.
Deficiencies ofeffecrive demand work
themselves our in the form of stagnant
output and collapsing prices in other sec
tors of agriculture. If grain output has
grown, though at declining rates, rhe best
that can be said for other major food crops
- oilseeds and pulses - is that they have
stagnated. Uncertainties of demand are
compounded here by vagaries of the
weather, with only around a tenth of the
land sown with these crops enjoying the
benefit of irrigation.
A growing volume of evidence now
seems to suggest that this crisis is a conse
quence of deliberate policy neglect.
Investment in agriculture today is in pro
portionate terms half ofwhar it was in rhe
early-1980s, and publicsector investment
is less than a third. In the decade of struc
tural adjustment, policy attention has
shifted away from building capital assets
which could contribute to long-term pro
ductivity growth. Rather, the concern
now is to get the delicate balance of sub
sidies right - between increasing the fer
tilizer price, talking endlessly about
levying user charges for canal irrigation
and cautiously raising electricity tariffs,
the whole pattern of resource use in agri
culture has been seriously skewed.
Failures of institutional credit have com
pleted this policy of official neglect.
These are the broad parameters with
in which the battle for the right to food
has now been taken to the Supreme
Court. Judicial fiat could undoubtedly
relieve some of the worst immediate con
sequences of the long-term crisis of Indian
agriculture, provided rhe worst affected
sections are made aware of their rights and
endowed with the means to enforce them.
But the deeper structural problems clear
ly call for a different approach. When that
re-arrangement of priorities will be
accomplished and under what political
dispensation, is still a matter for the
future. H
V. SRIDHAR
T
FRONTLINE. SEPTEMBER 14. 2001
N u T- °i ■
Cr-'-nmvmity Health Ceil
From:
To:
Sent:
Subject:
“S Vivek" <rignt2fooa@yahoo.co.in>
"Sochara@.Vsr:l. Com" <soohara@vsnl.com>
Thursday, April 01, 2004 4:09 AM
SPECIAL UPDATE: TWO URGENT ANNOUNCEMENTS
This short, special update contains two urgent announcements: one regarding a forthcoming
communication material.
translation u
announcement is
proposed convention,
A. national convention on the right to rood and work will be held on 11-13 June 2004, tentatively
to join from ail over the country, i he main purpose of this convention is to share experiences of
opportunity to address the organisational issues that arise in building coordinated action tor tti<
This will be an action-oriented event, with plenty’ of discussion groups,, training workshops.
md leant front each othei
Potential issues for
discussio:
als. land
i januarv 2u04 >. n is racintateo ov me support group ot me neht to tooci campaign
NaClXJKX National Campaign Committee for Rural Workers (NCCRW) and People's Union
IiCkT g»Vh travel costs, oircl niciy *30 cislxoc
*
to contribute to subsistence cc
!osts will be met through voluntary donations with no strings attached.
If you are keen to participate, please send a line to right2food@yaiioo.co.in or get in touch with
lite
right to food campaign (www.righttofood.com).
ELEC1 1ON-KE1 ATED MATERIAL AVAILABLE
4-I 04
A wide range of communication materials (posters. pamphlets, poems, etc.), prepared in
fn11p: counterpropauanda.iripod.com'). I here is a special focus on countering the government
propaganda on food- and employment-related issues. Further materials on other issues of
iHipoiiaiive including eominunahsm, child rights, etc. are also available. Feel lice to use this
material in your own area, with or without modification. A CD with printable materials is
available on request (just send a lino to nght2food,^yahoo.co.in).
This effort is an outgrowth of a meeting of Right to Food Campaign activists at Mumbai on 20
January 2004. A follow-up meeting was held in Bhopal on 21-22 February 2004 to prepare
posters and other campaign materials. The "Bhopal materials" have been improved and
dusiiiCiiicd with materials from other sources.
(REMINDER: The "Resistance" event convened by Campaign for Democratic India will be
taking place in Delhi on Sunday 4 April. For details see
httry couiiternronopanda.tripod.conVapril4.htm.)
(M U VPagel of 1
Community Health Ceii
t-rom:
To:
Sent:
Attach:
Subject:
ceharpun <cenatpun@vsni.com>
"oha" <Dha-ncc@yahoogroups.com>
ThursCiEsy S/terch 'li, 2004 4’35 PM
aay as a matter of right- NGO's - for merge.doc
[pha-nccj Fw: assistance from civil society organisations
-----Original Message-----From: commissioners
To: Sheeba Jose : Abhav Shukla : Anuradha Talwar; Biraj Pattnaik; C P Suiava : CLAP; Mihir Shah ; N M
Muthappa ; Pradeeo Rhargava ; Prasad Chacko ; Pushoendra Kumar Singh ; Ramesh Sharan
Sent: Thursday, March 11, 2004 2:29 PM
Subject: assistance from civii society organisations
Dear Friends
The attached letter is being circulated to all the NGO’s and grassroot organizations whose contact details we
nave on recoro. it is for tms purpose and similar tetters to be sent later tnat i had asked for more contacts.
Kindly circulate this around to credible organizations. However please do send me those mailing lists so that
a major part of the correspondence can be sent from here itself. A hard copy should be arriving shortly.
Warm Regards
Shonali
Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service.
3/11/04
•
DR. S. C. SAXBSA, MR. S. R. SANKARAN
COMMISSIONERS OF THE SUPREME COURT
IN THE CASE: PUCL Va UOI & ORS. WRIT PETITION (Civil! NO. 196 of 2001
March 12, 2CC4
AAY (NGO)/162/AU slates
To,
Orgardsafibn
Sub: Implementation of Courts Orders on expansion of Antyodya Anna Yojana
Dear,
You would be aware of the Supreme Court Order dated 2nd Mav 2003, regarding the expansion in
coverage of the Anyodaya Ann Yojana to identified priority groups (copy of relevant sections of the
-order-is-enclosed). Subsequently on the 5
* of June 2003, the GoT issued a revised set of guidelines for
implementation of the order. In the course of implementation however certain problems have been
faced in the process of identification and distribution of the additional cards.
Firstly, it has come to our notice that many states have interpreted the order incorrectly to mean that
the percentage cards issued in every district must increase from 15% of the existing BPL population to
23%. Such an automatic increase does not allow for differing numbers between districts of the
priority groups mentioned in the order.
Secondly, you would be aware that according to the central guidelines, Antyodya cards must be
issued from among existing BPL cardholders. However this fails to account for individuals who have
been wrongfully excluded from receiving BPL cards.
Lastly the Government Orders have directed that the number of new cards issued, are not to exceed
50 lakh (and another 50 lakhs according to recent announcements) for the country as a whole.
However, field surveys and numerous studies indicate that the numbers of destitute defined as per
the Court orders is much higher.
in order to ensure that all families belonging to the mentioned priority groups are given Antyodya
cards as a 'matter of right', we request you to please consider undertaking the following exercises
SAMYA - CENTRE FOR EQUITY STUDIES
C-i/A, DDA Flats, Munirka, New Delhi-110067. Telefax: 91-11-61642147
EMAIL: commissionersiivsnl.net
1.
Conduct verification exercises including survey's in the villages under your care to identify
households belonging to priority groups (especially the PTG's), who have not been given an
Antyodya card.
2.
"
Identify households belonging to priority groups who have been denied Antyodya cards
because they do not have BPL status. Document in detail all such cases so that appropriate
action aught be taken.
3.
Carefully document details of households belonging to priority groups who have been left
cut sc that they’ might be put cn a waiting list if the reason for their exclusion is a centre/state
determined quota. While we understand that the states cannot issue more cards than have
already been designated by the centre such efforts can help identify' the eligible should the
given ceiling of cards distributed in a given area. be increased in the future.
4.
Send us copies of any government orders that might have been issued in this matter and in
particular the method's to be adopted by local officials in identifying potential beneficiaries.
5.
Areas (Blocks/ Villages) where such a process of identification and distribution has not vet
been carried out or where instructions to do so are yet to be received.
6.
Village wise distribution of the number of Antyodya cards issued.
Kindly note that all efforts must be taken to ensure that the quality of data is reliable and the process
of documentation complete with all possible supporting documents like affidavits and letters duly
attached. This would go a long way in ensuring dial action taken by the state government is accurate
and quick. You may contact the Advisor in your state for further clarifications or the Commissioners
secretarial al Ute mentioned address.
We look forward to an early response on the course of action taken by your organisation in this
matter.
With Regards
Dr N C Saxena
fi.net:
Annexure 1; Keievant Extracts Of the Supreme Court Order Oated 2 May 2003
Annexure 2: Sample copy ofa complaint received in this regard from Ddhi, NIP
Annexure 3: A list ofPrimitive Tribal Groups in your stale
CC: Advisor to the Commissioner
S R Sahkaran
DR. N. C. SAXENA, MR. S. R. SANK.ARAN
COMMISSIONERS OF THE SUPREME COURT
IN THE CASE: PUCL Vs UOI & ORS. WRIT PETITION (Chill NO. 196 of 2001
ANNEXURE i: RELEVANT EXTRACTS OF THE SUPREME COURT ORDER DATED 2 MAY
20G3
"We direct the Government of India to place on AAY category the following groups of persons:-
(1) Aged, infirm, disabled, destitute men and women, pregnant and
lactating destitute women;
(2) Widows and other single women with no regular support;
(3)
Old persons (aged 60 or above) with no regular support and no
assured means of subsistence;
(4)
Households with a disabled adult and no assured means of
subsistence;
(5)
Households where due to old age, lack of physical or mental
fitness, social customs, need to care for a disabled, or other
reasons, no adult member is available to engage in gainful
employment outside tire house;
(6)
Primitive Tribes"
SAMYA - CENTRE FOR EQUITY STUDIES
C-17A, DDA Flats, Munirka, Reur Delhi-110067. Telefax: 91-11-51642147
EMAIL: commissionerstovsni.net
p-JC^S
People's Union For Civil Liberties (PUCL)
Ykksd Lokra=j iaxBu ( in ;w Ih ,v)] jkWph
PUT' CJ
Subject: Investigative Report of PUCL, Ranchi, on the situation of Hunger & Starvation deaths in
Lesliganj Block. Palarnu Dt., Jharkhand. Dated 21 September 2003.
rieliixiuiai v investigative Report
PUCL Units of Ranchi and Daltonganj came to know oi the situation of draught in Lesiieganj from local
news papers such as Prabhat Khabar, Hindustan Times, Ranchi Express and national blew Mail. These
news papers had also mentioned that there are some starvation deaths. So a PUCL Team left for
Lesiieganj on 19 September. The Team visited Patrahi, Sitadih, Koripatra, Bhakasi, Chandaigir and
Dharudih villages in Lesiieganj Block. The team looked into the aspects of hunger, hunger-deaths,
migration, the status oi welfare programmes, draught and health facilities m these villages. The
investigation revealed that the situation in the whole block is frightening. People are dvin°r of hunger and
disease continuously. Welfare programmes are not to be seen in the villages. People are highly
dissatisfied.
The Investigating Team was composed of Shashi Bhushan Pathak, hr.Stan Swamy, Tridib Ghosh, Irivcni
Singh, Lal Hemendra Dehati, Arvind Kumar, Avinash, Shalini Sanvedna, Daroga Singh from the Ranchi
Unit and Ram Raj, Jilendra and Rina Mehta from the Dallonganj unit.
The team found that in the above mentioned villages the victims of hunger arc mostly women and
children and that too ot scheduled castes (Bhuiyan). The village people arc mostly agricultural labourers,
and a few of them are rickshaw pullers in Daltonganj town paying Rs. 15 per day to the owner. Because of
illness and draught they are able to earn very little from this and the hearth in their homes has not been lit
for the days together. Because of draught the land owners are not cultivating their field and therefore are
not able to give emplovement. Therefore a situation of starvation death has arisen.
Q
w
A
'
Patrahi village - is about one kilometre from Lesiieganj Block. Here Sunil Bhuiyan’s wife Lalita died on
August 24. There was a six -month old child in her womb. On the night of August 23, Lalita gave birth to
a still-born baby and within 24 hours she herself died. Because of hunger and scarcity Lalita gave birth to
a dead baby. P.ven after the delivery there was nothing in the house to eat. Bandhu Bhuiyan, her father-inlaw . said that he was able to somehow give her one meal and some Sag jo/mfrivm
).
*
The team found that there was nothing in the house that can be called food-grains.
In the same village, Laxmi Bhuiyan’s daughter Manju (4 years) died of starvation on September 15. After
hearing about the death the village administration distributed some rice in the village which was of low
quality'. After eating that, Laxmi Bhuiyan’s wife Sunkunti Devi (30 years), his daughter Anita (12 years),
his sons Papu (7 years) and Ashish (4 years) were struck by diarrhoea. When the team entered this village,
one Prayag Bhuiyan was laid up on the side of the road and the team immediately took him in the jeep to
the hospital. There were also other sick persons, namely Punam Devi (25 years) wife of Bigan Bhuiyan
and Pulmaua Devi (30 years) wife of Bhukhu Bhuiyan, were also taken the hospital.
Sitadih village In this village Kawal Patia Bhuiyan (35 years) died of malnutrition and hunger. She had
given birth to twins and she had never had a frill meal except things like Sag. But for one dekshi, two
thalis and one lota, there was nothing in the house that can be called food.
Koripatra village In this village Phudia Devi (60 years) wife of Ram Virksh Bhuiyan died of hunger on
September 14. The BDO gave to Ram Viriksh 24 kilos of grains and Rs. 250.
r
There is one v>ell m the village and it is dry even in the rainy season. There is no handpump. People bring
water from 1 kilometre awav.
Bhakasi village - As the team approached this village they' saw the funeral pyre of Kawal Patia (30 years)
wife of Kirshna Bhuiyan, who died of starvation. The team went there, and shared the grief of Krishna
and the villagers. Then the village people told the team that there were other starvation deaths, namely,
Miny Kuwar (45 years), Patho Devi (19 years), Bigny Kuwar (45 years), Chandravati Thakur (wife of
Bilash Thakur) had also died of hunger.
Chandaigir village - Here a young man Ganori Bhuiyan told the team that Rajmatia Kuwar (60 years) and
her daughter Kishwa Devi uad also died ol Hunger.
Dharudih village - Here Sumaii Devi (25 years) wife of Somar Ram died of hunger on September 2. The
village people informed the team that one Sarmili Sumaii was living on salt water for several days and she
also became a victim. Her two children and. Somar himself were surviving on maize, com provided by a
neighbour, li such situation continues, both the children may not survive tor long.
The team studied the ration card and found that after March 2000 there are no entries at all. The villagers
said that for the last two years no food grains have been supplied to the card-holders.
Practically in ail the villages the Public Distribution System is non-functional. The dealer is a corrupt man
and has no fear of any body, and when the villagers complain against him he can stifle them with his
money.
There is no safe drinking water in these villages. The DC himself accepts this. Most of the hand-pumps
are under repair and therefore are non-functional. Even DDT has not been sprayed in the villages. The
Doctor of the Block Hospital in Leslieganj said that glucose water, S.B. set, ami-imetic injection, O.R.S.
Powder and such other basic medicines arc not available in the hospital. This was confirmed by the Civil
SUTgCOijL aiSG ulfOilH.il pilOilC.
The team did not find anv government programmes being carried out in any of the villages. Grain
transplantation has been delayed because of delayed rain, that too only in 15% of the lands. Waler
conservation sources in the area such as Raja Bandh, Jliumra are practically dried. There is no hope of
grain harvest. Tn the next two months drinking water for people and fodder for animals will become a
critical problem.
Possible immediate assistance:
1.
to activate Public Distribution System and reach foodgrains to the people immediately.
2.
To start Food-For-Work.
3.
To conduct medical camps m the villages to stop the spread of diarrhoea and malaria.
4.
To set up Safe-Food-Storages at the Block and Panchayat offices.
5.
To make available loan facilities to small and big farmers.
6.
To deciare Leslieganj and other such areas as draught affected and reach relief supplies.
Shashi Bhushan Pathak
General Secretary — PUCL, Rancni
Contact Address:
(jovinda Tower lll-L, (Jharana Palace
Purulia Road, Ranchi - §34 001, Jharkhand
Phone: 0651 - 253 2412
Report on the Situation of Hunger,Food and nutritional Schemes in Lesliganj of
Paiumau District
Tn the background of reports of hunger deaths in media and a report by PUCL, a team of
Food Rights Stare Advisory Committee consisting of Dr. Ramesh Sharan (State Advisor to
the Supreme Court’s Commissioner Case no- 196/2001, Mr. Balram and Mr. Byomkesh
Kumar Lail, (Members, Food Rights State Advisory Board) visited Lesliganj on 29th
September. 2003 .The purpose of the visit was to assess the situation arising out of drought
conditions prevailing in the Block and to examine the status of employment , food and
nutrition schemes covered by the Supreme Court order The team visited Bhakasi. Sitadih
and Pathrahi villages of Lesliganj. The team had discussions with DC, Palamau, C. 0.,
District Agriculture Officer, B.D.O. and other Block officials. C. O. lesliganj joined the
team in Bhakasi and accompanied the team to Sitadih and Patharahi villages. The team
primarily visited some of those villages where hunger deaths had been reported.
Alternative India Development and Action Aid India on the direction of Food Rights State
Advisory Board had already conducted an initial survey on the nutritional status of children
and the condition ol household food security in the Block. The present report brielly
outlines the major findings of the visit..
Situation in Lesliganj
1.
The situation of drought and hunger is quite grim in the block. The report of the.
district administration and the AID confirmed the deteriorating situation. The
rainfall has been quite scanty' this year. There has been a long dry' spell in June and
July in the Block, even then there were widespread rains in August when the crop
coverage improved in other blocks. The situation in Lesliganj has improved only
marginally in terms of the crop coverage particularly paddy which is the major
labour intensive crop in the area. The crop coverage of paddy, which constitutes
almost 50% of the total cropped area in the Block, is reported to be only 25%. The
coverage of paddy in Lesliganj Panchayat is only 4%, Korainpatra 8.5%, Rajhara
7.8%, Pumadih 7.3%, Juru 12.7%, Kundri 16.1%, Ramsagar 21.5% and Gopaiganj
22.6% (Annextire 1)
2.
. Although the coverage of Maize has been reported satisfactorily but the output
has been very' low due to the dr.' spell and also due to premature harvesting in the
time of distress where some of the households had no option but to eat whatever
came in hands. The team observed in Bhokasi village that the in the small plots of
the almost landless Bhuians, the quantity of grains in the harvested maize cobs was
very low .To meet the small cash needs the some of the households were making
distress sale, it was reported to the team that the price of maize has plummeted to
almost Rs.2.50 per Kg. So even with a satisfactory' coverage in maize the outturn is
hardly sufficient to mitigate the situation
3.
Due to the prevailing drought conditions, the transplanting of rice has been badly
affected as a result the employment opportunities in have shrunk abnormally which
has posed very serious threat to the livelihood of the poorer families.
Transplantation and harvesting which used to provide food security for almost 3
months for the families will not be available this year. The condition of Bhuiyan
and Parahiyas in particular who arc basically agricultural workers is very' bad and
is likely to worsen further after the meager maize crop is exhausted. The DA is
aware of this situation as is revealed from their reports.
4.
As per AID and AAI survey of selected villages, in Aukka village almost 23
families were reported to be taking one meal per day. In Gopaldih, the figure
reported has been 22 families, in Chouria 15 families, in Bara 16 families, Ulgara
13 families, in Pokhraha 4 families, Mukta 14 families, and Jaspur 16 families. In
Bhokasi, where the team visited, it was reported that at least 15 families were
almost at the starvation level in the sense of getting irregular and inadequate food..
The district Administration, after the reports of hunger deaths, has also estimated
that around 1801 families in the Block were in the state of virtual destitution and
required immediate gratuitous relief The CO m his report to the DC has also
described the situation of starvation in the Block as grim (anne.xnre3)
6.
There are clear indication of long-term malnutrition in the area indicated by rhe
survey of age, height and weight and the estimation of Body mass Index (BMT)
clearly indicates the state of severe malnutrition in the Block particularly amongst
the children and women. Il has been estimated that almost 44% of the children
suffered from category IV and V malnutrition and approximately 23% were
suffering from grade CI malnutrition.(annexure 4)
Hunger deaths in the Block
Altogether eight deaths were reported in the media and by the civil society
organisations. A PUCL learn also investigated the reports of deaths. As staled
earlier as the basic aim of this team was not to investigate into the hunger
deaths, it met only three families where deaths had been reported and had
discussions with the people in the area visited some of our observations are
given below
1.
The report by the district administration based on its enquiry and the
doctors has mentioned the immediate cause of death but has failed to
analyse the situation of the family and the deceased in the preceding weeks
before the death. Kanwalpatia Devi and Laiita Devi’s death occurred during
delivery. The Doctor’s report has mentioned that the women suffered from
anaemia and malnutrition. It has been reported that both the women were m
almost semi starvation situation It is a common knowledge that the risk to
both mother and the child is very' high in such states. The ICDS programme
in the Block is in a very' bad shape. The RCH programme was also highly
inadequate. In Bhoksi, pregnant women told us that she had not received
any immunisation, it was reported by the Anganwari sevika that after June
there has not been distribution of nutritional food to pregnant, lactating
women and children in the village in spite of the allocations received by' the
Block for the same the supplier has not given the supply to the Block. In the
present hunger situation, this has been quite an irresponsible act. In the
prevailing situation, some more similar deaths could occur if necessary
steps are not taken immediately' on emergency basis.
2.
Some of the deaths reported have been of the elderly people, which have
been characterized as normal deaths by the DA. The situation in the villages
visited that the some of the elderly people were taking very small amount of
5.
food because of the less availability of the same. Not all the eligible persons
are covered by the Annapurna scheme because the quota was already over.
The deaths clearly indicate the general failure of the food and nutritional
schemes of the Govt
3.
In the report of the DA, some of the deaths have been reported to be from
diarrhea and after intense pain in the stomach. Such incidences are quite
common in the areas facing hunger situation where the normal food is not
available on regular basis so people tend to take food that are not consumed
in normal days. It was reported by the villagers that they were taking less
food, have reduced the number of meals taken and some of them fell sick
after taking the grains distributed. Some of the households reported that
they had started eating even immature maizecobs. Such irregular foods
taken during phases of hunger normally leads to stomach upsets and
diarrhea so rhe deaths reported cannot be brushed aside as death not due to
starvation as the basic cause in such a situation is lack of food with the
family.
4.
It is worth mentioning here that it is not that the Ibod is not available for
number of days together but there is one or two davs without cereals, may
be followed by irregular food, then cereals taken. The death from hunger is
very slow and the situational evidence in all the cases reported prima facie
looks to be caused by hunger getting accentuated due to the droughts .The
landless communities like Bhuyians and the Parahaias, even in the normal
years do face food shortages especially during April-May when they revert
back to one time cereals and Genthi(a wild root) and Chakcr(spinach) in
these months. Nevertheless, during the normal years they get wages from
transplanting and harvesting which supports them during the rainy days.
The drought years like the present ones put them in a starvation situation.
5.
There were also complaints of poor quality of grains being supplied and
people falling sock after consuming the grains supplied
District Administration’s Response
The team was informed by the district administration that it has taken number of steps for
ameliorating the situation in the block. Tins included dividing the Lesliganj block in two
zones and making the BDO and CO responsible for each zone, having stock of food grains
for distribution to the affected families and starting of wage employment programmers in
the block. DA has kept a stock of food grains with the PDS dealers to be given to the
families who were in distress so that there is no starvation death. It was also informed that a
register has been kept at the Block office where the name of the families requiting
immediate help could be recorded 24 hours daily. A detail report regarding the situation in
the Block has been sent to the State Govt. The DC informed that in absence of drought
declaration it is not possible to provide gratuitous relief to the worse affected families. The
district administration has identified that 1801 families require such relief in the Block
There lias been also health camps in the block. An agricultural rehabilitation package has
also been worked out.
i.
2.
3.
4
5.
6.
The situation in Bhakashi village looked quite glim. In the house of Palo Devi.
whose death was reported, her mother was sick. Her father was also sick. It was
reported that before her death, the family was not having regular food for almost
five davs. After he.r death was reported, the. administration gave 10 kgs of gram.
The family was in need of around three kgs per day but was barely a.ble to manage
1-2 kgs per day. The night before the visit of the team, only half kgs of rice had
been cooked. The family had only one child of age 11 who got some work for last
two days only. The family has harvested a very small quantity of maize.
Similarly. Rambrij Bhuian and his wife were destitute but were not covered by any
scheme. They had resorted to begging for survival
In around 15 families, al least one member of the family was sick makmg lhe
family more food insecure. As the families were not having enough cash to buy
medicines, they were relying on the quacks in the villages.
The team met one old couple and an old woman of almost eighty years who had not
taken any food for at least 24 hours. The CO ordered the PDS dealer to give them
grains immediately.
The team also met a pregnant woman, who looked pale .She was not getting any
support from ICDS.
In Bhokasi,the people said that they had been allotted land in 1980 but the
measurement has not been done. They demanded that the same should be
completed.
7.
In Sitadih people demanded that the food for work should be started and not he ad
hoc distribution of grains as was being done
Situation of Relief Operation
Although lhe drought iias not been declared, yet due to the pressures and the situation
prevailing in the area the DA has started a number of relief programmes but a number of
deficiencies in the programme was pointed out by the beneficiaries some of which are
listed below
1.
Last year GOJ had started a scheme of digging one pond each in the villages of
Santalparagana and Palamau. An allotment of Rs 71.71 lakhs had been received by
the Block but only Rs 23.36 lakhs could be utilized. This fund if utilized at faster
rate has rhe potential of creating additional wagework in the area. The gramsabha
meetings to constitute the village committees for implementing the scheme were
hurriedly conducted on 28.2.2003. A quick perusal of the composition of the
records prima facie indicates that the participation of the group of the agr icultural
labourers is very low.
2.
The distribution of grains seems to be quite ad hoc in nature. The amount of grain
distributed has at times been only 5 Kgs which gets exhausted in just two days. The
distribution of the grain was adhoc, irregular and insufficient. The distributions of
the grains have been taken mainly after the visits of either high-up district officials
and during the visit of the Minister. During the visit of the team, there was a
complaint the promised grains were not supplied. The CO during the visit of lhe
team gave a verbal order to lhe PDS dealer lor supply of grains io lhe families who
were at the verge of starvation. The whole process looked very ad hoc in. nature.
The people were not aware of the Information Center at the Block office where the
names of the families requiring immediate help could be recorded. The staffs posted
at the Block office were ignorant of anv such register.
4.
In the identification of the worst affected families and in the distribution of relief
the. participation of the. community has been very limited
State of the food security schemes in the Block
Aniodya Anna Yojana
1.
The supply of the grains under the scheme was highly irregular. This was
primarily due to the non availability of grains at the FCI godown and the
3.
procedural delays with the SFC.The dealers complained that there money was
locked for at least two months before the grains were, released. The frequency of
distribution was almost once in two months.
2.
The dealers were reported to be charging more prices for the grains. The fair
price for 15.624 kgs of wheat and 19.382 kgs of rice was Rs 89.41 but the
dealers were charging Rs 101 tol 10 for the same. In Sitadih. the dealer said that
due to the drought in the area he has started charging Rs 90 for the grains. The
dealers said that they had to incur cost of Rs 50 per bag as a result they were
3.
charciuc Rs 0.50 per ks more than the fixed price.
Because of the lack of necessary cash available with the beneficiaries, they are
unable io lift the quota of grains, in such a situation, the dealers are reported to
be giving lOKgs of grains free of cost to the beneficiaries and keeping the rest
ol the entitlements with them. Thus with an investment ol Rs 120, the dealers
have been able to get almost 25 Kgs of grains. This is clear violation of the
orders of the Hon’ble Supreme Court, which stipulates that such families should
be given grains free of cost. Resides, this is highly irregular that the entitlements
and the subsidy created for the well-off sections of the Society are taking the
poorest oi the poor
A new survey has been conducted in the Block as per the decision of the State
Govt, to include 10% more families under the scheme through Panchayat
Sevaks. However, the villagers and the households whose names had been
recommended were not aware of this. The team observed that only the
Panchayat Sevaks and the dealers were having the knowledge of the same, thus
in the selection of the beneficiaries, there has hardly been any community
participation or information sharing. This increases the probability of the
inclusion and exclusion failure.
5.
The. officials at rhe Block office, were unaware of the May-2003 orders of the
Supreme Court order which has directed inclusion of six specific groups
(including widows without support, primitive tribes, non-able bodied persons,
disabled, pregnant and lactating mothers and elderly destitute) in the Antyodaya
Anna Yojna.The distress in the villages could have been mitigated had the Govt
taken the measure. It may be mentioned here that the 2 May, 2003 orders of the
Supreme Court was communicated to the Chief Secretary’, GOJ by the Food
rights State Advisory' Board.
6.
There have been complaints of the poor quality of grains being supplied in (he
scheme. There was a general complaint that the good quality grain was sold in
the black market. Some households complained that after consuming the grains
4.
they fell sick. Nevertheless, grains supplied had already been consumed the
quality of the grains could not be verified by the team.
7.
Information has come from some villages that the beneficiaries were borrowing
Rs 100 fiom the Mahajans and were keeping the rice and giving wheat to the
Mahajans as repayment of rhe loans taken Thus the card holders are getting
only 19 kgs of grains although in the official records the grains taken is 35 Kgs
Annapurna Yojana
1.
The distribution of grains under this scheme has been ven' irregular. In
August, the quota of 5 months was distributed. The grains under arc given
free to the old people having no support. Such irregular supply further
aggravates the food insecurity of the most vulnerable section of the society.
2.
the team could locate a number ol old aged people who were eligible to be
included in the list of the beneficiary but the administration has not been
able to include them as the quota has been exhausted
National Old Age Pension Scheme
1.
The pension under this scheme is distributed evert' 2or 3 months which is a
clear violation of the Supreme Court order which has directed that it should
be paid before 7 of every month.
2.
In the Lesliganj Block, the team was informed that altogether, 2421
applications under this scheme were pending but as the quota assigned to the
Block under the State 1113 and under Central scheme 550 was complete
there was no vacancy. The vacancies are created only after the death of a
pensioner.
3.
Tn Bhokasi the team came across a number of old people who had not take
food Ibr almost 24 hours. The old people were in total distress
National Family Benefit Scheme
A large number of applications were pending under in this scheme .In Lesliganj
Block itself the number was 112. The payment had been made to only 5 families
out of which 2 families were those where hunger deaths had been reported. It is
quite important to note here that delays in such schemes aggravates the
suite rings ot The tarn i lies who loose their sole bread earners and defeats the
purpose of such schemes.
National Maternity Benefit Scheme
As per the Supreme Court orders, the payment to the eligible beneficiaries
should be made 8-12 weeks before the expected date of delivery. In the Block
out of 101 applications received the payment had been made to only 28.1'he
others could not receive the same because the funds were not available.
ICDS
The team observed that the nutritional status of the mothers and children was
very poor. At least two deaths reported had been just after the delivery and
anemia was stated to be the cause .BDO was in charge of CDPO in the Block. It
was reported that CARE has withdrawn its support to the programme. Since
January after it was taken over by the State Govt.In the Center visited by the
team it was reported that one bag Murhi, one bag of Sattu and one bag of Gur
was supplied to the Center in May this year after which the Center had not
received any supply- BDO informed the team that tire, Block had received the
funds but the supplier had not supplied the items. It has been very' callous
attitude of the administration not to supply the most needed nutritional
supplementation at rhe current distress situation.
The Anganwari sevika was not having the list of pregnant and, lactating
women .The center had the list of childr en but neither the name of the par ents
nor the weighs had been recorded. As the medicines received had not been
distributed, they had expired. It was informed that when the medicines were
received by the center they already were past their expiry date so it was not
distributed.
Midday meal programme
This scheme is yet to start
Display of Supreme Court Order
The Supreme Court orders have not been properly disseminated .Tn T.esliganj
Block the copy of the orders had been hurriedly pasted just before the arrival of
the team. The glue used was still wet. DC informed the team that the paper
posters set destroyed fust so these orders would be painted on the Boards for
which the tenders had been floated.
SGRY
This is a very important wage employment programme. The. fund allocated
under this scheme has not been released fully to the Block. In the Block Rs.
30.35 lakhs has been allocated under SGRY 1st stream out of which around Rs
24.17 lakhs was received and Rs 16.69 lakhs could be spent by the Block
Similarly around Rs 8.96 T.akhs was still unspent under SGRYTT.
Complaints were received in the villages that the payment of the works done
have not been made. As per the orders of the Supreme Court, the payments are
to be made even/ week .The officials said that the payments could not be made
because die measurement book could not be verified
In the prevailing conditions in the Block, it is important that the work is
expedited and the wages in both Cash and Kind is paid every week.
Recommendations
1.
As the situation hunser and starvation in some Panchavats is ven/ arim
Famine should be declared in all the Panchayats in which coverage of
paddy is below 25% and immediate relief work should be started and the
gratuitous payment be made within a month.
2.
The Supreme Court orders has hardly is being followed .A number oi
reasons like non availability Irregular supply of grains from FC1, Non
timely release of funds, lack of staff etc have given as reasons for the
same. This is an emergent situation. The GOJ is also aware of the
situation in other parts of the state so it is important that a very high
power Committee should be directly made responsible tor the
implementation of all the schemes particularly in the distressed areas.
3.
People’s participation and information sharing have been lacking in the
rudimentary relief work already started in the area. It was observed that
some middlemen and brokers have also emerged who can simply corner
the benefits to be given to the distressed people. It is important that the
Committees oi beneficiaiies are formed and all the information is shared
with them. As the people in distress are hardly in a position to deny
anything, which comes under their way, it is important that all the
information regarding rhe entitlements and rhe list of beneficiaries
should be made public and it should be made available to the interested
Civil Society Oi ganizations and public.
4.
The deaths reported have been of pregnant women, lactating woman,
oldpcoplc, children as well as those of young women. All such families
having pregnant women, lactating mothers, malnourished children and
old people should be identified and grains sufficient for at least 90 days
should be supplied to such families. The administration should guarantee
regular medical check ups and if necessary' special medical teams should
be deputed for the same
5.
Wage employment programmes should be started at a faster pace and
wage advances of the grain components should be given at the
commencement of work. Cash wage payment should be made every
week.
6.
Necessary' funds should be made available for the payment of regular
old age pension, NFBS and maternity benefits.
Acronyms Used
AID-Alternative India Development
AAI-Action Aid India
BDO-Rlock Development Officer
CO-Circle Officer
DA —District. AdmiiiislrulioB
DC-Deputy Commissioner
GOJ-Govemment of Jharkhand
RCH-Reproduciive and Child Health
fyt-p.
A REPORT ON 1RINGER WATCH WORKSHOP
Date: 16th & 17th August 2003
Venue: AICUF Ashram, BHOPAL
Background:
Hunger watch group was conceptualized as a part of Jana Swasthya Abhiyan activity.
Die initiative was in response to
•
’
®
High ievei of Malnutrition (underntifrition),
increasing reports of starvation deaths in media, and
Govciintents apathy towards recognizing the occurrence of starvation deaths in spite
of several incidents from BIMARU states.
Starvation deaths being highly politically .sensitive issue, government administration
retuse to recognize occurrence of starvation deaths and instead they are declared as
. ■ tea infect on precet
1
. .. It is well known fact that although
ftar.-atton is the underlying cause of death, the immediate or precipitating cause of death
is? generally doe to infection as a consequnece of lowered immunity. Tendency to deny
occurrence of starvation has been the historical legacy, it was witnessed even during
British colonial rule in India. Apart from the political sensitivity lack of established
criteria to identify starvation deaths has been the major lacunae.
The present workshop was an effort towards addressing the said ‘'historic felt need” to
come out with a guidelines/framework to investigate, identify and report starvation
deaths. The aim was to arrive at a scientific protocol to investigate and document hunger
related deaths. It is hoped that such an exercise would help in understanding the gravity
and the magnitude of the situation and help in timely intervention and enable to take
preemptive.
Nearly 50 participants attended the workshop with representations from Uttar Pradesh,
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Jharkhand, Bihar, Maharashtra, Chaitisghar,
Delhi and Karnataka, It was a good opportunity for mutual learning for field based
activists dealing with hunger and starvation deaths and multidisciplinary professionals
from Nutrition, community/public health, Economics, Demography, forensic science etc.
There was earnestness to discuss and critique page by page in detail on guidelines for
investigating suspected starvation deaths prepared by a core team ofJSA hunger watch
group in Mumbai on 22“ and 23rn Feb 2003.
The workshop was interactive in nature, generating very thought provoking discussions
and debates on the emerging framework and guidelines for investigating suspected
starvation deaths. Guidelines were drawn up fbr mainly under five children and adults.
Adolescent children group was left out for the time being, as they required separate set
guidelines yet to be developed. At the end or the worKsliop tne roilowing criteria, fbr
-
'
hs were broadlj accepted for adults and children (under five)
The workshop deliberated on a framework io establish adult starvation deaths in a
particular community with following criteria:
1.
Documentation of recent increased death rates in the community compared to state
averages
2.
3.
Anthropometric indicators of affected community below state averages
No mass disasters or other accidents that could explain the increased death rates
A
Reduced food off-take from PDS and other indicators of reduced food security like
eating unusual foods, increased indebtedness, large-scale outmigration for work etc.
5.
Sample dietary histories to assess claily calorie intake, show starvation diets (<850
Kcal pei’ day in adults)
6,
Verbal autopsies reveal at least a few deaths in which starvation is an underlying cause
of death (irrespective ofthe immediate cause, which may often be infections etc.)
Verbal autopsies should be used only m conjunction with ths itrst live criteria, to
document specific starvation deaths. Individual starvation deaths are only extreme
examples of the severe nutritional deprivation being suffered by the entire community,
and should always be presented in the larger context of community starvation.
An important issue is that malnutrition, starvation and starvation deaths seem to lie along
a continuum. How is it possible to demarcate one from the other? A significant research
finding is that in adults, below BMI of 19, mortality rates start rising. Mortality rates
among adults with BMI below 16 are nearly triple compared to rates for normal adults.
Thus in adults a B.M.I of 16 and less should be used as a cut off point to demarcate
starvation from undernutrition. Based on a requirement of 0.7 Kcal / kg / hour, a 50 Kg
person needs about 850 Kcal per day to maintain oneself at Basal Metabolic Rate, without
any physical activity. Thus any food intake that is sustainedly lower than 850 Kcal per
day would be incompatible with life in clue course and is an indication of starvation
For children. ? he following criteria may tentetively be used to establish malnution
deaths.
1.
Incrocux-d &>ou'i ratwu
u<>uoi iiv
*
<>i<ildn>n ■>CH<<ptari.U to ataia
US&Ui.
An
exercise must be done to calculate age specific death rates, and compare this with the
state averages to define increased death rates,
2.
Siblings of children who have died of suspected malnutrition can be assessed. Their
nay - tow ■ . p pooi • ■.
•’
■
Ins would be
up]
evidence.
3,
Access ICDS records/ records from other sources for weight of the deceased child
shortly before death if possible
4.
High mortality from minor infections (e.g. diarrhea, measles) is itself an indicator that
the underlying cause of death is malnutrition. We need to compare mortality rates due
to the infection in the sample community with 'standard’ mortality rates for that
illness. If say the case fatality rate for measles in a community is 20% compared to the
known case fatality rate of 2% then the 'measles deaths’ in the community are actually
malnutrition deaths in which the terminal event is measles.
Keeping these, broad criteria in mind, the following activities wrnild need to he
carried out for the investigation:
(a)
Initial contact with the community, coming to know about villages affected and
anecdotal reports of starvation deaths
(b)
Selection of village (s) / hamlets) to be taken up for the study
(c)
Assessment of deaths rates in these communities during a specific recent period
(d)
Anthropometric measurements on a sample of adults and children
(a)
Dietary survey to assess adequacy of food intake in sample families (can be combined
with anthropometric survey)
(f)
Assessment of any deterioration in food security in the community, based on data.
about offtake from PDS etc.
(g)
Accessing ICDS weight-for-age records for recently deceased children if available
(h)
Verbal autopsy in case of selected suspected starvation deaths
fn conclusion, it was emphasized that prevention of malnutrition should be the primary
focus in any intervention directed towards starvation related deaths in the community.
}V\)T-C] .
Gindelines_for_ Intstigating
Suspected, Situation Deathj
(Document prepared by the JSA Hunger Watch Group)
Contents
Section
Page number
I: Introduction
1
II: Outline ofInvestigation Methodology
2
III: Assessment ofDeath Rates
4
IV: Anthropometry to assess nutritional status ofthe community
6
V: Assessing ‘Food Security’ related schemes and parameters
9
VI: Verbal Autopsy procedure
11
VII: Method ofpreparing the final report and drawing the 'Hunger 17
Pyramid’
VIII: Entitlements for a population facing Food Insecurity
Annexures
1. Verbal Autopsy questionnaires for adults
2. Verbal Autopsy questionnairesfor children
3. Expected Weightfor Age (NCHS Standard)
4. IAP classification of Weightfor Age
22
Section I
Introduction
During the last few years, news items of drought, crop failure, suicides by farmers, and
reports of starvation and hunger deaths have come in from various parts of the country. The
stark contrast between deaths in situations of severe food deficit on one hand, and
government godowns overflowing with food grains on the other hand is mind-boggling.
Governments routinely shrug off reports of starvation deaths either by pointing out that
people have been eating some inedible items (like mango kernels), or by blaming some
illness immediately preceding the death. Often the only steps taken by the government are to
hide the cause of mortality when there is uproar over starvation deaths. The reluctance of the
Government to formulate and disseminate a coherent definition of starvation and starvation
deaths is regrettable. It is surprising that even the academic community of nutritionists and
public health professionals has not taken interest in clarifying this area of considerable social
significance. This is a major hindrance for people’s organisations who try to answer distress
calls of the affected citizens.
In this context, during the NWG meeting of Jan Swasthya Abhiyan on 4 January 2003, it
was decided to form a ‘Hunger Watch’ group as a response to high levels of undemutrition,
growing instances of hunger deaths and government apathy towards them. The aim was to
arrive at a scientific protocol to investigate and document hunger related mortality. This
protocol could be employed across the country to assess undemutrition and document
starvation deaths.
Subsequently, a group of activists from the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, met on the 22nd and
23,d February 2003 in Mumbai to constitute the ‘Hunger Watch’ and to concretise the
methodology to investigate hunger related deaths.
*
One of the ideas behind constituting such a group has been that while the situation of
silent hunger hardly seems to draw any action for relief, instances of suspected starvation
deaths send the government machinery into overdrive to vehemently deny their occurrence.
Therefore it was thought that efforts must be made to systematically investigate and
document starvation deaths, at the same time keeping a focus on a community diagnosis of a
starving population and to advocate for relief to the entire community. The occurrence of a
starvation death could be used as an advocacy tool to highlight the omnipresent
undemutrition, and could help establish the Right to Food for chronically starved populations
especially in case of severe drought or crop failure.
We are acutely aware that the issue of starvation is ultimately not primarily a technical
issue, but is rather related to deep-rooted socio-economic inequities, which require radical
and systemic solutions. While the Hunger Watch group can perhaps only help point out the
larger changes necessary, our dream would remain an India where no one goes to sleep
hungry, no child remains undernourished, and no shame of a starvation death burdens our
conscience.
Those attending the Mumbai meeting included Veena Shatrughna (Deputy Director, National
Institute of Nutrition, Hyderabad), Vandana Prasad (Paediatrician), Narendra Gupta (Prayas), Sunita Abraham
(Christian Medical Association of India), Sarojini (SAMA and Convenor of MFC), C. S. Kapse (Professor,
Department of Forensic Medicine, D. Y. Patil Medical College), Neeraj Hatekar (Professor, Department of
Economics, University of Mumbai), Sanjay Rode (Ph. D. student, Department of Economics, University of
Mumbai), Abhay Shukla (Co-ordinator, SATHI Cell, CEHAT), Neelangi Nanai, Amita Pitre and Qudsiya (all
researchers at CEHAT).
Section II
Outline ofInvestigation Methodology
While approaching the issue of hunger related deaths, we should start with the basic fact
that starvation and malnutrition related deaths are public health problems requiring
community diagnosis. In this sense they differ from classical ‘disease related mortality’. The
diagnosis of a death due to tuberculosis may be approached as an individual diagnosis. But the
diagnosis of a 'malnutrition death' cannot be just an individual diagnosis; we have to
document the circumstances prevailing in the family and community along with the individual
to reach such a conclusion.
When we look at the scale and depth of malnutrition in tribal and rural areas of our
country, making individual diagnosis of a few 'malnutrition deaths' may seem almost
peripheral to the main issue. These deaths, though tragic and extremely unfortunate especially
since they could have been so easily prevented, are just the tip of the iceberg of a situation of
near universal undernutrilion in most tribal and backward rural areas. However, the paradox is
that the Government can ignore or downplay the fact that millions of children and adults lead
lives of severe, chronic undemutrition since it does not provoke any public outcry. But a few
malnutrition deaths reported in the press make the entire Government machinery go into
overdrive to 'deny' such an event and take some emergency measures. Even civil society and
middle class opinion which starts wringing hands at the mention of starvation deaths, remains
impervious to the implications of findings such as NIN data according to which around 90%
of children in rural areas are undernourished! So what do we do - focus on the widespread
community undemutrition / starvation or on the few starvation deaths? The first emerges as
the main problem from a public health perspective while the second has certain urgency and
carries the advocacy impact of moving public opinion and the Govt, system. Our approach
needs.to adequately understand and document both.
Another issue wc need to keep in mind is that generally prevalent 'baseline' malnutrition,
gradually worsening severe malnutrition and definite starvation merge with each other along
a seamless continuum. In a community which is used to barely subsistence intake, three years
of drought reduces this further and then some families start eating once a day, a few poorest
families eat on alternate days ... where exactly is the dividing line between malnutrition and
starvation? When exactly does the situation change from 'a chronic problem' to 'an alarming
situation’?
Keeping these considerations in mind, we have tried to evolve a methodology to
document starvation I malnutrition related deaths within a public health framework.
To establish adult starvation deaths in a particular community, we suggest the
following criteria:
♦
Documentation of recent increased death rates (monthly, tri-monthly) in the
community compared to state averages
♦
Anthropometric indicators below state averages
♦
No mass disasters or other accidents
♦
Reduced food off-take from PDS and other indicators of reduced food security
like eating unusual foods, increased indebtedness, large-scale outmigration for work etc.
♦
Sample dietary histories to assess daily calorie intake, show starvation diets
(<850 Kcal per day in adults)
2
♦
Verbal autopsies reveal at least a few deaths in which starvation is an
underlying cause of death (irrespective of the immediate cause, which may often be
infections etc.)
.
UH-MATORflL-
FOOD
-
o7 - Tola.
Verbal autopsies should be used only in conjunction with the first five criteria, to
document specific starvation deaths. Individual starvation deaths are only extreme examples
of the severe nutritional deprivation being suffered by the entire community, and should
always be presented in the larger context of community starvation.
For children, the following criteria may tentatively be used to establish malnutrition
deaths ♦
Increased death rates among under-five children compared to state U5MR. An
exercise must be done to calculate age specific death rates, and compare this with the state
averages to define increased death rates.
♦
Siblings of children who have died of suspected malnutrition can be assessed.
Their anthropometry may show very poor nutritional status and this would be supportive
evidence.
♦
Access ICDS records/ records from other sources for weight of the deceased
child shortly before death if possible ' f' 'uct£tj
♦
High mortality from minor infections (e.g. diarrhea, measles) is itself an
indicator that the underlying cause of death is malnutrition. We need to compare mortality
rates due to the infection in the sample community with ‘standard’ mortality rates for that
illness. If say the case fatality rate for measles in a community is 20% compared to the
known case fatality rate of 2% then the 'measles deaths’ in the community are actually
malnutrition deaths in which the terminal event is measles.
Keeping these broad criteria in mind, the following activities would need to be
carried out for the investigation:
(a)
Initial contact with the community, coming to know about villages affected and
anecdotal reports of starvation deaths
(b)
Selection of village (s) / hamlet(s) to be taken up for the study
(c)
Assessment of deaths rates in these communities during a specific recent
period
(d)
Anthropometric measurements on a sample of adults and children
(e)
Dietary survey to assess adequacy of food intake in sample families (can be
combined with anthropometric survey)
(f)
Assessment of any deterioration in food security in the community, based on
data about off take from PDS etc.
(g)
Accessing ICDS weight-for-age records for recently deceased children if
available
(h)
Verbal autopsy in case of selected suspected starvation deaths
3
Section III
Assessment ofDeath Rates
An important component of investigating suspected starvation deaths is the calculation of
death rates, in a specific area and pertaining to a specified period during which suspected
starvation deaths have been reported.
Identifying the area for investigation - Anecdotal reports may be received about
unusually high number of deaths from certain villages. A cluster of such villages, from where
there have been reports of suspected starvation deaths, may be taken up for investigation. All.
the deaths that have taken place in these villages during the period of serious food deficit (say
a period of at least three months, may be six months or one year) would need to be
documented.
Once the villages and the period have been finalised, all the deaths during the period
should be recorded by means of small group enquiries throughout the area (covering all
hamlets and house clusters)/ house to house survey in that area to document deaths in that
particular period of time. The families of all the deceased would need to be visited, the date /
month of death should be verified for all deaths being investigated. Deaths whose timing falls
outside the study period should be excluded from the calculation.
To confirm the timing of all deaths, and in order not to miss any deaths, an attempt
should be made to compare this data with the mortality records maintained by the ANM for
the area. Our experience is that the ANM may be better at recording neonatal and infant
deaths, since she does antenatal registration, but she may not record certain deaths esp. of
adults in remote hamlets, which she visits infrequently.
Local calendar, local festivals, phases of the moon and local market days may be used to
ascertain the date of death in case of all deaths in the specified period. The exact number of
deaths in this period should be used for the calculation of death rates. The shorter the recall
period, greater will be the accuracy in assessing the date of deaths.
A parallel important exercise is to assess the exact population of all the villages / hamlets
in the cluster, which would form the denominator. The Gram Panchayat would usually have
figures and voter lists, yet this may be cross-checked by actual estimation of number of
households based on information from local people.
How to check whether the number of deaths in this particular area are significantly
higher or not?
There are two major issues involved if we calculate the death rates for a comparatively
shorter period (e.g. three months) and in a small sample, and then extrapolate it to the whole
year and compare it with the state figures. Firstly, there is seasonal variation in deaths. For
e.g. there may be more deaths in rainy season due to water bom diseases like diarrhoea. If the
death rate we have calculated in our study coincides with the period in which there are
seasonally higher deaths in that region, and then we extrapolate to the whole year, then
definitely the death rate that we have calculated will be an overestimate compared to the
annual death rate. Thus it is essential to consider the seasonal variation in deaths while
calculating death rates for a shorter period. One way of doing this is to compare death rate in
a specific season this year with the death rate during the same season last year. A higher rate
this year indicates a definite and significant increase.
A second important issue related to calculating death rates in this manner is that if the
sample population we have covered is too small in size, and then if we compare it with the
4
rates of the state, it will may give an inaccurate estimate of death rates for that sample
population being higher than the total state. For that we need to take certain minimum
population while calculating death rates {to be estimated), and perform a statistical
comparison ofproportions, which will take into account the difference in sample size.
To see whether the number of deaths in the area we are investigating are significantly
higher than the previous year in the same area or than that of the nearby villages in the same
year, we will have to follow certain steps:
1.
Document all the deaths in the area we are investigating in the specified period
of time in which we are suspecting that the starvation deaths have occurred.
2.
Find out the number of deaths in the same area in the same period in the
previous year through Gram Panchayat data.
3.
The data for deaths in that District in the same period can be collected from the
NSS records.
4.
Find out the number of deaths for the district in that period.
To overcome the problem of seasonal variation in deaths, here we are comparing the
deaths in the same period during last year in the same population. To calculate whether
the deaths in the area we are investigating are significantly higher, we can apply the
comparison of proportions test or chi-square test. For comparison, age specific deaths
should be compared.
For e.g. total number of deaths in the age group of 0 to 5 years in the village we are
investigating are 17 in the year of investigation and the total number of children in this
age group is 138.
In the previous year in the same village the total number of children in the same
age group were 154 and the total deaths that took place were 13. Then to find out
whether the number of deaths in this year is significantly higher or not, apply the
proportion test.
Total number of
children in 0-5 years
age group
138 = N1
154 = N2
No. of deaths in
0-5 years age group
17
13
Deaths in
percentage (P)
Q = 100-P
12.31 = Pl
8.44 = P2
87.69 = QI
91.56 = Q2
Standard error of difference= Square root of (P1Q1/N1+ P2Q2/N2)
= Square root of (12.31 X 87.69 / 138 + 8.44 X 91.56 / 154)
= Square root of (7.8222 + 5.017964 )
= Square root of (12.84017)
= 3.5833
Thus, Standard error of difference = 3.5833
Actual difference = 12.31- 8.44
= 3.87
Thus, the observed difference between these two groups is less than twice the standard
difference i.e.2 X 3.5833, which is 7.1666. Therefore we infer that there is no strong evidence
of any difference between the two groups as far as death rates are concerned. That is we
cannot say that this year the number of deaths are in excess as compared to last year.
5
Section IV
Anthropometry to assess nutritional status of the community
An effective nutritional survey involves an assessment of nutritional status of children
and adults in the area based on anthropometric measurements, assessment of specific
deficiencies, socio-economic status, along with current sources of income, availability of
food and social security measures such as Fair price shop, Ration shop and Anganwadis etc.
The following strategies could help in an accurate estimation of nutritional status based on
anthropometric measurements. The other parameters could be tackled with the help of a short
questionnaire answered by people in a village meeting.
At the outset explain what you are going to do to the activists who are helping you.
Repeat this when you go to the actual villages. Explain the procedure patiently to each person
involved in the study. Take their oral consent after informing them about the nature of the
study, what is the objective behind it and where will the results be used. Assure them that the
names of all participants will be strictly confidential in case they are alarmed about this.
Lastly tell them that they can withdraw from the study at any stage.
Sampling- It is the method of choosing a part of the study population, rather than the
entire population, for participation in the study. It should be representative of all the strata in
the population. Sampling makes the study easier, economical and enables us to study a larger
area.
Various methods can be employed for this according to our needs. In case of the
present study we can study two or three hamlets in the area, which will give us a good idea of
the nutritional status in the whole area.
In order to take a representation from all the groups in the population we can
select hamlets such that:
❖
Hamlets close to the road and away from road are covered.
♦
Hamlets of different tribes, and or backward castes/ classes/ areas we are
interested in working with are covered
♦
Hamlets with and without an Anganwadi facility are covered.
We can choose 2-3 hamlets, which cover these aspects. This would be a representative
sample of the people we would like to work with. Within the hamlet we need not choose a
further sub-sample if the hamlet is as small as of 30-40 households. In case it is as large as
that of 100-200 households, we can take a 50% sample, i.e. we can choose every alternate
house. This'will give us a good representation of that hamlet. We can study the children in
the age group of, 1-5 yrs and adults above the age of 18 years in the chosen households. This
sampling scheme will be repeated in each area we want to study.
Nutritional survey of children- The weight of a child is a sensitive indicator of its
nutritional status. NCHS standards for ideal body weights for children, both male and female
are available to us. (Annexurel) Classification systems based on these standards enable us to
decide from the age of the child and its weight if the child has a normal nutritional status or is
either undernourished or overweight. The IAP standards (Indian Academy of Paediatrics) are
most commonly used as they are also the standards used by the ICDS (Integrated Child
Development Scheme). In order to use this classification the weight of the child in Kilograms
(Kg) and the age of the child in months should be available. It is also desirable to measure the
height of the child to know the Height for age and whether there is 'stunting1 which shows
chronic/ long term undemutrition.
6
Tools required1.
Weighing scale
2.
Height measuring tape
3.
Indian / local Calendar to ascertain the exact date of birth.
Weighing children above the age of 2 years is not a problem as they can stand on the
weighing scale. To weigh children between the ages of 12 months to 24 months, ask any
responsible adult to hold the child in her arms. Weigh them both together. Then weigh the
adult alone and calculate the difference between the two weights.
Precautions to be taken while measuring weight:
(a)
The zero error of the weighing scale should be checked before taking the
weight and corrected as and when required.
(b)
The individual should wear minimum clothing, and be without shoes.
(c)
The individual should not lean against or hold anything , while the weight is
recorded.
For accurate measurement of height, ask the person to stand against a straight wall. The
position should be as such that both the feet are together, heels to wall and chin parallel to
ground looking straight ahead.
As record of vital statistics is very poor in rural India, many times there is no reliable
record of the child’s age. Hence make sure that you are acquainted with the local festivals or
landmark events, and take an Indian Calendar while recording the date of birth of the child.
Make as accurate an estimation in months of the child’s age. This is important for the
following calculation.
The weight of the child should be compared to the ideal weight for that age mentioned in
the NCHS standards. Calculate what percentage of the NCHS standard is the child’s weight,
using the fonnula-
Percentage of the NCHS standards =
Weight of the child
x 100
Expected Weight for that age (NCHS std)
IAP classification of Nutritional Status
Grade of Nutrition
Normal
Mild
to
moderate
undernutrition
I
II
Severe undernutrition
III
IV
Weight as Percentage of NCHS
weight standards
>80%
71-80%
61-71%
51-60%
50% <
Tabulate the number of children falling in each category of nutrition status.
7
Nutritional Status of Adults- This is assessed based on the Body Mass Index or the
BMI. BMI is the ratio of the weight of the adult in Kgs to the square of her/his height in
meters.
BMI = Weight in Kgs
Height in meters2
This is a very good indicator of adult nutritional status as it is age independent. It
measures the person’s weight for her height. Values of BMI between 20 to 25 are normal.
Undemutrition is measured using the following parameters.
Nutritional Status using BMI
BMI analysis
Grade
undernutrition
1. BMI <16
III degree CED
*
2. BMI 16-17
3. BMI 17-18.5
4. BMI 18.5-20
5. BMI 20 - 25
6. BMI >25
II degree CED
I degree CED
Low normal
Normal
Overweight
of
*CED - Chronic Energy Deficiency
Criteria to define starvation in Adults - An important issue is that malnutrition,
starvation and starvation deaths seem to lie along a continuum. How is it possible to
demarcate one from the other? A significant research finding is that in adults, below BMI of
19, mortality rates start rising. Mortality rates among adults with BMI below 16 are nearly
triple compared to rates for normal adults.
Thus in adults a E.M.I of 16 and less should be used as a cut off point to demarcate
starvation from undemutrition. Based on a requirement of 0.7 Kcal / kg / hour, a 50 Kg person
needs about 850 Kcal per day to maintain oneself at Basal Metabolic Rate, without any
physical activity. Thus any food intake that is sustainedly lower than 850 Kcal per day
would be incompatible with life in due course and is an indication of starvation.
8
Section V
Assessing ‘Food Security’ related schemes and parameters
The issue of food security has gained importance in India in the decade of 90s when
India clearly established self reliance in food production required to meet the food needs of
its total population. In fact, in late 1990s the country accumulated huge stocks of food
sufficient to feed the country even if nothing grew for three years. However the paradox is
that in spite of overflowing granaries, a large number of persons and families still sleep half
hungry for certain period in a year leave side getting food in balanced quantity. There are
about 800 million children undernourished in the world, out of it 400 million children are in
India. A majority of adults in the country have less than the optimum body mass index.
Reasons for prevailing chronic under nutrition both among children and adults range from
inability to purchase food to non-availability of food owing to improper distribution.
What is Food Security?
The concept of food security implies that all people, at all times, have physical and
economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food
preferences for an active and healthy life. But unfortunately, this is not happening.
I;ood security in India, particularly for the vulnerable sections of the population, has
always been closely linked with the Public Distribution System (PDS) where from basic food
item the cereal was available at subsidised cost.
However, in recent years the prices have risen very rapidly. Also, in 1997, the Union
government drastically reduced the off take from the PDS when it introduced the Targeted
PDS (TPDS), which divided consumers into those below poverty level (BPL), and those
above poverty level (APL). APL consumers were to purchase grain from the PDS at a price
equal to the market rates, while the BPL consumers were expected to pay half the APL price.
This resulted in the total withdrawal of the APL consumers from the PDS, while the BPL
consumers found the prices beyond their purchasing power. The off-take of rice and wheat
taken together fell by about 10 million tonnes in 2000-01, adding further to the already
burgeoning grains stockpiled with the Food Corporation of India (FCI).
And today we witness this paradox in our country- about 70 million tonnes of wheat and
rice in Government go downs and over 200 million children, women and men chronically
undernourished.
The process of globalisation has further sharpened the threat to food security of many
people living in India and many.developing countries. Chronic hunger is increasing in several
parts of the country. Improving food security at the household level is an issue of great
importance.
An estimated 400 million Indians do not have access to regular and adequate quantities
of food. Hunger, malnutrition and under nourishment are widespread. Many parts of the
country, particularly Orissa are stalked by death due to starvation. Recently there had been
reports of hunger related deaths in tribal pockets of Rajasthan and M.P. Such unusual hunger
amidst plenty can be attributed to a host of reasons, many of which are direct or indirect
consequences of the structural adjustment as a part of globilisation. Some of the features of
globilisation are the government set out to reduce subsidies and fiscal deficit by cutting state
expenditure on rural development, cutting food subsidies, reducing priority credit to
9
agriculture and allowing Indian agricultural prices to move closer to world prices which led
to increased 1’ood prices.
All of this however meant falling rural employment and real wages for the landless, and
more insecure and volatile incomes from cultivation for small farmers. Simultaneously food
prices in the Public Distribution System went up because of the reduction in food subsidies.
Very few could purchase foodgrains at such high prices. The government was left with huge
stocks, and it ran up enormous storage costs.
Repeated years of drought in states like Rajasthan and M.P. have led to extreme threat to
the food security of poor people. Not only food but, water and fodder for animals have been
issue. In such situations government should not scrap the Public Distribution System (PDS).
It needs to extend the PDS to the rural areas and create more employment opportunities for
the rural people.
Inability and insensitive attitude of Government to ensure food security to its people in
many states of the country particularly in states like Rajasthan which is experiencing drought
for many years, the PUCL (People's Union for Civil Liberties), Rajasthan branch filed a writ
petition in the Supreme Court in 2001. The court after hearing arguments passed on interim
orders which were applicable to the entire country. To ensure that court orders are followed,
the Supreme Court also appointed two commissioners - Shri N.C. Saxena and and Shri S.R.
Shankaran as the commissioners to undertake periodic review and submit reports about the
status of implementation by different state Governments.
the details of all the different food security schemes of the central Government
implemented through the state Governments and the Supreme Court orders are given in
Section VIII under the heading of entitlements for a population facing Food Insecurity.
In a significant interim order dated 28 November 2001, the Supreme Court issued
directions pertaining to 8 food-related schemes sponsored by the central government. Briefly,
the order directs the Union and State governments to implement these schemes fully as per
official guidelines. Given below is an outline of each scheme and a summary of the
corresponding
Supreme
Court
directions.
How do we assess the implementation of food security schemes in our areas?
The eligibility criteria for each scheme are clearly laid out. We should obtain the list of
beneficiaries under this scheme from the local panchayat/ block development or local revenue
office. ICDS scheme is generally implemented by a separate department. The information
collected ought to be verified in the villages where we are working with people. Verification
should try to know whether selection of beneficiary families/individuals is appropriate, are
there more eligible families, which are left out. We should also verify whether the selected
families are receiving benefits in time and in full quantity. A people’s monitoring team with
advice of activists may develop monitoring framework to undertake fortnightly verification
exercise.
10
Section VI
Verbal Autopsy procedure
Verbal Autopsy is a scientific method of proven validity used for establishing the cause
of death of individuals in a community, where forensic autopsies have not been or cannot be
conducted for any reason. This is particularly useful in situations where the proportion of
deaths occurring under medical care is low and where no autopsies are routinely carried out.
This method has been successfully employed in India, Bangladesh, Kenya, Nigeria,
Philippines, Indonesia, Egypt, and several other countries to determine the cause of death of
individuals in various circumstances, especially to identify causes of maternal and infant
mortality. At the Bhopal Peoples' Health and Documentation Clinic run by the Sambhavna
Trust, Verbal Autopsy (VA) was used as a method for monitoring mortality related to the
December 1984 Union Carbide disaster in Bhopal.
Sampling- Ideally, all the recent deaths in the area should be considered for VA, so there
is no sampling involved. All deaths during a specified period (from one to three months)
should be taken. Recall of details becomes poorer with respect to deaths prior to 3 months
before the time of VA, and should be avoided.
A less demanding method is to conduct VA only on suspected starvation deaths during a
specified recent period. However, here a working definition of ‘suspected starvation deaths’
needs to be used, for example ‘any death where family members report that the deceased had
significantly reduced food intake due to non-availability of food, during the month prior to
death’. This option would thus involve a two-stage survey process, first identification of
suspected starvation deaths and then VA on the selected suspected starvation deaths.
Technique of Verbal Autopsy-This method is based on the assumption that most causes
of death have distinct symptom complexes and these features can be recognized, remembered
and reported by lay people. It involves trained workers administering a questionnaire to the
carer I close family member of the deceased. Information thus collected on the symptoms
suffered and signs observed is given individually and independently to a panel of experts for
ascertaining the probable cause of death.
Steps in carrying out the Verbal autopsy
♦
Training- The questionnaire to conduct a VA is somewhat medicalised in
nature and hence we recommend that a person with some experience of health work be
given appropriate training in administering it, familiarity of the local language would be
necessary. However given the circumstances in which it has been successfully used
earlier, a well-trained fieldworker with good knowledge of the local language can also be
suited for the job. The section wise details of the questionnaire will be provided later. All
fieldworkers have to be given the background for conducting this VA, and be trained in
interviewing skills, administration of the questionnaire and signs and symptoms of
diseases.
♦
Identification of households- The fieldworkers would conduct a survey to
identify and list households where deaths have taken place during the specified time
period. Then for the VA, they would question carer of the deceased on the medical
history and clinical symptoms suffered. It is best to identify a single carer who has been
11
with the deceased and nursed her/him through the illness, and get all the information
through this person. In case of children, the mother is the best person, though this would
depend entirely on the circumstances. Using culturally appropriate language, the
fieldworkers, should apply stringent criteria in the collection and recording of
information. Information would be recorded on a questionnaire designed to elicit details
of the last illness, bodily appearance at the time of death, details of food availability in the
house, medical examinations and their results, treatment including duration etc.
The VA questionnaire- At the outset, the interviewer must explain to the carer, the
purpose of conducting the VA, and take an informed consent to proceed. This may be written
or oral in case of non-literate carer, but this should be explicitly recorded. The verbal autopsy
questionnaire (VAQ) begins with general, introductory questions to determine the lifecycle of
the deceased. An instruction sheet is used by the field workers as a guideline for
administration of the questionnaire. The instruction sheet should be translated into the local
language where it is to be administered. The health workers would also confirm which
medical records of the deceased are in the possession of the carer. General questioning
familiarizes the carer with the type of information to be collected and enables the interviewer
to create favorable conditions for the carer to speak openly, regarding personal and often
traumatic details concerning the deceased.
The health worker then begins an open section in which the interviewee is invited to
explain what happened in their own words, details of food security, subsequent illness/es, and
responses to treatment received till the death of the deceased. The statement is recorded
verbatim. With the use of filter questions, specific recordings of the symptoms related to
different body systems are then made. While the interviewer should be cautioned against
asking leading questions, the questionnaire consists of all important symptoms and signs
relating to the major body systems, which should not be left out in case their importance is
not realized by the carer. Thus the health worker identifies a body system, e.g. the respiratory
system and encourages the carer to provide voluntary information on any particular
symptoms, e.g. breathlessness, cough, expectoration tightness in chest etc. Care is taken to
ensure that the interviewer does not provide any direct or indirect suggestions during
questioning. Information on medical treatment received and documents related are also
gathered.
A special section is devoted to collecting information concerning family food security.
Another section elicits the dietary history relating to the deceased, during the week and
during the month prior to death.
Assessment of Completed Verbal Autopsy Questionnaires- The filled VAQ is then
sent to a panel of three independent physicians along with available medical records of the
deceased. The physicians in the verbal autopsy assessment panel (who do not communicate
with each other about their opinions) fill in a VA analysis table for their convenience, and
then write their opinions on the probable immediate, underlying and contributory causes of
death of the individual.
The final opinion is arrived at on the basis of the level of agreement among the three
independent medical opinions. In case all the three doctors in the assessment panel opine that
the underlying cause of death has been ‘Starvation’, then the final opinion states that the
'most probable' cause of death is attributable to ‘Starvation’. The final opinion states
'probable' in case two of the three doctors agree on the nexus between starvation and
subsequent death and 'possible' if only one of the doctors in the panel mentions starvation as a
probable cause of death. In case all three doctors opine that the disease or condition'of death
12
is not related to ‘Starvation’, the final opinion states that the cause of death is unrelated to
‘Starvation’.
Validity of the method of Verbal Autopsy in ascertaining cause of death - Through
numerous studies carried out in different parts of the world, the method of Verbal Autopsy
has been found to have a positive predictive value in the range of 70% to 80% depending on
the cause of death and age of the deceased. This range of validity has been confirmed through
comparison of opinions on cause of death as ascertained through usual autopsies (post
mortem examinations) and that through Verbal Autopsy.
Appropriateness of VA in ascertaining starvation as a cause of death- The areas
where Verbal Autopsy is going to be used to assess starvation as a cause of death are also the
areas where availability of medical care is poor. This includes reasons related to extreme
poverty and physical lack of access to any government or private medical facility. Also, an
overwhelming majority of these deaths occur in people's homes resulting in autopsies rarely
being conducted and often there being no competent doctor to certify the cause of death.
Although some care may have been available, medical records of the deceased prior to death
are often unavailable or where available, these are often incomplete. Given such a situation,
VA appears to be the most appropriate method to assess the cause of death.
The VA has to be supplemented in these circumstances by a thorough recording of the
conditions.of 'Food Security' prevailing in the community in general, including natural disasters of
drought, famines, rain and crop failure or conditions of gross/sudden unemployment, indebtedness
etc, similar conditions in the individual household, any signs of desperation to find food such as
borrowing, begging, stealing, consumption of unusual foods and incidents of suicide etc. Also an
analysis of the 'Calorific value' of whatever food is available and eaten should be undertaken, to see
whether the deceased was getting enough calories through food. To further strengthen the findings
anthropometric measurements of the living siblings in case of children and the Body Mass Index of
the living adults in the same household should be obtained.
Dietary Survey and Calorific Value of Locally Eaten Foods
Dietary survey is an essential part of the verbal autopsy process, which gives idea about
whether starvation I insufficient food intake is a cause of death or not.
Whenever a dietary survey is carried out in any community to investigate starvation
deaths, we first identify major local staple foods (basically cereals) eaten in that community.
Then we give a fixed amount (say 1 kg.) of flour or grains of that cereal in any two houses of
that community. We ask them to prepare their usual preparations out of the raw material
given. We then calculate the amount of flour used to make one roti or amount of pulse used
to prepare one Katori of dal. Then prepare a master chart indicating nutritive value of locally
available foods. For eg. In Badwani district of Madhya Pradesh where verbal autopsies were
conducted, one kilogram of maize flour was given to two families each and they were asked
to prepare roti. Out of one kg. flour, six roties were made which means each roti contains
approximately 170 gms. of flour. Since 100 gms of maize gives 342 calories, it was
concluded that one roti in this area gives 580 Kcal approximately.
In case of calculating calorie intake of the deceased, information should be elicited
regarding the food eaten by the deceased one week and one month prior to death. Note the
number of meals eaten by him /her in a day. List the food items and their ingredients in
details. In case of children, note the history of food intake up to three months prior to death.
With the help of the master chart of calorific value of locally available foods, then calculate
the total calorie intake of the deceased per day prior to death.
Based on a requirement of 0.7 Kcal / kg / hour, a 50 Kg person needs about 850 Kcal per
day to maintain oneself at Basal Metabolic Rate, without any physical activity. Thus any food
13
intake that is sustainedly lower than 850 Kcal per day would be incompatible with life in
due course and is an indication of starvation
It may be noted here that the intake during the week prior to death may be reduced due to
the illness itself, and is less significant to identify starvation compared to the intake one
month prior to death. The data on intake has to be combined with data on Food availability
for the family to come to a conclusion about lack offood intake due to non-availability of
food, in other words, starvation.
History of consumption of unusual or ‘famine’ foods like toxic roots, leaves, tubers etc.
or consumption of substances eaten to suppress hunger should also be noted. It indicates the
non availability of other edible food items like pulses, grains etc.
Confirming the date of death
To determine the exact date of death, local events calendar should be used. A local
events calendar shows all the dates on which important events took place during a past one
year period. It shows the different seasons, months, phases of moon, local festivals and events
in the agricultural cycle.
It is important to accurately determine the date of each death also in the context of
calculation of death rates (section III).
Mode and Causes of Death
Even medical professionals are often not very clear about the difference between mode ofdeath
and cause of death, and types of causes of death. Hence the needfor us to be clear about these terms
when we talk of starvation as a cause of death.
The Death Certificate issued by a doctor should contain the followingCause of death: A disease or injury that results in the death of the individual. If there is
a time delay between the onset of the disease or injury and the time of death, then the cause
can be divided into the following categories:
(a)
Immediate cause of death: This is the disease or injury that developed just
before the death and resulted in the death. E.g. Pneumonia, Diarrhoea, Ischaemic Heart
Disease, Bums, Accident.
(b)
Underlying cause of death: When there is a delay between the onset of the
disease or injury and the ultimate death, this is the process that started the chain of events
that eventually resulted in the death. E.g Measles could be the underlying cause of
Pneumonia which resulted in death of the individual, Atheromatous or narrowed blood
vessels could be the underlying cause of Ischaemic Heart Disease. In the same way,
severe malnutrition or starvation could be the underlying cause of death in a case where
the immediate cause is diarrhea.
(c)
Contributory cause of death is inherently one not related to the principal
cause, but it must be shown that it contributed substantially or materially; that it aided or
lent assistance to the production of death. It must be shown that there was a causal
connection. E.g Undemutition in death due Pneumonia, High blood pressure in Ischaemic
Heart Disease.
To illustrate the difference, take the case of a woman who is severely anemic during pregnancy.
Her severe anemia remains untreated, and immediately after delivery she has moderate amount of
bleeding and dies. (A healthy, non-anemic woman with similar amount of bleeding- may have
survived.) In this case, immediate cause of death is post-delivery bleeding, while underlying cause is
severe anemia.
14
Mode of death: A pathophysiologic derangement that is incompatible with life. It is a
common final pathway to death for a number of disease processes. Modes of dying include
organ failure (e.g. ‘heart failure’, ‘renal failure’, multi-organ failure’), cardiac or respiratory
arrest, coma, cachexia, debility, uraemia and shock.
Therefore it is important to recognize that ‘Cardio-respiratory arrest’, which is often
erroneously mentioned as the immediate cause of death is in fact the mode of death in a
person. To state ‘cardio-respiratory arrest’ as a cause of death is not only factually erroneous,
it may also be a deliberate subterfuge by a medical official, to avoid commenting on the
actual cause of death, such as starvation.
As a general rule, a number of pathways can be responsible for a mechanism or mode of
death, but causes of death are specific. For example, shock has a number of causes and
therefore is a mode of death. However the post-partum sepsis that resulted in shock is the
cause of death.
Another way of looking at it is, if all dead people have the entity that you would like to
list as a cause of death, then it is likely to be a mode of death. All dead people suffer from
low blood pressure (shock), cardiac arrest and pulmonary arrest.
Starvation and Undernutrition as a cause of death- It is obvious that Starvation and
Undcmutrition would generally occur as the underlying or contributory cause of death in an
individual. The final clinical event before death may be a minor infection such as diarrhea or
measles, which may become the immediate cause of death.
As we are going to deal with actual human beings in real life situations, the individuals
would suffer from gradual reduction in the calorie intake while having to keep up desperate
efforts to find work and food for the family. The children would have to cope with demands
for their growth. Rather than an absolute deprivation of food leading directly to death, we
would have a chain of events where starvation (<850 Kcal daily intake) is the underlying
cause, and an infection becomes the immediate cause of death.
Ethical issues related to conducting VA
There are certain serious ethical issues, which come up during the process of conducting
a verbal autopsy in such a social situation. Some of the issues encountered and how they may
be addressed are outlined below-
(a)
Distress to relatives caused by the verbal autopsy procedure
The verbal autopsy process involves a detailed questioning of the relatives about the
illness, food intake, treatment and various other aspects of the deceased prior to death. This is
a process, which is liable to cause distress among the relatives of the deceased when they are
questioned.
To deal with this issue, an attempt should be made to carefully explain the purpose of the
study to the relatives. Also, the option of not participating in the study should be kept open
for the respondents. In some situations, where the respondents are not in a mental frame to
answer the questions, a second visit may be made to conduct the questioning at a later stage,
or the asking of information may be spread over two visits. Of course, the interviewer must
properly introduce himself / herself, state the purpose of his / her visit, and thank the
respondents for their co-operation etc.
15
(b)
Possible raising of false expectations among respondents
Measuring of nutritional status of children and adults and detailed questioning of
relatives of the deceased might lead to generation of expectation of some immediate benefit
to be given by the interviewers to the respondents. This is especially likely if the interviewer
is a person from outside the area, of apparently better socio-economic background etc.
This problem may be partly avoided if the basis of contact is by means of a local
organisation or person who is already known to the people. If possible, the verbal autopsy
should be done by a person who is known to the community or linked with a local
organisation. People may be already aware of the method of working of the local organisation
and would not expect any personal preferential ‘dole’ from a person who is linked to the
organisation. Rather it should be made clear that the findings of the survey would be used to
generate pressure for better implementation of relief measures in the area, which would
benefit everyone, provided that such an attempt is planned.
(c)
Need to share the results of the study with the people in their language
Such a study should preferably be conducted on the demand of a local organisation, and
should help to strengthen their demand for relief facilities. In the same spirit, the results of the
survey should be communicated to the people in their own language, in village meetings and
also by means of a simply written note in the local language.
16
Section VII
Method, ofpreparing the final report and drawing the ‘Hunger Pyramid’
The methodology of investigation as described in previous chapters has been devised to
ensure a thorough, factual and relatively objective investigation of a death as well as its
context.
However, the report is not a mere collation of the facts thus collected. The report is a
statement of our opinion on the basis of the facts collected along with corroborative
arguments and evidence. It is, therefore, an analytical document carefully arguing a case once
our investigation is complete and has led us to an opinion.
If the investigation convinces us that the death concerned is not a starvation death we
must make our report accordingly if asked to do so by any agency. However, henceforth, this
chapter assumes that we are making the report of what we consider to be starvation death(s),
either of children or adults, in the setting of a starving community.
The objectives of the report are twofold:
1.
To verify and certify starvation death(s)
2.
To clearly detail the prevailing community conditions of malnutrition and
starvation leading to morbidity (sickness) and further mortality (death) if action is not
immediately taken.
Such a report can be used for demanding immediate action such as compensation and
appropriate state action to ensure food security for the entire community, as well as build
evidence and pressure for long term policy changes.
The report should have the following sections, at least 1.
Introduction
2.
Under five mortality rates of the given community and comparison with state
under-five mortality rates
3.
Death rates within the community and comparison with state crude death rates
4.
Estimation of malnourished children based on weight for age
5.
Estimation of severely malnourished adults based on BMI
6. Details of starvation / malnutrition deaths among children
7.
Details of starvation deaths among adults
8.
Community situation of food security
9.
Hunger pyramid for the community and overall assessment
10.
Recommendations
1.
Introduction
This section should outline the initial information (press reports, personal
communication), which originally led the team to investigate starvation deaths in this
particular community. It should also contain some information about the area (district, taluka,
villages), organisations and individuals involved in the investigation, and overall setting of
food insecurity in the state / region (drought, failure of food security schemes etc.)
17
2. Under five mortality rates of the given community and comparison with
state under-five mortality rates
3.
Death rates within the community and comparison with state crude death rates
These death rates should be calculated and compared with the relevant state mortality
rates. Then the number of excess deaths (actual deaths minus deaths expected according to
state mortality rates) can be calculated. All excess deaths taking place in a situation ofserious
food insecurity may be regarded as malnutrition deaths unless proved otherwise. Here the
absence of any major disasters or accidents may be quoted to rule out other causes of excess
deaths.
4.
Estimation of malnourished children based on weight for age
All children with weight for height less than -3SD should be enumerated and listed
individually also. The number should be expressed as a percentage of all children and
compared with the state/block average as per ICDS records I NFHS II records, whichever
available. ICDS records are preferable. Increase should be shown as percentage increase and
it has to be argued that according to the WHO any child with -3SD or less weight for age
is considered in need of emergency treatment.
It has been documented that mortality rates among children increase several fold and
drastically when the weight for age is below 60% of the expected weight. Hence these
children are at very high risk of mortality. Any increase in numbers of such children indicates
that the entire community of children is at risk. Therefore, emergency measures must apply to
all children in that particular community.
According to the WHO criteria, if more than 30% of children in a community have low weightfor-age, it is a very high prevalence level. Although practically all poor rural communities in India
have higher than this level of malnutrition, this too may be cited as evidence of very high level of
malnutrition.
Prevalence group
% of children with
low weight-for-age (below -2 SD scores)
Low
<10
Medium
High
Very High
10-19____________________________________
20-29
>30
(Criteria laid down in the WHO expert committee report on Anthropometry - WHO TRS 854, 1995)
For effective advocacy, the weights of the children in the affected area should be
compared with those of middle class children in the same age group. This would bring out the
differences more sharply than do figures of percentages in the various categories of
undemutrition.
5.
Estimation of severely malnourished adults based on BMI
The number and percentage of adults with BMI less than 18.5 and BMI less than 16
should be computed and presented. Adults with BMI less than 16 are at high risk of mortality
from starvation. If over 40% of adults in the community have a BMI of < 18.5, the
community may be termed at ‘critical risk for mortality from starvation’ or a starving
community.
18
Low prevalence
Medium prevalence
High prevalence
(serious situation)
Very high prevalence
(critical situation)
5-9% population with BMI< 18.5
10-19% population with BMI< 18.5
20-39% population with BMI< 18.5
>= 40% population with BMI< 18.5
(Criteria laid down in the WHO expert committee report on Anthropometry - WHO TRS 854, 1995)
6. Details of starvation I malnutrition deaths among children
This part of the report is based upon
1.
Verbal autopsy
2.
Anthropometry of siblings and family members
3.
Community Situation of Food Security
4.
Community Child Death Rates
These are used to argue the following points 1.
Evidence that the dead child was already malnourished ( description of
physical appearance, hair, skin, nails, previous anthropometric /medical records, siblings
and other family members being malnourished - by anthropometry)
2.
Evidence that there was acute shortage of food to the individual. This is done
by relating dietary history for the last few days to caloric intake. Since this is relatively
difficult for a child, specially a breast feeding child, this part of the report should be
commented upon by the technical support team (nutritionist / pediatrician)
3.
Evidence that there was an acute shortage of food in the household ( dietary
history of other household members, examination of household food supplies, loan taken
recently, recent migration of able bodied family members, eating of unusual food, recent
beggary I crime for food, failure to receive food from PDS, ICDS or any other schemes due
to non availability, illness or debility)
4.
Evidence that there is an abnormally raised child death rate in the community
(section 2 of the report). Even if the terminal event in most of the deaths are infections
(diarrhea, pneumonia, measles) if the death rate is significantly higher than the under five
death rate for rural areas in the state, this is evidence of hunger related deaths provided there
is a community setting of food insecurity.
Infection as the terminal event
When the terminal event is an infectious disease, which is the commonest scenario, such
as pneumonia or diarrhoea, the ‘diagnosis’ of starvation death need not change.
This logical progression to disease, which forms the terminal event, is well documented
in cases of starvation. The last two points suffice to call a death a starvation death.
If there has been an outbreak of a disease (e.g. measles) and all the deaths have been
attributed to the outbreak, the logical argument in the context of starvation would be that
normally speaking the mortality of a disease does not exceed x percent of cases. The fact that
mortality has been so mucn higher proves that death was due to starvation, not disease.
19
7.
1.
2.
Details of starvation deaths among adults
This part of the report depends upon Verbal autopsy and dietary history
Anthropometry of family members
Verbal autopsy
This is to establish that death did not take place due to accident or other physical trauma, and to
document the clinical events preceding death, as also dietary history and body appearance.
The dietary history component should be analysed in terms of caloric value by referring
to the charts of caloric values of local food for assistance or taking the assistance of the
technical support group. Caloric intake of less than 850kcal per day for an adult establishes the
diagnosis of starvation.
Food security of the family - substantiating findings of food stores within the family,
recent loans, migration of able-bodied members, eating of unusual foods, beggary should be
documented.
Anthropometry of surviving family members
BMI of less than 18.5 amongst adults of the family, and weight for age less than 3SD in
the children is supportive evidence that the whole family is in a situation of starvation.
8.
Community situation of food security
The provision of supplies,access and uptake from PDS, Food for Work Programmes if
any, ICDS, Mid Day Meal, maternity benefit and other schemes should be described.
9.
Hunger pyramid for the community
The above mentioned two objectives are fulfilled by drawing the entire ‘hunger pyramid’
that prevails within a community, of which the starvation death/s are only the tip.
Appropriate figures or percentages should be given for each of these categories, to give a
complete idea of the situation, e.g. in a particular village -
Starvation deaths - 6 persons (4 adults, 2 children)
Starving population - 7% families
Severely undernourished - 15% adults, 18% children
20
Mild to Moderately undernourished - 43% adults, 62% children
Starvation deaths are those deaths which have been identified as being due to starvation
I malnutrition on the basis of the Verbal autopsy process.
Starving population is the proportion of families where adults have a daily caloric
intake of less than 850 Kcal.
Severely undernourished population is the proportion of adults with BMI < 16 and in
case of children, those with weight for age less than 60% of expected, (deduct the proportion
of starving population from this to avoid overlap)
Mild to moderately undernourished population is proportion of adults with BMI <
18.5,
proportion of children with weight for age less than 80% of expected (deduct the
previous two proportions from this to avoid overlap)
The investigating team along with the Hunger Watch group should express an overall
opinion. This should categorically express an opinion regarding the deaths that have taken
place - starvation deaths or not starvation deaths. It should also make a community diagnosis
- community at risk for further starvation deaths (starving community) or not.
10.
Recommendations
Finally, the report should make recommendations for immediate action at the local level.
Recommendations should include compensation for the deceased, measures to feed and
supply food, hospitalization where necessary, arrangements for nutrition rehabilitation,
healthcare including immunization, long term food security measures.
21
Section VIII
Entitlementsfor a population facing Food Insecurity
1. National Old Age Pension Scheme
Official guidelines
Introduced under the National Social Assistance Program on 15 August 1995. Age of the
applicant should be 65 years or above. Applicant must be a destitute in the sense of having
little or no regular means of subsistence of his/her own and no financial support from family
members or other sources The basic pension is Rs.75/- per month per beneficiary. The State
governments may add to this basic amount from their own sources.
The Central Government sets an upper ceiling on the number of beneficiaries for a
State/UT.
Court order
The pension amount to be paid regularly every month before the 7th of each month
2. National Family Benefit Scheme
Official guidelines
Available for BPL households on the death of the primary breadwinner in the bereaved
family. Amount of assistance is Rs. 10, 000/- lump sum.The death of the primary breadwinner
(due to natural or accidental causes) should have occurred while he or she is in the age group
of 18-64 years. Family benefit is paid to such surviving member of the household of the
deceased who, after local inquiry, is determined to be the head of the household.
Court order
The amount of Rs. 10,000 should be paid within four weeks through a local Sarpanch
whenever the primary breadwinner of the family dies.
3.
National Maternity Benefit Scheme
Official guidelines
A lump sum cash assistance of Rs. 500/- to be provided to pregnant women of BPL
households given provided they are 19 years of age or above. The benefit is available up to
the first two live births. The benefit is disbursed 8-12 weeks prior to the delivery. In case of
delay, the benefit may be given even after the birth of the child. [Gl]
Court
order
The amount must be given to the pregnant woman 8-12 weeks before delivery. All the
eligible candidates must be covered under the scheme.
22
4.
Mid-dav Meal scheme
Official guidelines
The National Programme for Nutritional Support to Primary Education [MDMS] was
started in 1995. Cooked mid-day meals were to be introduced in all government primary
schools within two years. In the meantime, state govts were allowed to distribute monthly
dry-rations to the children instead of cooked mid-day meals. The centre allocates through FCI
to each district a quantity of grain @ 100 gms of grains per child per day. The allocation is
made based on the oftake of the previous term
Cooked meals with the content of 300 calories and 18-20 gms of protein is to be
provided on every working day of the school and for at least 200 days a year to students
having a minimum of 80 % attendance in the previous month. Where dry rations are given, 3
Kgs of wheat or rice per month is to be provided to every child with 80% attendance for 10
months in a year.
The scheme covers all students in government and government aided primary schools.
Non Formal Education centres are not covered in this scheme.
Reimbursement for transport and other facilities is to be provided by the Centre, but
typically, it has not been covering the costs. The states have been complaining that they have
to meet the costs of transport, personnel, etc. for implementing this fully centrally sponsored
scheme .
Gol allots the grains to the districts directly. The collector coordinates it with the
department of education and the gram sabhas on issues of logistics.
Court order
Cooked mid-day meal is to be provided in all the government and government aided
primary schools in all the states. In states, where the scheme is not operational, it is to be
started in half the districts of the state (by order of poverty) by Feb 28th, 2002. By May 28,
2002, it is to be started in the rest of the districts too.
5.
Integrated Child Development Scheme
Official guidelines
Started as a programme that addresses children s needs from one umbrella. The
anganwadi, or ICDS centres would be the centre of convergence of all the schemes. The
scheme covers areas from nutrition of the pregnant women to nutrition, healthcare and
educational needs of the child till he or she completes the age of 6. Children up to 6 years to
be provided 300 calories and 8 to 10 gms of protein. Adolescent girls are to be provided 500
calories and 20-25 Gms of protein per day. Pregnant and nursing mothers 500 calories 20-25
gms of protein per day. Malnourished children are entitled to double the daily supplement
provided to the other children [600 calories and/or special nutrients on medical
recommendation] The services of the scheme include supplementary nutrition, immunization,
health check-up, referral services, and non formal preschool education
An ICDS centre, or anganwadi is to be available in each settlement of 1000 people.
23
Court order
The nutrition component of the scheme should be operationalised. Each settlement of a
thousand people should have at least one ICDS centre.
6.
Annapurna Scheme
Official guidelines
The scheme was introduced in 2000 to provide food security to elderly citizens who have
no income of their own and no one to take care of them. 10kg of food grains (rice or wheat)
per month to be provided free of cost to all indigent senior citizens who are eligible for old
age pension but are presently not receiving it. The total number of beneficiaries is not to
exceed 20% of the old age pensioners within a State. The Dept, of Rural Development is to
release funds to the State Food & Civil Supplies Dept, who will then coordinate with FCI and
other agencies concerned. The State Dept, of Public Distribution will be the nodal agency
concerned. Beneficiaries to be identified by the Gram Panchayat.
Court order
The scheme should be operationalised in all the states and 10 Kgs of grain should be
distributed each month free of cost to all the indigent citizens who are eligible for a pension
under the National Old Age Pension Scheme but not actually receiving a pension
7.
Antyodaya Anna Yojana
Introduced to provide food security to the poorest of the poor. Provision has been made
to identify one crore such families. The selected families are given a special Antyodaya Card,
with which they can claim the grain from the local ration shop. 25 Kgs of grains to be
provided each month to the selected families at the price of Rs. 2 / Kg for wheat and Rs. 3/ kg
for rice. The identification of families is to be done by Gram Sabhas.
Court order
The Antyodaya families should be identified in all the states and grain should be
provided to the beneficiaries each month, as per the official guidelines.
8.
Targeted Public Distribution Scheme
The scheme was introduced in 1997 to replace the earlier integrated under the public
distribution system (PDS). The families are categorised as below poverty line (BPL) and
above poverty line (APL). The two groups have different entitlements with BPL families
getting more grain at a cheaper price than APL families. The total number of BPL families in
each State is chosen by the Planning Commission. BPL families to be identified on the basis
of household surveys. The BPL families are given a card of a different colour to distinguish
from the APL families
Court order
All the BPL families to be identified by 1 January 2002. All the BPL families in all the
states should be given their ration regularly at a stipulated BPL price.
24
<N UT-
|LEGAL ASPECT OF STARVATION}
BIKASH DAS
ADVOCATE, ORISSA HIGH COURT,
EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT,
COMMITTEE FOR LEGAL AID TO POOR.
1.
What is Starvation?
According to Chambers Dictionary Starvation means to suffer extreme hunger, to cause to
starve, to afflict with hunger, to deprive of food. Amartya Sen in his book Poverty and Famines
observed that Starvation is the characteristic of some people not having enough food
to eat. It is not the characteristic of there being not enough food to eat.
2.
Famine & Starvation - The Policy Discernment:
At one time Famine was included as a kind of Natural Calamity. Famine indicates a state of
extreme paucity of food due to complete failure of crops consecutively for more than one year
and acute form of human distress as well as acute distress to animals and birds on account
thereof. With the development of quick transport and communication facilities and with
improvements in the food production situation in the country, the conditions of famine could
not be said to appear on any local failure of rains. Hence at present the question of declaration
of Famine does not arise. Still starvation occurs at individual and family level. It is a paradigm
shift of policy which ignores the other indicators of famine.
3.
Classification of Starvation:
There are two types of Starvation recognised by Medical Jurisprudence they are Acute and
Chronic. Let us analyse in detail:
a)
Acute Starvation: Acute Starvation is seen when the necessary food has been
suddenly and completely withheld. In Acute Starvation the feeling of hunger lasts for
the first thirty to forty eight hours and is succeeded by pain in the epigestrium, relieved
by pressure, and accompanied by intense thirst. After 4 to 5 days of starvation, general
emaciation and absorption of the sub-cutaneous fat begins to occur. The eyes appear
sunken and glistening. The pupils are widely dilated, the cheeks are hollow and the
bony projections of the face become prominent. The lips are dry and cracked, tongue
dry and coated with thick fur and breath is foul and offensive. The voice becomes
weak, faint and inaudible, apathy and fatigue are predominant. The skin is dry, rough,
wrinkled and baggy, emitting a peculiar disagreeable odour, the pulse is usually weak
and slow but accelerates on slightest exertion. The temperature is usually subnormal,
the diurnal variation reaching 3.28° F instead of 0.3°F to 1°F as in the normal body.
The abdomen is sunken and the extremities become thin and flaccid with loss of
muscular power, some oedema appears on the face and feet. There" is at first
constipation, the motion being dry and dark, but later towards death, diarrhoea or
dysentery generally supervenes. The urine is scanty, turbid and highly concentrated
and shows evidence of acidosis. The loss of weight is most marked and constant. The
loss of two-fifths or forty percent of the body weight ordinarily ends in death. Total
starvation also causes excessive protein break down and may cause fainting due to
diminution in extra cellular fluid volume as a result of sodium loss. The intellect
remains clear till death though in some cases, delusions and hallucinations of sight and
hearing may be met with. Occasionally delirium and convulsions or coma precede
death.
b)
Chronic Starvation: In Chronic Starvation the emaciation is more marked and death
may occur after a prolonged period from some inter current diseases, such as
anaemia, malaria, pneumonia, bronchopneumonia, meningitis, enteritis, tuberculosis,
typhus etc. because of diminished resistance as a result of hypoproteinaemia.
Starvation or inanition results from the deprivation of a regular and constant supply of
food, which is necessary to keep up the nutrition of the body. Starvation can be
divided into two types viz. dry types of cases and wet types of cases.
The Dry Cases were characterised by extreme emaciation, fatigue, mental apathy,
dieresis and loss of weight varying from 39 to 50 percent of the original weight. In the
severe cases the pulse was impalpable, the blood pressure unobtainable and the colour
was grossly cyanotic. Slight oedema was seen on feet.
In the Wet cases there was gross oedema which affected feet, legs, arms and face was
frequently associated with ascites and pleural effusions. Pyrexia and waterly diarrhoea
were common in both the types of cases. The men were eunuchoid in appearance and
the women in many cases had acquired male characteristics. There were complete loss
of moral standards and huma'n kindness. Anaemia was usually present.
4.
Consequence of Starvation:
Fatal Period: Death occurs in 10 to 12 days if both water and food are totally
deprived. If food alone is withdrawn life may be prolonged for a long period, say from
6 to 8 weeks or even more. This is, however, influenced by certain conditions such as
age, sex and condition of the body and its environment etc.
Age: Children suffer most from want of Food. Old people require less nourishment
than young adults and can therefore, stand the deprivation of food better but not for a
longer period owing to the weakening of their vital functions.
Sex: Females can withstand starvation for longer period than males, as they have a
relatively greater amount of adipose tissue in their bodies and ordinarily consume less
food.
Condition of the Body: During Starvation man undergoes a series of metabolic
adaptations in order to deprive energy from adipose tissue and to conserve to the.
utmost his protein reserves. Brain utilises ketoacids, B-hydroxybutyrate ano
acetoacetate to spare glucose and protein. It is, therefore, natural that fatty, healthy
people are likely to endure the withdrawal of food better and longer than thin, lean
and weak persons.
,
Medico-Legal Aspect of Starvation:
/favora-p- , iy£is>/) .yi’
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Whether Death was caused by Starvation: One must always bear in mind that
there are certain pathological conditions, viz. Malignant disease, progressive muscular
atrophy, addision's disease, Diabetes Mellitus, Tuberculosis, Pernicious Anaemia and
Chronic Diarrhoea which lead to progressive wasting and emaciation of the body. It is,
therefore, very necessary to examine carefully all the internal organs and to search for
the existence of any of these diseases while holding post-mortem examination, before
one can give the opinion that death occurred from Starvation.
Homicidal Starvation is met with in the case of old, helpless or feeble minded persons
and children of infants and usually associated with cruelty, neglect and deliberate
withholding of food by those for whom it is the duty to provide food. The Govt, has a
primary duty under Article 47 read with the Public Assistance provision under Article 41
for those who suffer from undeserved want.
Accidental Starvation: Accidental Starvation may occur during famines. The Orissa
Relief Code which replaced the Bihar and Orissa Famine Code 1930 assumes that it is
no longer necessary to include famine as a kind of natural calamity. Therefore, a
Starvation death is usually denied or else the Govt, will be responsible for failure of its
Constitutional primary duty.
However, all Starvation Death should be examined to find out whether it was
Homicidal, Accidental or Suicidal in nature. Keeping Children and Women starved or to
force them to begging or to commit some other crime which are declared as offences
almost always go un-investigated. Keeping people starved is also a cruelty, which is an
offence under the Penal Code in certain circumstances. Therefore, Starvation cases
and Starvation Death in affected areas would be treated as a piece of information,
which require investigation and correction. The Legal Support Intervention has,
therefore, a role to play for concerned voluntary agencies.
Proof of Starvation Death:
Since independence both the Union and Provincial Govt, have been denying the
occurrence of starvation deaths as well as famines. They do so conveniently because
these words are undefined. The present practice of the Govt, across the country is to
seek a medical certificate which gives evidence about starvation. Very often such
medical certificate suggests that the stomach was not empty and the real cause was a
disease related to stomach disordered. Since, starvation is not fasting, the starving
person does eat things which are not proper food. Starvation death can be proved by
the general standard of under-nutrition and malnutrition prevalent in a particular
locality and by making an assessment of income of the person concerned.
Supreme Court on Starvation: In 1985, the Supreme Court received a letter from a
social worker Shri Kishen Pattanayak, about the growing instances of deaths due to
drought, famine and starvation in the district of Kalahandi and Koraput in Orissa, ^he
government of Orissa was accused of utter failure in protecting the lives of the citizens
of these two districts. The court requested the District Judge of Kalahandi to enquire
and submit a report.
The District Judge in his report found that there were no starvation deaths and that
the government relief measures had been implemented. Disposing of the case in 1989,
the Court recorded the objections of the petitioners to the report. However, it accepted
the stand of the state government that all relief measures had been put into operation
without actually finding out if that was the case at the ground level.
8.
The Right to Food — The Global Standard: The right to adequate food and the
fundamental right to be free from hunger, is a matter of international law, specifically
enshrined in a number of human rights instruments to which states are committed.
The United Nations has identified access to adequate food as both an individual right
and a collective responsibility. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights says:
Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and
well-being of himself and his family, including food.
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) stressed:
The Fundamental Right of everyone to be free from hunger.
This means that the state has an obligation to ensure, at the very least, that people do
not starve. As such, this right is intrinsically linked to the right to life. In addition,
however, states should also do everything possible to promote full enjoyment of the
right to adequate food for everyone within their territory - in other words, people
should have physical and economic access at all times to food that is adequate in
quantity and quality for a healthy and active life.
9.
Right to Livelihood - Legally Speaking: The sweep of the Right to Life conferred
by Article 21 of the Constitution of India is wide and far-reaching. It does not mean
merely that life cannot be extinguished or taken away as, for example, by the
imposition and execution of the death sentence, except according to procedure
established by law. That is but one aspect of the right to life. An equally important
facet of that right is the right to livelihood because, no person can live without the
means of living, that is, the means of livelihood. If the right to livelihood is not treated
as a part of the constitutional right to life, the easiest way of depriving a person of his
right to life would be to deprive him of his means of livelihood to the point of
abrogation. Such deprivation would not only denude the life of its effective content and
meaningfulness but it would make life impossible to live. And yet, such deprivation
would not have to be in accordance with the procedure established by law, if the right
to livelihood is not regarded as a part of the right to life. That, which alone makes it
possible to live, leave aside what makes life liveable, must be deemed to be an integral
component of the right to life. Deprive a person of his right to livelihood and you shall
have deprived him of his life.
Article 39(a) of the Constitution, which is a Directive Principle of State Policy, provides
that the State shall, in particular, direct its policy towards securing that the citizens,
men and women equally, have the right to an adequate means of livelihood. Artide-41,
which is another Directive Principle, provides inter alia, that the State shall, within the
limits of its economic capacity and development, make effective provision for securing
the right to work in cases on unemployment and of undeserved want. Article 37 of the
Constitution provides that the Directive Principles, though not enforceable by, any
Court, are nevertheless fundamental in the governance of the country. The principles
contained in Article 39(1) and 41, must be regarded as equally fundamental in the
understanding and interpretation of the meaning and content of fundamental rights. If
there is an obligation upon the state to secure to the citizens and adequate means of
livelihood and the right to work, it would be sheer pedantry to exclude the right to
livelihood from the content of the right to life. The State may not, by affirmative action,
be compellable to provide adequate means of livelihood or work to the citizens. But,
any person, who is deprived of his right to livelihood except according to just and fair
procedure established by law, can challenge the deprivation as offending the right to
life conferred by Article 21 of the Constitution.
10.
Legal Intervention: Right to life is a fundamental right. It includes Right to adequate
means of Livelihood. However, there is no law to prevent hunger. The result is that
when a person steals a bread to meet his hunger it is a crime, but at the same time
omission on the part of the system of governance to prevent starvation is not
considered to be a crime. This is the peculiarity of the present system of law. Virtually
there is no vicarious liability of the State in matters of preventing hunger. In spite of
this the lav& is not totally ineffective. A serious legal intervention can make a whole lot
of change in the life of people who are starving. There are instances where Public
Interest Litigation played a significant role. At present there exists two options to
initiate actions for non-compliance or omission with regard to prevention of hunger and
consequential starvation death. Firstly, a Public Interest Litigation can be initiated in
the Supreme Court of India or even in respective High Court of different States seeking
direction to the State to make necessary policies and schemes for prevention of
hunger. Of course, in such cases the Court asks Govt, to enforce existing social
security schemes instead of asking for immediate food security. Immediate food
security is necessary in cases of hunger and starvation because a person who is
starving cannot undertake work which are available under different employment
generation and food for work programme. Besides, a Court proceeding takes a long
time to come to an end. Secondly, petitions can also be moved in National Human
Right Commission and State Human Right Commissions where it is possible to get an
interim relief to prevent starvation. Some times the Commission also lingers in reaching
at a logical conclusion.
In spite of all this human failures and errors in living up to the expectations of the
starving people there is the scope for using law for preventing hunger. Such legal
actions may work to put pressure on the Govt, to consider making policies for
eradication of starvation deaths for all time to come. A legal battle very often
influences public policies. Thus, Public Interest Litigation can be an advocacy tool to
engage policy makers to change their attitude towards starvation and hunger. In a
nutshell it can help in preventing entitlement failures and deprivations which cause
starvation.
ADDRESS FOP. COKMUNICATION:
COMMITTEE FOR LEGAL AID TO POOR(CLAP)
367, Marakata Nagar, Sector-6, Cuttack- 753 014, Orissa, India.
Phone: 0671-2363980/2365680, Fax: 0671-2363980,
Email: ctk_committefi sancharnet.in
Cju T—
Special articles_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ '_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
India’s Demographic and Food Prospects
State-Level Analysis
This paper is a state-level analysis of India’s demographic and food prospects. The first part
of the paper that contains new population projections argues that future demographic growth
will probably be a little less than estimated although the country’s population will still
go on to exceed 1.5 billion. The second part of the paper assesses the future
demand for cereals and other foods in 2020 and concludes that the real
production challenge relates to vegetables, fruit and milk.
Tim Dyson, Amresh Hanciiate
India and, in turn, it became clear that
those that are currently available are un
realistic in several key respects. Also,
while it is feasible to make state-level
demographic projections, rather perplexingly much research on India's food
prospects treats the country as a single
unit.2 This may have the merit of simpli
t the dawn of a new century, it
often feels as if the complexity and
pace of human life are increasing
almost exponentially. Terms like‘runaway
world’ and ‘the acceleration of history’
capture this feeling well. Almost every
where governments are experiencing a . city, but it can be misleading because it
ignores regional variations and the signi
decline in theircapacity to influence events.
ficant compositional changes that will
And quite unanticipated developments,
happen in the population during the com- •
new technologies, and the power of modem
ing decades.
communications all make it harder to anti
Accordingly the present paper, written
cipate where societies are going. At the
in two parts - addresses the intimately
same time, however, the fact that things
are changing so rapidly makes it more
related subjects of India’s demographic
and food prospects on a step by step basis.
urgent to try to discern the future.
Throughout our emphasis is on what is
Against this backdrop the present re
most likely to happen, rather than on what
search explores two closely associated
may be desired. The principal focus of the
dimensions of India’s future - namely, the
country’s demographic and food prospects.
first part of the paper is on the factors that
will influence the evolution of future food
work began as an attempt to evaluate
demand. Thus we consider how mortality
ongoing debate regarding the cereal
and fertility will evolve during the next
demand and supply outlook to the year
quarter century and project demographic
2020 [BhallaandHazell 1997; Kumar and
growth for each major state. This part of
Mathur 1997; Kumar 1998; Bansil 1999;
the paper concludes with a brief consid
Bhalla, Hazell and Kerr 1999], This debate
eration of the country’s medium term
is usually depicted as hinging around the
urbanisation and economic prospects.
issue of future food demand elasticities
Building on this, the second part of the
and the extent to which rises in per capita
income will be translated into increased. paper presents an analysis of state-level
food- consumption patterns and trends.
demand for livestock products. However,
Naturally, this analysis begins with a
it soon became apparent that this was not
consideration of cereals. But it also exam
the only major issue which distinguished
ines the future evolution of demand for all
various estimates of India’s future cereal
the other main types of food. And the
demand. Forexample, very different popu
implications of our analysis for issues of
lation estimates are used by different
analysts.1 This led us to an examination
future food supply are touched upon
of various population projections for
briefly too. Finally, the second part of the
A
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
paper summarises and discusses our prin
cipal results which, we believe, give a
reasonably well-grounded picture of how
the country’s food prospects are likely to
evolve.
Population Growth
Population growth will be by far the
most important determinant of growth in
demand for staple foods during the next
few decades. Indeed, we will argue later
that demographic growth will be the only
reason why India’s farmers will grow more
cereals for direct human consumption (e g,
in such forms as bread or cooked rice)
during the period to 2020.
However the population projections that
are currently available for India leave much
to be desired. Table 1 summarises the
assumptions and results of three sets of
projection, two of which (those of the
United Nations and the Technical Group
on Population Projections chaired by the
registrar general) have underlaid recent
estimates of Indians future food demand.
The projections of the UN were made for
the country as a whole. However, those of
the Technical Group and the Population
Foundation of India (PFI) have the merit
of being made at the state-level and were
then summed to produce national figures.
There are significant differences in
the assumptions - and therefore the
results - of these population projections.
Although the Technical Group’s projec
tions only extend to the year 2016, it is
clear that they, and those of the PFI,
envisage significantly greater population
growth than does the UN. By 2021 the
4021
PFI’s projected population is 61 million
higher than those of the UN and by 2026
this difference becomes 73 million
(Table 1). The assumptions regarding fu
ture levels of life expectation and total
fertility explain these differences. In par
ticular, the UN medium-variant projection
anticipates that life expectation will rise
somewhat more slowly, and that fertility
will decline much faster than do the other
projections. For reasons which we now
elaborate, the UN is probably more real
istic in its mortality assumptions, but less
realistic as regards fertility.
Future Mortality
Despite earlier fears that the pace of
mortality decline might slow during the
1980s and 1990s, life expectation at birth
appears to have risen at roughly half a year
each year, i e, at 2.5 years perquinqucnnium
[Registrar General 1999a: 16]. Moreover,
particularly at young ages, current levels
of mortality show considerable scope for
future improvement. Thus the Sample
Registration System (SRS) estimates that
India’s infant mortality rate in 1998 was
72 deaths per thousand live births [Reg
istrar General 1999b]; this compares with
rates of about 50 or lower in countries like
China, Egypt, Indonesia and Vietnam
[United Nations 1999a].
That said, there are reasons to doubt
whether the future will be quite the same
as the past. The general increase in life
expectation since the late 1970s has largely
reflected mortality improvements in in
fancy and childhood - especially through
increased immunisation coverage. Progress
at higher ages has been more limited and
is probably slowing down. Whereas be
tween 1971-75 and 1981-85 life expect
ancy from age five increased by 3.3 years,
between 1981-85 and 1991-95 it increased
by 2.1 years [Registrar General 1999a: 16].
Furthermore, several major diseases (e g,
malaria) are proving to be intractable, even
resurgent. Tuberculosis is especially im
portant. It mostly affects adults, is highly
prevalent, is becoming increasingly drug
resistant and, of course, it is a disease
which interacts synergistically with HIV/
AIDS.
Most population projections for India
discount any effect from HIV/AIDS. For
example, the Technical Group states op
timistically that ‘the future levels of the
expectation of life at birth will have no
significant impact of AIDS in the next 25
years’ [Registrar General 1997:13], Also
Table 1 Summary Comparison of Population Projections for India
Notes: The UN projections are medium-variant and they pertain to years ending in zero and five: accordingly slight adjustments were made to make them
comparable to the other projections. The life expectancy and total fertility values shown (or the Technical Group and the Population Foundation of India (PFI) are
pooled (i e, weighted) output values.from state-level projections. The projections of the Technical Group extend only to 2016, therefore the population
estimate given above for 2021 is an extrapolation based on the Group's population growth rate for 2015-1'6; it is provided for purposes of comparison.
Principal data sources: United Nations (1999a); Registrar General (1997); Natarajan and Jayachandran (2000).
Table 2: Mortality Levels and Assumptions, Incorporating Some Allowance for HIV/AIDS, Major States
Region/State
South
Kerala
Tamil Nadu
Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
West
Maharashtra
Gujarat
Rajasthan
North
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh
East
Bihar
West Bengal -■
Orissa
Assam
India
Average Life
Expectancy 1991-95
(Years)
Male
Female
Estimated Adult HIV Infections, 1998
Reduction in Life
_______________________________ Expectancy by 2011-16
(Years) .
Sox Ratio Prevalence
Male
Female
Number (Male/Female ) (Percent)
69.9
62.3
60.3
60.6
73.3
64.4
62.8
63.9
1,69,340
3,07,994
5,67,078
3,09,772
2.96
1.37
1.38
1.37 •
0.96
0.93
1.49 .
1.18
3.1
2.3
3.7
2.9
2.7
2.1
70.2
67.0
62.7
62.8
76.4
71.0
66.6
67.5
70.2
68.1
63.2
63.4
77.2
72.6
67.6
68.3
63.5
60.2
58.3
65.8
62.0 .
59.4
7,47,049
81,87350,470.
1.36
2.23
3.83
1.63
0.33
,0.20
4.0
1.0
0.7
3.0
0.4
0.2
65.9
66.4
65.7
69.6
68.6
68.0
66.4
67.9
67.5
70.5
66.1
63.0
57.3
54.7
68.4
64.0
56.0
54.6
43,734
34,287
1,08,631
1,37,814
3.47
3.60
3.68
3.45
0.37
0.36
0.14
0.37
1.2
1.2
0.5
1.2
0.4
0.3
0:1
0.4
70.0
66.3
66.5
60.6
72.4
70.1
67.4
61.7
70.9
67.1
68.8
62.0
73.4
71.6
70.2 ’
63.5
60.1
61.5
56.6
55.7
58.0
62.8
56.2
56.1
1,14,012
1,17,081
44,775
29,153
3.46
x 2.22
3.35
3.49
0.25
0.29
0.25
0.23
0.8
0.9
0.8
0.8
0.2
0.4
0.3
0.2
68.4
71.7
63.3
64.1
70.7
69.1
64.5
63.6
71.0 “
73.9
65.0
66.1
59.7
60.9
29,33,736
1.75
0.61
1.7
‘ 0.9
68.6
67.6
62.9
62.0
65.7
68.1
67.2
69.9
1.0
Assumed Life Expectancy (Years) with
Allowance lor HIV/AIDS (i e. 'with AIDS')
2021-26
2011-16
Female
Male
Female
Male
Notesand data sources: Life expectancies tor 1991-95 are from RegislrarGeneral(1999a). HIVprevalenceeslimates are from NACO (2000). Theadult prevalence
rates were combined with the linear equation derived from Figure 1 (i e, estimated reduction=2.1 <T1997 adult HI V prevalence) to get the implied reductions
in life expectancy by 2011 -16. Sex-specific reductions were then obtained by distributing the total reductions (in years) according to the sex ratios of currently
infected people (see above). The same procedure was used lor lhe national reductions shown. To obtain 'without AIDS' life expectations for 2011 -16 the
assumptions lor that period found in Registrar General (1997) and Natarajan and Jayachandran (2000) were averaged. Extrapolating life expectancy to
2021 -26 athalf the previous (i e, 1991 -96 to 2011-16) rate has the effect of marginally reducing the final female mortality advanlage, which seems plausible.
Finally, the life expectancies given above for India are population weighted estimates of lhe state figures.
4022
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
Ramasundram has rightly commented that
the PFI projections ‘seem to have been
based on an assumption that the impact
of AIDS on future mortality may not be
significant’ [Ramasundram 2000:2].
Ignoring HIV/AIDS in population projec
tions is convenient methodologically because there are no ‘established proce
dures’ with which to incorporate this ter
rible new disease’s impact on the future
path and age pattern of mortality? And,
(female sterilisation being the main form
constant at around 51 years, but ‘without
AIDS’ the UN considers that it would have
of contraception); the male population is
been roughly five years higher [United
largely uncircumciscd yet there arc rea
sons to believe that widespread male cir
Nations 1999a, 1999b], So, even in an
extremely large and diverse population
cumcision may provide a limited measure
HIV/AIDS can have a major effect upon
of protection against the disease, at least
mortality.
at the population level [Caldwell
Several remarks about the HIV/AIDS
2000:120]; and there is a high incidence
situation in India are appropriate here. First,
of other sexually transmitted diseases,
although the National AIDS Control
which help to facilitate the spread of HIV.
Organisation (NACO) has recently revised
Finally, partly because the disease has a
of course, there is uncertainty as to scale
its estimate of HIV prevalence downwards
very long incubation period - those suf
of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in India and,
- to roughly 2.9 million infected adults in
fering from AIDS at any one time being
still more, its likely future spread.
1998 - we stress that this estimate is
only the tip of an iceberg - behavioural
However, making no allowance for the
extremely rough, and that it excludes a
change may be slow. Recall that most
effect of HIV/AIDS on India’s future
sizeable number of infected infants and
people who arc infected with HIV arc
population growth is no longer tenable.
children. Moreover HIV is thought to be
unaware of the fact; consequently
Indeed, the 1998 UN population projec
many of them will conlinuc to spread the
spreading fairly fast so the total number
tions summarised in Table 1 do make such
of infected people now is probably appre
infection.
an allowance - albeit in a way that delib
ciably greater than 3 million [NACO
So, no matter how tentatively, popula
erately restricts the growth of new infec
1999:21]. Second, India’s record of deal
tion projections for India must make some
tions. Thus the UN’s projections reduce
ing with HIV/AIDS does not inspire con
allowance for the impact of HIV/AIDS.
India’s assumed life expectancy for both
fidence. As elsewhere in the world, during
This we now do. Table 2 gives SRS es
sexes combined in the period 2010-15 ' the past two decades the political estab
timates of life expectation at birth during
from 68.9 years (without AIDS) to 67.3
lishment has reacted slowly and compla
1991-95 for the 15 major states. The stales
years (with AIDS). In turn, this has the
cently. As a result, cases of HIV/AIDS are
are grouped into four broad geographical
effect of cutting the country’s population
now found in all states and the infection
regions which, although inevitably some
size in the year 2015 by 13.2 million.
is said to be moving into the general
thing of a compromise, nevertheless serve
According to the UN estimates, with 4.1
population [NACO 1999:2]. Third, sev
both our demographic and food analysis
million infected adults in 1997 India has
eral key conditions are ripe for the future
interests fairly well. The life expectancy
the largest number of HIV cases of any
spread of HIV in India. For example,
estimates may be slightly high, due to
country in the world. The second most
condom use, though rising, is still low
under-registration of deaths in the SRS
affected country was South Africa, with
Table 3: Fertility Levels and a Summary of the Corresponding Assumptions
2.8 million infected adults. Of course, with
a population of only 40 million the effect
on mortality in South Africa is huge. The
UN projections imply that South Africa’s
life expectation in 2005-10 will be only
44.7 years (with AIDS) compared to 63.9
years (without AIDS) [United Nations
1999b],
The future effect of HIV/AIDS on life
expectation in India may not be as dramatic
as in South Africa. India’s great popula
tion size and diversity means that for
comparative purposes it is probably better
viewed as a collection of different slate
populations, rather than as a single coun
try. To put this differently: instead of
examining individual countries, the expe
rience of Africa as a whole may provide
a more suitable yardstick for comparison.
Thus the African continent contains badly
affected populations (e g, South Africa,
Botswana), but it also contains countries
where levels of HI V infection are low (e g,
in North Africa). Nevertheless, even if we
examine Africa as a whole it is clear that
life expectation has been badly affected.
Between 1980 and 2005 it is thought that
Africa’s life expectation has been roughly
Economic and Political Weekly
Total Fertility (Births Per Woman)
Region/State
South
Kerala
Tamil Nadu
Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
West
Maharashtra
Gujarat
Rajasthan
North
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh
East
Bihar
West Bengal
Orissa
Assam
India
Period When
Sex Ratio at Birth
Replacement Fertility (Male/Female)
Is Attained
1981-90
1991-95
2021-26
1.74
2.16
2.78
2.88
1.74
1.80
1.80
1.80
1986-91
1996-01
2006-11
2006-11
2.92
3.16
4.50
1.80
1.80
2.30
2006-11
2006-11
2026-31
1.085
1.113
1.141
3.00
3.78
5.12
4.38
1.80
1-80
2.86
2.18
2006-11
2016-21
2036-41
2026-31
1.132
1.150
1.116
1.082 ‘
4.54
2.98
3.22
3.50
2.34
1.80
1.80
1.80
2026-31
2006-11
2011-162011-16
1117
1.056
1.062
1.064
3.54
2.13
2026-31
1.095
.
’
1.055
1.049
1.047
1.073
Notes-. To Illustrate how the averages mentioned in the text were used to generate future TFRs. consider
Madhya Pradesh with a starting (i e, 1991-95) level of 4.38. The resulting quinquennial TFRs. with
reductions given in brackets are: 4.05(0.33); 3.72(0.33); 3.25(0.47); 2.78(0.30); 2.48(0.30); and
2.18(0.30). The national TFR of 2.13 lor 2021-26 is a weighted average (based on numbers of
women aged 15-49) for the fifteen major slates. Periods shown when replacement fertility is attained
refer to the quinquennia when the average annual TFR falls below 2.1. For India this happens during
. 2026-31, although clearly an annual TFR of 2.1 Is reached during 2021-26. Principal data sources:
The 1991-95 TFRs, and sex ratios at birth, are from Registrar General (1999a)‘and (1997).
respectively.
.
■
November 11, 2000
4023
[Mari Bhat 1998]. However they are rea
sonable figures, the best available, and
they were also used as baseline life expect
ancies by both the Technical Group and
PFI. Table 2 also gives (i) NACO’s esti
mates of the number of adults infected
with HIV in mid-1998 (iij the ratio of
infected males to infected females, and
(iii) the percentage of adults (taken here
as people aged 15-49) that are estimated
to be infected.
Levels of infection are noticeably higher
in Maharashtra and the four southern states
(Table 2). Indeed, these five states form
a contiguous bloc where HIV prevalence
among women attending antenatal clinics
is probably already around 1 percent. Note
that the sex ratio of infection is generally
lower in the most badly affected states.
This reflects the fact that during the early
stages of the epidemic men tend to be
infected more, but as the epidemic pro
ceeds so the virus is increasingly spread
to women. Levels of infection are signifi
cantly lower in most of the other states
[see NACO 1999:30-31]/'SoMaharashtra
and the southern states - which currently
generally enjoy above-average levels of
life expectation (Table 2) and above-av
erage rates of economic growth - are
suffering more from the HIV/AIDS epi
demic. Interestingly Africa’s experience
suggests that, other things equal, countries
which have had faster economic growth
- and presumably greater migration and
social mixing as a result - have tended to
experience a more rapid spread of HIV.
So while many factors are conditioning the
spread of HIV/AIDS in India - and they
often differ from those in Africa - certain
similar socio-economic considerations may
be operating as well.
To make some allowance for the future
impact of HIV/AIDS we turned to the
UN’s inevitably speculative estimates
of the impact of current (i e, 1997) levels
of adult HIV. infection on future (i e,
2010-15) levels of national life expectation
[United Nations 1999b], The UN has only
made such estimates for six countries with
levels of adult HIV prevalence below 2 per
cent (i e, in the range broadly applicable
to India). For these six countries Figure 1
plots the expected future reductions in
life expectation against the estimated
cunent levels of adult HIV infection. Since
a zero level of infection implies no impact
on mortality, the fitted line passes through
the origin. The scatter at levels of HIV
prevalence above 1.5 percent underscores
the uncertainty about how the disease
4024
will develop in the future. That said, the
line.provides a rough way of gauging
the disease’s future impact on mortality.
Using it and the current (i e, 1998) state
level adult HIV prevalence rates, Table 2
gives the implied reductions in future (i e,
2011 -16) life expectancy. The effect in the
five worst-affected states may well be con
siderable, especi al !y for males. For example,
the calculations imply that in Maharashtra
life expectation will be reduced by four
and three years respectively for males and
females, compared to the situation ‘with
out AIDS’. This is a sizeable impact. Since
the population projections of both the
Technical Group and the PFI make no
allowance for HIV/AIDS, we simply av
eraged their assumed state sex-specific life
expectations for the period 2011-16 in
order to represent the expected levels of
mortality ‘without AIDS’. Applying the
estimated life expectation reductions to
these averages gives the life expectations
in 2011 -16 allowing for the impact of HI V/
AIDS (Table 2). Sex-specific life expec
tations for 2021-26 were then obtained on
the assumption that in each state life
expectancy between 2011 -16 and 2021 -26
will rise at half the previous rale (i c, that
prevailing between 1991-95 and 2011-16).
Finally, linear interpolation was used to
obtain estimates of life expectation for the
intervening quinquennial periods.
The results of this exercise suggest that
while life expectancy will probably con
tinue to rise in all the main states of India
during the next twenty-five years, it will
do so at a significantly slower pace than
has hitherto generally been assumed because of increasing AIDS mortality.
Notice that the results suggest that by
2021 -26 the five worst affected states will
have lost most of their current relative
advantage in terms of life expectation
(Table 2). However, this is also because
levels of HIV prevalence in the remaining
ten states are thought to be relatively low
at the present time. But this situation could
easily change. That is, HIV may spread fast
in some of the other ten states. Indeed,
even in the five states that are currently
worst affected there is no guarantee that
the epidemic will not take a much greater
toll of human life than has been indicated
here - especially if there is little change
in sexual behaviour. So, while acknowl
edging the inevitably speculative nature of
the mortality assumptions summarised in
Table 2, weemphasise that population pro
jections which incorporate no impact from
HIV/AIDS are unrealistic.
Future Fertility
Table 1 revealssignificantdisagreement
regarding the speed of future fertility
decline. Here the assumptions of the UN
are extremely optimistic as, similarly, are
those of the latest National Population
Policy [Government of India 2000]. It is
very unlikely that India can achieve ‘re
placement level fertility’ (which corro^k
sponds to a total fertility rate (TFR) of 2.^^
live births per woman) as early as 2011 -16.
This is shown by the detailed projection
results of thcTcchnical Group and the PFI.
They demonstrate clearly that due to the
growing numerical weight of key popu
lous states with relatively -high, though
falling fertility (especially Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh and Bihar) the attainment
of replacement fertility for the country as
a whole’by 2011-16 is highly improbable.
More realistically thcTcchnical Group and
PFI anticipate that India’s total fertility in
2011-16 will be about 2.5 live births, with
replacement fertility perhaps being reached
around 2021-26 (Table 1).
The state-level fertility assumptions of
the Technical Group and PFI must also be
questioned on two major and related
grounds. First, for the aforementionecL.
populous states which currently has^B
Table 4: Summary of Population Projection Results
Year
Population
(000s)
1996
2001
2011
2021
2026
9,34,218
10,10,649
11,73,707
13,30,638
13,94,054
Population Median Age
Crude Birth
Crude Death
(Years)
Sex Ratio'
Rate (CBR)
Rate (CDR)
(Male/Female)
(Per Thousand (PerThousand
Population)
Population)
1.078
1.077
1.073
1.068
1.065
21.4
22.7
25.9
29.8
31.6
24.8
22.7
19.9
16.8
8.9
8.1 •
7.6
7.8
Average
Annual
Growth Rate
(PerCent)
1.59
1.46
1.23
' 0.90
Noles: The population totals given above incorporate an allowance for smaller states and Union Territories
which, taken together, constituted 3.2,3.5,3.8 and 4.1 per cento! India's population in the 1961,
1971, 1981 and 1991 censuses respectively. Accordingly, to calculate national totals we have
assumed that this percentage will continue to rise by 0.3 per cent per intorcensai decade. All other
figures are population weighted averages for the fifteen major stales. The rales all pertain to the
res'pective periods.
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
relatively high fertility, the Technical
Group and PF1 base their assumptions
regarding future fertility decline upon an
extrapolation of the past slow rates of
decline in these states. The questionable
nature of this can be illustrated with ref
erence to Uttar Pradesh which, of course,
has the highest level of fertility (Table 3)
and the largest number of people. The PFI
projections assume that replacement fer
tility in UP will not be reached until around
2056 (which is rather pessimistic) while
those of the Technical Group assume that
a TFR of 2.1 will not apply for over 100
years (i e, sometime in the 22nd century)
which, frankly, isabsurd.Thebizarre nature
of these assumptions leads the Technical
Group and PFI to a second questionable
assumption: namely, that those states which
currently have relatively low levels of
fertility will attain remarkably low levels
in the near future. Thus both these sets of
state-level projections assume that state
TFRs will continue to fall until they reach
a lower boundary ofjust 1.6 live births per
woman. Essentially this extremely low
boundary is needed in order to offset the
extraordinarily slow pace of fertility de
cline that has been assumed for UP, MP
and Bihar. Consequently in the PFI pro
jections seven states (Andhra Pradesh,
Gujarat, Haryana, Kerala, Punjab, Tamil
Nadu and West Bengal) are assumed to
reach a TFR of 1.6 as early as the year 2011
and thereafter remain at that level. Of
course, ho one knows what will happen
in the future. Only very recently in human
history has only major population has
experienced a level of total fertility as low
as 1.6, let alone sustained it for any length
of lime. It is true that Kerala’s TFR briefly
touched 1.7 during the early 1990s, but the
SRS indicates that it has subsequently risen
to around 1.8.
Fortunately, however, it is possible to
) generate credible assumptions regarding
future fertility. Although SRS data are not
perfect (inevitably, the system has worked
better at certain times and in certain states)
they are generally of reasonable quality.
Moreover, they arc consistent with the idea
that when fertility first begins to fall it falls
by relatively small amounts, which then
increase as fertility decline speeds up, and
then finally reduce as replacement level
fertility is approached. In this context
Figure 2 plots the quinquennial rates of
decline implied by the average SRS total
fertility rates for 1986-90 and 1991-97
against the initial average TFRs experi
enced in each state during 1986-90. There
Economic and Political Weekly
Figure 1: Projected Reduction in Life Expectation during 2010-15
(Given Adult HIV Prevalence in 1997)
Note: The countries above, In increasing order of prevalence, are Brazil, India, Guinea-Bissau, Benin,
Thailand and Cambodia.
is some scatter, much of which probably
reflects inaccuracies in the data. Neverthe
less, the four states which in 1986-90 had
TFRs above 4 births experienced an av
erage TFR reduction equivalent to 0.33
births perquinquennium. Those slates with
initial TFRs between 3 and4 had an average
decline equivalent to 0.47 births. And the
two states with the lowest initial levels of
fertility (i e, below 3) .experienced an
average reduction equivalent to 0.30
births perquinquennium. Accordingly, we
used these simple averages to generate
slate level trajectories of future fertility
decline, the rule being that the fertility
reduction per quinquennium depends
upon the level of TFR attained during the
preceding quinquennium. The lower
boundary for the total fertility rate was set
at 1.8 births.
Theresultingstatelevel fertility assump
tions, and the rule used to generate them,
are summarised in Table 3. For Kerala we
have simply assumed that the TFR will
remain constant at the average level al
ready attained during 1991-95. Because
fertility is generally lower in the southern
states, replacement fertility tends to be
reached earlier there than elsewhere in the
country. Note that by 2021-26 the average
TFR for UP is still 2.86 births. While this
is much more realistic thanjn previous
projections, we would not be surprised if
the actual pace of fertility decline in UP
is somewhat faster than this. On the other
hand, the assumption that by 2021 -26 total
fertility will be 1.8 births in 11 of India’s
major states may prove to be optimistic.
November 11, 2000
So there are compensating considerations.
Lastly, note that by 2021-26 the national
TFR is 2.13 births per woman and, effec
tively, India has reached replacement
fertility (Table 3).
Four other assumptions require brief
mention before we consider the projection
results.5 First, most population projections
(including those of the UN) assume a sex
ratio at birth of around 106 male births per
100 female births. However, there is strong
evidence of sex-selective abortion, espe
cially in northern and western India [Das
Gupta aiid Mari Bhat 1998]. Table 3 gives
the SRS based estimates of the sex ratios.
at birth for .1981-90. The regional pattern
- with generally greater masculinity in the
west and north, compared to the east and
south - is clear. Although it is hard.to
predict how this phenomenon will evolve,
we have followed the Technical Group in
assuming that state-level sex ratios will
continue as in Table 3.5 Second, following
the general convention for India we have
assumed that an early pattern of age spe
cific fertility will continue to apply during
the coming decades. Third, following both
the Technical Group and PFI we have
made no assumptions regarding future
migration - which is not only hard to
predict, but is also likely to have only a
secondary influence upon the basic output
parameters. Finally, our projections, like
those of the PFI, use the state-level age and
sex distributions for 1996 (the starting year
of projection) estimated and used by the
Technical Group. It is worth noting that
it will be several years before such data
4025
are available from the 2001 census. In
deed, the 1998 UN projections in Table 1
are based on the 1981 census age and sex
distribution!
Projection Results
Including an allowance for the smaller
states and territories. Table 4 presents the
summary results of population projection
for India. Population is projected to be
about 1,330 million in 2021. This is a little
less than the previous state-level projec
tions, but significantly higher- than the
medium-variant figure projected by the
UN (Table 1), which incorporate an un
realistically rapid fertility decline. On the
other hand, failure to take account of the
growing HIV/AIDS problem largely ex
plains why the Technical Group and PFI
results arc both a little on the high side.
Nevertheless, India’s population will be
very nearly 1.4 billion by the year 2026.
Table 4 also gives the crude birth and
death rates corresponding to our fertility
and mortality assumptions. Thus if the
average total fertility in 2021-26 is about
2.13 births, the corresponding birth rate
will be around 16.8 births per thousand
population; and if life expectation for both
sexes combined reaches about 68.5 years
then the corresponding death rate will be
around 7.8. However, even during the 201121 intercensal decade the average annual
rate of population growth rate will prob
ably be above one per cent. Notice that the
death rate will only decline slightly during
the next couple of decades. The main
explanation is population ageing - which
places upward pressure on the crude death
rate. Population ageing is caused by fer
tility decline, and Tablc4 shows that ageing
wi 11 happen fairly fast. Thus whereas i n 1996
the average age of the population was,
about 21 years, by 2026 it will be nearly
32. Finally, note that there will be little
change in the population sex ratio. We
concur with Mayer (1999) that the pro
nounced masculinity of India’s population
will not decline by much during the next
few decades.
Table 5 presents summary state-level
results. It also includes population totals
for 2020, because this is the year to which
assessments of future food demand often
relate. Note that the present projections
suggest that India's population will be
about 1,315 million in 2020. As we shall
see in the second part of this paper; this
is actually a smaller number of mouths to
feed than most previous food demand
assessments have supposed.
The same table shows that while all
states will experience significant demo
graphic growth during the next few de
cades, for some it will be greater than in
others. For example, between 1996 and
2026Tamil Nadu’s population is projected
to grow by 24 per cent, compared to 82
per cent in the case of Uttar Pradesh.
Consequently the regional composition of
the country’s population will change con
siderably. Most states will constitute a
smaller fraction of the total population in
2026 than in 1996. But Rajasthan, Uttar
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar will
rise as a fraction of the population (Table 5).
In the case of UP the scale of the change
is dramatic; by 2026 this state will be
approaching three hundred million and its
population will comprise about one fifth
of India.7 Such major compositional shifts
must be incorporated into any assessment
of India’s future food demand. Note that
in 2021-26 the projections suggest that the
populations of Rajasthan and Bihar will
both be growing at around 1.2 percent per
year, while UP’s growth rate will still be
around 1.5 per cent. However population
growth rates in the southern states will be
much lower - because of earlier fertility
decline, and rising crude death rates (the
latter reflecting faster population ageing,
plus the greater effects of HIV/AIDS in
the south).
Table 5 also contains crude measures of
age dependency, defined here as the nun^
ber of persons aged under 15 and abd^P
64, per 100 persons aged 15-64. Although
India’s population will get older in the
period to 2026, note that in all states the
number of dependent people will fall
relative to the numbers aged 15-64, i e,
dependency ratios will decline. This is
because fertility decline will ensure that
the number of people aged under 15 will
fall by more than the number of people
aged 65+ will rise. In fact, only Kerala and
Tamil Nadu are projected to have greater
Table 5: Projected Populations and Associated Demographic Parameters, Major States
Population 1996.
Region/State
South
Kerala
Tamil Nadu
. Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
West
Maharashtra ..
Gujarat
Rajasthan
North
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
1 Madhya Pradesh
East
Bihar
West Bengal
Orissa
Assam
• India '
Population 2020
Average Annual
Growth Rate
(Percent)
(Per Cent) 1991-96 2021-26
Dependency Ratio
CBR
CDR
1996
2026
12.0
12.6
14.3
14.3
7.9
9.2
9.8
9.3
55
56
68
69
42
4^
14.3
14.0
18.4
8.8
8.0
6.9
67
67
83
41
39
49
0.64
0.77
1.52 ■
0.89
13.8
14.7
21.8
18.0
7.4
7.0
6.6
9.1
68
83
82
77
1.49
1.83
1.68
1.96
1.23
0.71
0.50
0.69
18.7
14.3
14.5
15.3.
6.4
7.2
9.5
8.4
84
70
70
80
52
41
40
’ 39
1.98
0.90
16.8
7.8
73
46
(Percent)
(000s)
30,964
59,452
72,155
49,344
3.3
6.4
77
5.3
38,464
71,793
90,130
62,683
2.9
5.5
6.9
4.8
39.489
73,437
92,823
64,738
2.8
5.3
6.7
4.6
1.24
1.25
1.63
1.85
0.41
0.34
0.45
0.50
86,587
45,548
49,724
. 9.3
4.9
,5.3
1,10,370
59,090
76,750
8.4
4.5
5.8
1,14,309
61,344
82,501
8.2
4.4
5.9
1.85
1.95
2.44
0.55
. 0.60
1.15
22,367
18,553
1,56,692
74,186
2.4
2.0
16.8
7.9
29,218
25,552
.,305
107,291
2.2
1.9
19.7
8.2
30,406
26,797
2,84,972
1,13,501
2.2
1.9
20.4
8.1
1.96 .
2.39
2.38
2.28
93,055
74,601
34,440
24,726
10.0
8.0
3.7
2.6
1,44,215
98,537
■43,315
33,008
11.0
7H
3J3
2.5
1,55,716
1,03,042
44,712
34,472
9,34,218
100.0
13,15,495
100.0
13,94,054
11.2
7.4
3.2
2-5.
100.0
’
Crude Vital
Rates 2021-26
Population 2026
(Percent) (000s)
(000s)
■
•
40
39
58
46
Notos and data sources. Population totals for 2020 are given because they constitute part ol the food demand assessment examined in the text below. Tho national
population totals above Incorporate an allowance lor smaller slates and union territories (see the notes to Table 4). The population growth rates tor
1991 -96 are from Registrar General (1997); we suspect that the figure for Bihar is too low. The dependency ratio used above is the total number ol people
aged under 15 and 65 years and over, per 100 people aged 15-64.
4026
Economic and Political Weekly ' November 11, 2000
than 10 per cent of their populations aged
65 and above by the year 2026.
These changes in age composition are
crucial for any attempt to assess the future
because, as Coale and Hoover (1958)
argued long ago, reductions in age depen
dency hold out a ‘window of opportunity’
during which investment in both human
and capital resources may be increased, so
promotingeconomicdevelopment. Clearly,
during the next quarter century India will
experience fastergrowth of its labour force
compared to growth in the number of
‘dependent’ people. Thus there is potential
- which nitty be realised to a greater or
lesser degree - for ‘capital deepening’ as
opposed to ’capital widening’. This is the
so-called ‘demographic bonus’ which
economists have recently re-discovered
when analysing the previously fast-grow
ing economies of east and south-east Asia
[Bloom and Williamson 1998],
Figure 2: Pace of TFR Reductions by Initial Level Across States
Initial TFR (Average 1986-90)
Note For data quality reasons the figure excludes Assam and Bihar.
Urbanisation
be for a typical country at any given level
of urbanisation [United Nations 1998].
Futureurbanisation is an important topic
Of course, there is no single correct
in its own right. But it is also significant
definition of what should constitute an
for estimating future food demand. This
is because, compared to rural people, town "‘urban’ area. However, by the criteria that
are commonly employed elsewhere (e g,
dwellers tend to: (i) have access to a wider
in Europe and Latin America) India’s
variety of foodstuffs and other goods,
definition of ‘urban’ is certainly compara
(ii) experience lifestyles'which generate
tively restrictive [UNCHS 1996:78]. Re
greatcrdemandforproccsscdfoods,(iii) are
probably more open to developing new
call that according to the 1991 census only
tastes, and (iv) lead more sedentary lives
25.7 per cent of the population lived in
urban areas. We will see below that India’s
in better health conditions-considerations
rather narrow definition of what consti
which, other things equal, reduce their
tutes an urban area complicates interpre
calorific requirements [Dyson. 1996;
tation of rural cereal consumption trends.
Mitchell et al 1997],
Yet - just as they do with respect to
This is because many ‘rural’ people have
estimates of future population size - dif-. food consumption profiles that are increas
ingly rather ‘urban’. Nevertheless, given
ferent analyses of India’s food demand
that the available data on food consump
prospects adopt quite different estimates
regarding the level of urbanisation. For
tion are based on the current definition of
example, Kumar (1998:15) assumes that. an urban area, it is important to retain this
in 2020 the level of urbanisation will be
definition when assessing the country’s
32.5
per cent; Bhalla et al (1999:3) use a food prospects.
In this context Table 6 gives the 1991
government of India estimate of 35 per
census percentages of population living
cent; while Bansil (1999:12) assumes a
figure of 40 per cent.8 It is important to
in urban areas and our estimates for the
future. The estimates have been derived
note that UN urbanisation projections
using the so-called urban-rural growth
which are often cited lend to be compara
differential method devised by the UN
tively high because, essentially, they
[United Nations 1998:32-4], but without
slightly amend the definition of ‘urban’
the gradual introduction of any general
that is assumed to hold in the future. Thus
‘world-norm’ The same method was used
the UN estimates that 39.2 per cent of the
by theTechnical Group in their urban/rural
population will be living in urban areas by
projections [Registrar General 1997], Es
2020. But this figure derives from an
sentially the procedure involves a logistic
estimation procedure which assumes that
extrapolation from 1991 of the average
India will gradually move to a ‘world
URGD observed during the last three
norm’ of what the urban-rural population
intercensal periods (i e, during 1961-91).
growth rate differential (URGD) ‘should’
Economic and Political Weekly ■ November 11, 2000
It was applied separately for each state.
The results suggest that, assuming the
continuation of the current rather restric
tive criteria, India’s level of urbanisation
will rise to only about 36 per cent by 2026.
Note that relative levels of urbanisation
between the stales will not change greatly.
Thus most southern and western states will
be between 40 and 50 per cent urban by
2026, but elsewhere urbanisation levels
will be significantly lower (Table 6).
Economic Growth
Finally, economic growth may also have
some influence on the evolution of future
food demand, especially in that higher
incomes may raise the demand for prod
ucts like fruit, vegetables, milk, eggs and
meat. Clearly - and probably more impor
tantly - economic growth will also help
to facilitate the supply of such foods, for
example by increasing the resources avail
able for agricultural investment. That said,
as we will elaborate in the second part of
this paper, it is very important not to treat
the relationship between higher incomes
and increased consumption ofeertain foods
as immutable. This is because many other
factors - like increasing product diversity
in the market (of both food and non-food
items) and changes in tastes and lifestyles
- will also influence the evolution of food
demand. Indeed, over the time horizon
considered here, any pure income effects
may be minor. Nevertheless, we must briefly
consider India’s economic prospects.’
There are fairly good reasons to believe
that - at least at the aggregate level -
4027
average annual per capita income (PCY)
growth during the period 1996-2020 will
be somewhat faster than it was, say, during
1971-96.9 Wehave already noted two major
underlying demographic rationales for this:
the country will benefit from a declining
rate of population growth and a falling
dependency ratio (so raising the chances
for ‘capital deepening’). Furthermore and to employ the relevant buzzwords it is probable that India’s economy will
gain from more deregulation, structural
reform, liberalisation and, indeed,
globalisation. A recent review ofeconomic
performance in the major states indicates
that, comparing pre-reform (i e, 1980-81
to 1990-91) and post-reform (i e, 1991-92
to 1997-98) periods, the average annual
growth rate of per capita state domestic
product rose from 3.03 to 4.00 per cent
[Ahluwalia 2000], Indeed the World Bank
has projected average annual PCY growth
of 4.4 per cent for the period 1998-2002.
Given that here we are considering a longer
period into the future, an average annual
growth rate of around 4 per cent for 19962020 seems fairly plausible. This figure is
similar to, indeed marginally higher than,
that assumed by other analysts working on
future food demand.10
Figure 3 provides some indication as to
how rises in living standards may vary
between the major states. Employing
periods of several years to inject greater
stability into the data, it plots state PCY
(strictly, per capita SDP) growth rates
between 1986-90 and 1991-97 against the
initial (i e, 1986-90) levels of per capita
income. Figure 3 confirms that better-off
states have generally been growing at faster
rates [e g, see World Bank 2000]. It also
reveals a regional pattern. The four south
ern states form a relatively fast-growing
bloc, as do the three western states. Ob
viously the north contains the smal I betteroff states of Punjab and Haryana where
PCY growth has been strong, and Madhya
Pradesh and UP which have experienced
lower rates of growth. West Bengal has
done fairly well, but unsurprisingly the
remaining eastern states bring up the rear.
Over the particular time periods used in
Figure 3, levels ofper capita i ncome actually
fell slightly in Bihar.11
Accordingly we consider that during
1996-2020 PCY growth will probably
continue to be relatively strong in Punjab,
Haryana and each of the southern and
western states.12 It will probably be some
what lower in West Bengal and Madhya
Pradesh. And finally it will likely be lower
4028
still in Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, Assam and
Preliminaries
Bihar. That said, these four states should
benefit somewhat from growth in the
Our analysis will be based upon house
country as a whole. They approached a
hold consumption data collected by the
PCY growth rate of around 2 per cent per National Sample Survey (NSS). However
year during the 1980s [Ahluwalia 2000:
we makconesignificant alteration. In most
Table 2], It seems, but inevitable that
of what follows we will adjust monthly
interstate income differentials will widen,
consumption data to the levels that arc
as is evident from Figure 3. For example
implied by using a 7 day, rather than a 30
whereas in the early 1970s per capita income
day refercnce/rccall period. We do this
in Punjab was just 2.6 times that of Bihar,
because there is now convincing evidence
by 1996 this ratio had risen to about 4.3,
that use of a 7 day reference period sig
and by 2020 it could well be around 8.
nificantly improves (i e, raises) the quan
To conclude the first part of this paper,
tities of food that are reported as consumed
we have presented new state-level popu
by households. Thus for cereals, pulses,
lation projections for India which we
vegetables, milk and its products, and meat
believe constitute a better basis on which
(including eggs and fish) these upward
to gauge future food demand. We repeat
adjustments average 14,46,54, 14 and 53
that it is unrealistic to neglect the future
per cent respectively [NSS 2000:22]. In
impact of HIV/AIDS when projecting
passing we remark that such figures have
India’s population. And, for the country
major implications for many estimates of
as a whole, fertility will decline apprecia
levels of poverty in India.
bly more slowly than both the UN projec
Second, our main focus will be on cereals
tions and the recent National Population
(i e, rice, wheat and coarse grains). Ai|^
initially, we will be concerned with thMP
Policy suggest. Unfortunately, however,
there is a long history in India of making
direct consumption - in such forms as
overly optimistic assumptions about how
cooked rice or various forms of bread. Of
fast the birth rate will decline [Dyson
course, cereals arc the most important single
1981a:135O; 1981b:200], Our projection
food category, and they have also been the
results imply that the country’s population
subject of considerable debate apropos the
will be nearly. 1.4 billion by the year 2026,
level of demand in 2020 (see below).
when it will still be growing at around 0.9
Third, having considered the likely
per cent per year. And we have seen that
volume of direct cereal demand in 2020
there will be considerable compositional
we will briefly consider growth in the
changes, with the population of UP fast
approaching 300 million. Furthermore, by
the criteria used elsewhere in the world,
Table 6: Per Cent Urban, 1991 and
Projections
India’s population iscertainly significantly
more urban than the official figures sug
Region/State
1991
2020
2026
gest. But if we adopt the current definition
South
then around 36 per cent of the population
Kerala
26.4
41.5
44.9
will be living in ‘urban’ areas by 2026.
■ Tamil Nadu
44.1
34.2
42.3
Andhra Pradesh
26.8
38.5
41.1
Finally, and partly because of the afore
Karnataka
40.7
30.9
42.9
mentioned demographic changes, it seems
• West
•
probable that the future growth rate of per
Maharashtra
38.7
50.0
46,”
Gujarat
34.4
43.9
capita income will be somewhat faster
Rajasthan
30.9
32.7
22.9
than in the past, although there will con
North
tinue to be very significant regional varia
Punjab
29.7
37.1
38.7
tion. Together these various developments
Haryana *
34.2
36.3
24.8
Uttar Pradesh
19.9
29.1
31.3
will help to determine the future evolution
„
34.7
37.4
Madhya
Pradesh
23.2
of food demand, which is addressed in the
East
. >
second part of this paper.
Bihar
19.7
21.3
13.2
27.4
30.5
31.1
West Bengal
Orissa
13.4"
25.8
29.1
II
Assam
11.1
16.5
17.8
Having projected state-level population
growth and urbanisation in the first part
of the paper, we are now.in a position to
consider the likely volume of future food
demand growth in India. However, several
prefatory remarks are required.
India
25.7
33.5
36.2
Notes: Urbanisation estimates for 2020 form part of
our food demand assessment in the second
part of the paper. The national figures for
2020 and 2026 given abovo arise from
summation of the state figures. Principal
data source: Registrar General (1992).
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
demand for all the other main types of food
(i e, pulses, vegetables, fruit, milk and milk
products, and ‘meat’). This is required to
put the evolution of future cereal demand
in its full context, and to address the issue
of by how much the indirect demand for
cereals may rise as people increasingly
consume more livestock products.
Fourth, and despite the previously men
tioned upward adjustment of the NSS data,
we emphasise that our main concern here
is in estimating the likely broad propor
tionate increases in the demand for various
types of food, rather than in forecasting
absolute quantities. The principal reason
for this is the uncertainty regarding the
absolute amounts of food which are cur
rently produced and consumed. Indeed,
the rough nature of all the food statistics
used should require no further emphasis
here.
Finally, and for reasons elaborated be
low, we adopt a modified trend analysis
for forecasting the volumes of future food
demand, rather than employing one of the
several different approaches which are
based around income or expenditure de
mand elasticities.
Food.Consumption Patterns
and Trends
Direct Cereal Demand
Although some authors [Bhatia et al
1999] spend little timediscussing the issue,
there has of course been much deliberation
about the fact that the NSS suggests that
there has been a long-run decline in per
capita cereal consumption since the early
1970s [Bansil 1999; Hanumantha Rao
1999; Kumar 1998; Kumar and Malhur
1997; Radhakrishnaand Ravi 1992].Thus,
using a 30 day reference period for food
consumption, average monthly per capita
cereal consumption in urban areas of India
appears to have fallen from 11.24 kg in
1972-73 to 10.63 kg in 1993-94. And the
corresponding rural figures are 15.26 and
13.40 kg [Joshi 1998]. Most of the decline
is accounted for by coarse cereals; levels
of rice and wheat consumption have re
mained fairly stable.
In this context Table 7 gives the average
. monthly per capita cereal consumption
levels indicated by the 1993-94 NSS round,
but with the data having been adjusted
upwards by state-level correction factors
(CFs) obtained by using a 7 day reference
period.13 Note that for the country as a
whole this procedure raises monthly cereal
consumption in rural areas by 13 per cent
Economic and Political Weekly
Figure 3: PCY Growth Rate between 1986-90 and 1991-97 Plotted against
PCY Level, 1986-90
Average Per Capita Income, 1986-90
Note: The above figure is based upon state domestic product data in constant 1973-74 prices.
Sources: Ozler, Datt and Ravallion (1996) and Economic Survey (various issues).
to 15.14 kg, and in urban areas consump
tion is raised by 16 per cent to 12.30 kg.
At the national level the effect of these
state-level adjustments is to increase total
direct cereal consumption in 1993-94 from
138 to 153.4 million metric toiines (mmt).
And there is little doubt that the latter
figure is more realistic.14 Table 7 also
shows that direct cereal consumption per
person tends to be higher in the eastern
states, and lower in the south and west.
■Examination of the data from the five
major NSS consumer expenditure rounds
from 1972-73 until 1993-94 reveals that,
with the principal exceptions of Kerala
(where in the past per capita cereal con
sumption was unusually low partly be
cause tapioca was a major staple) and to
a lesser extent West Bengal, cereal con
sumption has declined in the urban and
rural areasof virtually all states (only urban
Maharashtra and rural Orissa are minor
anomalies). Furthermore, in most states
the decline actually speeded-up between
the 1987-88 and 1993.-94 NSS survey
rounds [Joshi 1998J. Also, the decline has
continued since 1993-94 [NSS 2000].
The reasons for this negative trend in per
capita direct cereal consumption are com
plex. But most analysts agree that it is
partly because people have experienced an
increasingly wide selection of food (and
non-food) items from which to purchase.
In both urban and-rural areas the market
for food has become increasingly diverse
- with greater availability, for example, of
milk, fruit and vegetables. Moreover,
November 11, 2000
nowadays people’s food tastes are more
changeable, partly because of the influ
ence of the media. And lifestyle changes
- such as reductions in physical labour
(especially in rural areas) and less time
available for food preparation (especially
in urban areas) - are also important con
siderations [Hanumantha Rao 1999].More
over we stress a point made in the first part
of this paper, namely, that much of ‘rural’
India is actually rather more ‘urban’ than
the official figures allow.
Of course, this decline in direct cereal
consumption has happened despite a gen
eral in household incomes. And it is betteroff people who have experienced the
sharpest declines. True, the poorest sec
tions of the population have experienced
modest increases in their cereal consump
tion levels, but even this may not continue
in the future if a more diverse food market,
plus taste and lifestyle changes increas
ingly affect the behaviour of the poor.
Furthermore, just as better-off sections of
the population now tend to consumesmaller
ampunts of cereals, so Figure 4 shows that
exactly the same applies to better-off states.
The complex basis of these trends sug
gests strongly that future levels of direct
cereal consumption - and; indeed, levels
of food consumption more generally cannot be projected adequately using
expenditure elasticities. Indeed, various
analysts have come to widely differing
estimates of such elasticities - despite the
fact that they have all used the same basic
NSS data.15 Moreover, even if it were
4029
possible to estimate an unambiguous
Accordingly, using the 1993-94 levels
expenditure demand elasticity, its value
of cereal consumption as a base, we have
would probably change in the future in
projected levels of per capita direct cereal
consumption to 2020 using the average
ways that are hard to anticipate. In any
annual percentage rates of change given
event, the implications of any estimated
in Table 7.16 These rates are simple av
(or assumed) elasticity will also depend
erages of (i) the ‘long-run’ rates of change
upon the particular assumptions , that are
made regarding future expenditure (or computed across the five major NSS
consumer expenditure survey rounds con
income) growth. However, the chief prob
ducted from 1972-73 to 1993-94, and (ii)
lem in employing such elasticities is that
much more than levels of expenditure (or the ‘short-run’ and comparatively recent
rates of change calculated between the
income) will be involved in shaping pat
1987-88 and 1993-94 rounds. We have
terns of food demand in the future. We
used the averages of these long-run and
agree very much with Bansil when he
short-run rates to capture some of the
states that ‘one thing is clear ... any long
relatively recent tempo of change in direct
term projections based on this ‘scientific
cereal consumption, whileat the same time
tool’ are bound to go wrong’. [Bansil
incorporating some degree of longer-term
1995:5],
trend stability. The procedure may be
The foregoing considerations imply that,
approximate, but it has the advantage of
at least during the period to 2020, average
being transparent and direct. To reflect the
levels of direct cereal consumption will
plausible notion of a ‘floor’, lower limits
generally continue to decline despite ris
of rural and urban monthly cereal con
ing levels of per capita income. The only
caveat we would add to this is that there sumption were set at 12.00 and 10.25 kg
respectively. Finally, levels of per capita
is probably a lower ‘floor’ -perhaps around
11.5
kg per person per month (or lower, cerealconsumptioninKerala.West Bengal
(the two states with a rising long-run trend)
see Figure 4) - beneath which state-level
and rural Orissa were projected on the
cereal consumption levels are unlikely to
same basis, which in their.cases implies
fall appreciably during the foreseeable
a marginally positive upward trend in direct
future. Thus although people will continue
cereal consumption (Table 7); this prob
to move away from eating coarse grains,
ably overstates future cereal consumption
the basic commitment to rice and wheat
will be less susceptible to alteration.
in Kerala and Orissa in particular, because
the NSS data indicate declining per capita
trendsin these states between 1987-88and
1993-94.17
The Iasi four columns of Table 7
summarise the resulting state-level monthly
per capita direct cereal consumption/demand levels in 2020, and the correspond
ing total consumption levels for both 199394 and 2020. The latter figures, of course,
are based upon our previous population
and urbanisation projections which were
presented in the first part of this paper.
Note that, outside of the eastern region,
most states come very close to the respec
tive consumption ‘floors’ in both rural and
urban areas. Indeed, without introducing
these floors, the levels of per capita cereal
consumption would be appreciably lower
still in several states. For the country as
a whole this exercise suggests that by 2020
monthly per capita cereal consumption will
fall to about 12.69 kg in rural areas and
to about 10.91 kg in urban areas. In turn,
these figures imply that annual per ca^m
cereal consumption in India will fall fi^P
about 172 kg in 1993-94 to around 147
kg in 2020. Of course, these figures arise
from the assumed continued move away
from cereals over the period, for which in
our view there is considerable support.
However, despite the declining trend in
per capita consumption, total direct con
sumption of cereals will rise from the
Table 7 : Levels, Trends and Projections of Direct Cereal'Consumption, Rural and Urban Areas
Per Capita Consumption
(Kg) Per Month, 1993-94
• Region/State
South •
Kerala
Tamil Nadu
Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
West
Maharashtra
Gujarat
Rajasthan
North
Punjab
Haryana
Uttar Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh
East
Bihar
West Bengal
Orissa
Assam
India
Average of Long-Run and
Short-Run Annual Rates
of Change (Per Cent)
Rural
Urban
Projected Per Capita
Consumption in 2020
(Kg)
Rural
Urban
Total Annual
Consumption
(mml)______
2020
1993-94
Rural
Urban
10.55
12.62
14.49
16.15
10.25
11.15
12.76
12.62
0.36
-0.91
-1.03
-0.79
• 0.22
-0.38
-0.63
-0.44
12.12
12.92
13.10
13.10
10.86
10.25
10.80
11.24
3.84
8.51
11.84
8.63
5.29
9.84
12.65
9.42
13.36
11.88
16.11
10.94
10 32
12.70
-1.33
-1.52
-1.40
-0.58
-0.86
-1.03
12.00
12.00
12.00
10.25
10.25
10.25
12.73
6.00
8.75
14.9^
12.07
15.21
15.58
•16.40
10.11
11.10
12.33
13.20
-1.97
-1.78
-1.24
-1.06
-1.10
-0.78
-0.65
-0.71
12.00
12.00
12.00
12.39
10.25
10.25
10.37
10.93
2.99
3.01
26.90
13.37
4.04
3.54
36.37
15.51
15.40
16.16
16.01
14.70
14.18
12.56
14.94
13.71
-0.82
0.10
0.16
-0.85
-0.51
0.08
-0.31
-0.43
12.39
16.60
16.70
12.00
12.37
12.82
13.77
12.23
16.68
13.21
6.40
• 4.20
21.73
18.52
8.40
4.83
15.14
12.30
-0.93
-0.58
12.69
10.91
153.41
193.52
8-W
10.7~
Notes: For the population and urbanisation figures used in calculating total consumption in 2020 see Tables 5 and 6. The national total direct cereal consumption
estimate above includes an allowance for the populations of smaller states and union territories. Here and elsewhere all tonnes are metric tonnes. All the
per capita figures have been adjusted upwards on the basis of 7 day reference periods (see text). Long-run average annual growth rates were calculated
using the group average procedure between points centred on 1977-78 and 1987-88 (the level of the former being the average cereal consumption level
of the first three quinquennial rounds, and that of the latter being the average level of consumption of the last three rounds). The short-run rales of change
relate to the period between 1987-88 and 1993-94 (see text). Principal data source: The percentage changes and 1993-94 consumption levels are based
on data in Joshi (1998).
4030
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
aforementioned figure of 153.4 million
For the country as a whole, it is possible
metric tonnes (mmt) in 1993-94 to about
to adjust the NSS data upwards using
193.5
mmt in 2020. This 40 million tonne separate CFs for rural and urban areas
(i e, 26 per cent) increase in the direct
derived from using a7-day reference period
demand for cereals is entirely due to
[NSS 2000:22], On this' basis rural per
population growth.18 Moreover, while
capita pulscconsumption will decline from
all states will dcmand/consume greater 0.97 to 0.66 kg between 1993-94 and 2020;
quantities of cereals in 2020 compared to
and the corresponding urban figures arc
1993-94, almost a quarter (9.5 mmt) of this
1.10 and 0.76 kg. The same upward ad
projected rise in total direct cereal demand justment also implies that total pulse
will be accounted for by UP - simply
consumption in India in 1993-94 was
because it will be contributing so much to
around 10.7 million tonnes, and the pro
the country’s future demographic growth. jected 2020 demand figure is also 10.7
million tonnes.20Togctherwith previously
We now turn to examine levels of con
sumption and future demand for the other
main types of food.
Demand for Other Foods
As the physical quantities involved are
much smaller, the other main food groups
do not merit a state-level analysis.19
Accordingly Table 8 gives the results of
a similar treatment for other types of food,
but at the regional rather than the state
level. Again
*
the percentage growth rates
shown have been calculated in the same
way as for cereals. However the data in
Table 8 have not been adjusted for a seven
day reference period, because CFs for non
cereal foods are only available at the
national level. Notice that, with the partial
exception of milk (and milk products),
levels of per capita consumption of non
cereal foods are invariably greater in urban
than in rural areas.
Table 8 shows that levels of per capita
pulse consumption are noticeably higher
than average in the northern region, and
below average in the east. However, the
most striking aspect of the data are the
negative growth rates in per capita pulse
consumption indicated for the rural and
urban areas of all regions’. The movement
away from eating pulses is a particular
feature of the recent past. As with cereals,
it is hard to disassociate it from the increas
ing variety of other foods that can be
purchased. If the average rates of change
in per capita pulse consumption in each
region continue as in Table 8, then be
tween 1993-94 and 2020 monthly pulse
consumption for the country as a whole
will fall from 0.65 to 0.44 kg per person
in rural areas, and from 0.77 to 0.53 kg
in urban areas. The unadjusted NSS data
for 1993-94 imply that total pulse con
sumption in India was 7.4 million tonnes.
Note that Table 8 gives a 2020 projection
of 7.38 million tonnes. Thus the assumed
fall in per capita consumption is offset by
the increase in population.
Economic and Political Weekly
derived cereal estimates, these adjusted
figures are summarised in Table 9.
Turning to vegetables, Table 8 shows
markedly higher levels of per capita con
sumption in the north and east regions,
compared to the south and west. And there
has been strong growth in vegetable con
sumption, particularly in rural areas, in all
regions. Indeed, growth in per capita
vegetable consumption has accelerated
.recently - no doubt partly accounting for
the accelerating decline in cereal and pulse
consumption. Unadjusted NSS data indi
cate that total consumption of vegetables
in India during 1993-94 was around 33.9
million tonnes. ThcgrowlhratesinTablc 8.
imply'that this figure may rise to about
131.2
million tonnes by 2020. However,
if the national data arc adjusted by CFs
reflecting consumption levels indicated
by a 7-day reference period, then total
vegetable consumption in 1993-94 rises to
Table 8: Levels, Trends and Projections of Consumption/Dcmand of Major Food
Groups, by Region and for All-lndla
Monthly Per Capita
Consumption (kg)
1993-94
Region
Rural
Urban
South
West
North
East .
0.59
0.67
0.84
0.50
0.76
0.77
0.88
0.67
South
West .'
North
East
2.04
2.37
3.54
3.80
2.66
3.03
3.89
4.97
South
West
North
East
1.93
0.53
0.56
0.43
3.25
1.28
1.03 •
0.87
South ■
West
North
East
2.55
5.62
5.941.75
South
West
North
East
0.58
0.15
0.14
0.44
Pulses
Vegetables
Fruit
Milk, etc
Meat, etc
0.65
3.03
0.85
3.94
0.33
•
‘
,
3.92
5.63
5.90
2.83
0.67
0.33
0.24
0.77
0.77
3.44
1.47
4.89
0.47
Average of Growth
Rates of Per Capita
Consumption
(Percent)
Rural
Urban
Projected Monthly
Projected
Consumption
Annual
(Demand) (kg) . Consumption
■ 2020
2020
Rural
Urban
(1000 Mt)
Pulses
-0.47
0.44
0.67
0.37
7-2.66
0.50
-1.28
0.62
0.62
-1.20 ■ 0.22
0.48
Vegetables
3.69
5.43
2.89
5.74
3.75
2.49
6.40
5.89
3.90
2.86
9.95
8.33
3.61
• 3.48
9.90 • 10.00
Fruit
5.64
4.05
3.68
8.62
3.59
2.60
1.37
2.56
4.16
3.30
2.47
1.68
3.66
3.97
2.49
1.13
Milk and milk products
2.72
5.26
2.25
7.15
2.54
3.89
15.75 '
11.08
2.34
2.98
13.13
11.02
4.21
2.15
5.33 .
5.03
Meat, eggs, fish
3.773.73
1.58
1.80
0.95
1.09
0.44
0.19
0.24
1.29
-0.82
0.20
1.64
2.09
0.68
1.35
Food: All—India
-1.62
0.44
-2.40
0.53
3.81
. 2.92
8.70
7.67
3.90
3.14
1.99
3.63
2.54
3.20
9.81
8.82
2.68
0.55
0.85
1.20 •
-1.10
-1.11
-1.09
-3.05
1,233
1,327
3,198
1,373
12,920
18,523
48,386
47,208
15,886
5,628
9,903
• 7,135
: -13,995
41,223
63,897
24,951
3,875
897
1,082
4,097
7,380
1,31,203
38,925
1,52,432
10,451
Notes: For the population and urbanisation estimates used in calculating the above estimates of total
annual consumption In 2020 see Tables 5 and 6. For reasons mentioned in the text, the data above
are unadjusted, I a, they have not been corrected by 7 day CF factors (but see Table 9). The growth
rales shown are averages of the long-run and short-run rates of change (see text). The figures on
milk (and milk product) consumption are expressed in litres. In contrast to our treatment of cereals,
there was little need to set floors (or ceilings). However, two minor exceptions are (i) that after
examining unadjusted NSS consumption data by expenditure group we restricted urban vegetable
consumption in the east region to 10 kg (rather than 12.S); and (ii) rather than applying a negative
growth rate to meat consumption in urban areas of tho north region, we assumed that per capita moat
consumption there-which is already very low-will remain unchanged between 1993-94 and 2020.
As elsewhere, the India figures above include an allowance for smaller states and territories. We
stress that despite their seeming precision, all the figures are rough, and are intended to give only a
very broad Impression. Principal data sources: Joshi (1998) and NSS Sarvekshana (various years).
November 11, 2000
4031
52.2
million tonnes and the 2020 projection
becomes about 202 million tonnes (see
Table 9).21
Table 8 shows that, with the partial
exception of the south, per capita con
sumption of fruit is generally low.- Inter
estingly both the patterns and trends of
fruit consumption indicated by the NSS
are similar to those suggested for veg
etables. Thus levels of consumption are
higher in urban areas, but growth rates in
percapitaconsumption are generally higher
in rural areas. Also, as with vegetables,
there seems to have been a recent accel
eration in fruit consumption. And, for the
country as a whole, in both rural and urban
areas the indicated growth rates for fruit
consumption are of a similar magnitude
to those indicated for vegetables. The un
adjusted data indicate that total fruit con
sumption in India during 1993-94
amounted toonly about 10.9million tonnes,
and Table 8 suggests that this could rise
to around 38.9 million tonnes by 2020.
However, if these figures are adjusted
for the 7-day reference period then they
increase substantially to 18.7 and 66.9
million tonnes respectively (Table 9). So,
as with vegetables, it seems plausible to
envisage that total fruit consumption in
India could at least triple over- this time
horizon.
There is large variation in milk con
sumption (which in Table 8 is expressed
in litres). The Table shows significantly
greater levels of milk consumption in the
north and west - reflecting particularly
high levels of consumption in Punjab,
Haryana and Rajasthan, and to a lesser
extent Gujarat and UP. Milk consumption
is especially low in the east - being only
1.75 and 2.83 litres per person per month
in rural and urban areas respectively in
1993-94 according to the unadjusted data.
However, in virtually all states there has
been a long-run rise in consumption. Milk
Figure 4: Relationship between Per Capita Cereal Consumption and Per Capita
Income Across States, 1996-97
Note: Income figures are averages for 1995-96 to 1997-98 (current prices). Cereal consumption data
are from NSS andhave been adjusted by the 7 day CFs.
consumption has also accelerated during
the more recent past. Assuming that the
regional rates of change shown in Table 8
continue to hold, then between 1993-94
and 2020 total consumption of milk (and
milk products) will rise from 45.2 to about
152 billion litres. In this case the upward
adjustment implied by using a 7-day ref
erence period is only 14 per cent; thus
using this CF raises these figures to 51.5
and 173.7 billion litres respectively
(Table 9)..
The last food group in Table 8 is ‘meat’.
This is a composite category inclusive of
eggs, and about half of which is consti
tuted of fish. NSS data indicate very low
levels of consumption of this food group,
particularly in the north and west. But
levels of consumption are appreciably
higher in the south and east, which of
course partly reflects the eating of fish in
Kerala and West Bengal. Another feature,
especially prominent at the state-level, is
that those populations with high milk
consumption consume virtually nc^^at.
Furthermore, rates of change in meat con
sumption between states and regions are
quite variable. Thus while some states in
the south and east have experienced modest
rises in per capita consumption, others
(e g, Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat and UP all with high milk consumption) have reg
istered little change. Very clearly, it is not
inevitable that as incomes rise in the future
so people will necessarily consume much
greater amounts of food in the ‘meat’
category, as there are alternatives. More
over, when considering future growth in
consumption of this food group, it is
important to bear in mind the extremely
low base levels from which any increase
will start. Assuming continuation of the
growth rates shown in Table 8 then total
consumption will rise from 3.9 million
tonnes in 1993-94 to about 10.4^|lion
tonnes in 2020. And if for this fooa^oup
Table 9: Adjusted 1993-94 and Projected 2020 Per Capita and Total Food Consumption Requirements
Projected Monthly
Consumption (kg)
2020 -
Rural
Urban
Rural
Urban
Average Annual
Growth Rates of Per
Capita Consumption
(Percent)
Rural
Urban
15.14
—
0.97
4.71
1.40
4.57
0.51
12.30
—
1.10
5.25
2.62
5.49
0.71
12.69
—
0.66
13.53
3.28
11.38
0.85
10.91
— ,
. 0.76
11.72
6.48
9.90
1.28
-0.67
—
-1.45
3.98
3.21
3.44
1.93
’ Monthly Per Capita
Consumption (kg)
1993-94
Cereals, direct
Cereals, Indirect
Pulses
Vegetables
Fruit
Milk, etc
Meat, etc
■
-0.45
—
-1.40
3.03
3.42
2.22
2.22
Total
Consumption
1993-94
(Millions of
Tonnes)
Total
2020
(Million of
Tonnes)
153.4
3.7
10.7 *
52.2
18.7
51.5 .
6.0
193.5
30
10.7
• 202.0
66.9
173.7
16.3
Noles: All figures have been adjusted upwards on the basis of 7 day reference periods jsee NSS 2000:22], The figures on consumption of milk (and milk products)
are expressed in litres. The figure of indirect cereal demand in 1993-94 is from Bhalla et al (1999) and is given for illustrative purposes only; thus for a 1991
cereal feed figure of 5.7 million tonnes see Kumar (1998:90).
4032
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
we factor in a 53 per cent upward adjust
ment indicated by use of a 7-day reference
period [NSS 2000:22] then these figures
become 6.0 and 16.3 million tonnes re
spectively (Table 9).
Indirect Cereal Demand
for 2020 below. However, we stress that
it is rough and almost certainly on the high
side - not just because of likely techno
logical developments, but also because
much of the increase in livestock produc
tion will come from existing feed systems,
rather than from the organised sector.
summarise past rates of change. For ex
ample, the projection results in Tabic 9
indicate that, for the country as a whole,
per capita consumption of pulses will fall
at average annual rates of -1.45 and -1.40
per cent in rural and urban areas respec
tively. Note that these figures arc signifi
cantly higher (i e, less negative) than the
past rates of change given in Table 8 (i e,
-2.40 and -1.62 percent); this is so despite
the fact that the former figures derive from
the past regional growth-rates given in
Table 8. Ofcourse, thcexplanation forthis
seeming paradox relates to the changing
regional composition of the human
population that will happen in the future.
In particular, the northern states, with
higher than average levels of per capita
pulse consumption in both rural and urban
areas, and lower than average rates of pulse
consumption decline (Table 8), will in
crease as proportion of the total population.
Similar considerations explain why, at
the national level, we would expect the
growth rate of per capita vegetable con
sumption to be somewhat higher during
the next two decades, compared to (he past
(see Tables 8 and 9). Again, other things
equal, in the future we anticipate that the
overall rate of change in per capita fruit
and meat consumption in rural areas will
tend to decline (since both these types of
food are little consumed in rural parts of
the north, where the country’s rural popu
lation will increasingly be weighted).
However, urban growth rates of percapita
fruit and meat consumption may well rise
in the future (since generally reverse con
siderations apply). All these points under
score how very misleading it can be to
project future food demand at the national
level. Rather, it is much belter to work
from the bottom up.
Table 10 compares the present cereal
projection results with those from other
Before we can discuss the results, we
Discussion
must briefly assess the likely volume of
indirect cereal demand in 2020, i e, the
We are now in a position to draw things
quantities of cereals that will be required
together. Table 9 summarises the results
to produce the projected amounts of live
of the present projections to the year 2020.
stock products-especially milk. As Bansil
Perhaps its most important implication is
(1999) has stated, the data base to make
that research on India’s future food de
such an estimate of indirect cereal demand
mand should be less preoccupied with
for India is scant. The majority of livestock
cereals than has often been the case in the
production in the country currently rely
past. Although, by their very nature, such
upon feed from sources such as traditional
projections can only be regarded as broadly
grazing, the use of dry or green fodder,
illustrative, it seems probable that during
kitchen and agricultural wastes, and scav
the next couple of decades average levels
of direct per capita cereal (and pulse)
enging. Bansil argues convincingly that
use ofcereal/livestock-product conversion
consumption will tend to fall. The major
ratios which have been designed for other
growth in food demand will apply to
countries (e g, China) is questionable in
vegetables, fruit, milk and meat (i e, fish,
the Indian context. Moreover, technologi
eggs, poultry, etc). In the case of each of
cal developments-such as bettcrlivestock
these food groups, and especially the first
breeding programmes and new treatments
three, levels of per capita consumption
for crop residues - will probably reduce
will probably more than double between
the quantities of cereals that, other things
1993-94 and 2020. Such increases in the
percapita consumption of non-cereal foods
equal, will be required for feed in the future.
seem all the more plausible given the low
Only a modest quantity of cereals - by
one estimate 3.7 million tonnes [Bhalla et
base levels of consumption from which
al 1999:8] - was used to feed livestock in
such projections start. So the Indian diet
1993. There is no doubt that this quantity
is going to continue to get more diverse.
will rise by 2020, largely due to the in
And, when combined with population
creasing demand for milk and its products.
growth, total consumption of vegetables,
However, estimates of the volume of this
fruit, milk and meat could all increase by
future indirect cereal demand vary consid
roughly a factor of three.
erably. At the upper end of the range - and
Table 9 also demonstrates the' impor
mainly because they project extremely high
tance of adopting a disaggregated approach
levels of demand for liveslock.products toestimating future food demand. This can
Bhalla et al (1999:9) provide a central ' be illustrated by comparing the estimated
estimate of 50.1 million tonnes. On the
future per capita growth rates for the
other hand - and envisaging a much lower demand of non-cereal foods given in
level of demand for livestock products Table 9, with those in Table 8 which
Kumar’s corresponding projection is only
15.2
million tonnes of cereals [Kumar
Table 10: Projected Total Cereal Requirements in 2020 and Other Estimates
1998:90]. Towards the centre of the range
Original Estimates
Population
Estimates Adjusted to 2020
is Bansil’s (1999:57) figure of around 30
(Millions of Tonnes)
Assumed in Population Size of 1,315 Million
million tonnes. However, Bansil secs this
2020 (Millions)
(Millions of Tonnes)
as an upper estimate, because it is based
Food
Feed
Total
Source
Food
Feed
Total
upon the unlikely assumption that all
Present work
193.5
30.1
223.6
1,315
193.5
30.1
223.6
additional livestock production will come
237.6
Kumar
15.2
252.8
1,421
219.9
14.0
233.9
from the organised sector.
227.8
30.6
258.4
Bansil
1,360
220.3
' 29.6
249.9
246.1
50.1
296.2
Bhalla et al
1,329
243.5
49.6
293.1
If we employ a conversion ratio of 1.2
kg of cereals per 1.0 kg of meat equivalent,
Notes: Although based on different initial adjustments, the starting levels of cereal consumption assumed
then our demand projections for 2020 of
for 1993-94 in the different analyses represented above are generally fairly similar; accordingly,
the differences for 2020 summarised above largely reflect differences of assumption and
173.7 billion litres of milk and 16.1 mil
analysis. For results from IFPRI’s IMPACT model that are broadly similar to those of Kumar, see
lion tonnes of meat translate into an annual
Bhalla et al (1999). The cereal feed demand figure shown for Bansil is the sum of estimated figures
cereal feed requirement of 30.1 million
for milk, eggs, chicken and other meat production. Principal sources: Kumar (1998, chapter 6);
tonnes.22 Accordingly we use this figure
Bansil (1999, Table 22A); Bhalla et al (1999, Table 6).
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
4033
an increase in that state alone of about 100
analyses. Since the various estimates arc
We have argued that previous popula
million people.
tion projections are unrealistic in both their
based on quite different 2020 population
Nevertheless, our projections imply a
totals, the last three columns standardise
fertility and their mortality assumptions.
smaller population for the country in 2020
It is extremely difficult to envisage that
the cereal projection results on the same
replacement level total fertility (i e; 2,1
than other food demand analyses have
projected population total of 1,315 million
generally assumed. Put differently: we
that was derived in the first part of births per woman) can achieved for the
expect that, there will be fewer mouths to
country by as early as the period 2011-16.
this paper.
feed than previous analyses have sup
And it is equally unlikely that half of
Perhaps the most important single con
posed.23 This does much to explain why
the major slates will have attained a
clusion arising from the comparisons in
ourestimateof total cereal demand in 2020
level of 1.6 births by then. That said, in
Table 10 is that India’s cereal requirement
- of just 224 million tonnes - is appreci
UP, MP, Rajasthan and Bihar there is
in 2020 will probably be much less than
ably below the estimatesofothers.lt should
good reason to believe that fertility will
has generally been anticipated. Indeed, our
be clear that there is no point in projecting
decline somewhat faster than previous
projected demand figure of 223 million
state-level population projections have
future cereal food demand volumes unless
tonnes is probably itself too high - be
adequate attention is paid to getting the
cause, as previously intimated, the 30
anticipated. Indeed, we expect that these
demographic projections right.'
states will experience an accelerated pace
million tonne feed requirement which it
In fact, because it incorporates a gen
of fertility decline. So it is certainly rea
incorporates is itself likely to be a.signifierous estimate of the future cereal feed
sonable to expect that replacement level
cant over-estimate.
requirement, even 224 million tonnes is
fertility for India as a whole can be reached
However, there are two other important
probably an overestimate of what the total
by 2021-26.
.
reasons why our estimate of total cereal
volume of cereal demand will be in the
Apropos mortality, our main point is
demand is lower than the others shown in
year 2020. The plain fact is that people are
simple: future population projections for
Table 10. The first reason is because we
India must grapple with the problem of generally eating less and less cereals, i e,
envisage a continued decline in per capita
levels of per capita cereal consumption
H1V/AIDS, despite the considerable un
levels of direct cereal consumption (espe
falling - and, with some moderation,
certainties that exist concerning the dis
cially of coarse grains). Other analyses
expect that this trend will continue for
either assume constant future levels of ease. The discussion and results presented
some time. Indeed, population growth
in the first part of this paper raised the
consumption or a continued rising trend
seems to be the only significant factor that ’
possibility that by 2015 India’s population
[Bansif 1999:12).-The second reason is
may act to raise the total direct demand
could be reduced by some 13 million,
because future population growth will be
for cereals (and pulses) during the next
compared to the situation ‘without AIDS’.
less than has usually been assumed. Note
couple of decades. If per capita incomes
And this figure could prove to be an un
from Table 10 that the demographic ad
rise appreciably - as we have argued partly
derestimate. While the bulk of such a
justment can be extremely important. Thus
for demographic reasons they will - then
in Kumar's case it reduces estimated 2020 . population reduction will be due to in
there are plenty of other things on which
total cereal demand by 7.5 percent (equiva
creased deaths, the disease will also reduce
people can spend their money. This is
lent to a population reduction of 105 . the future size of the population by cutting
especially true in an increasingly urban
the number of births - because of the
million). Indeed, Kumar’s (1998) analysis
premature deaths.of a significant number environment, the flavourof which increas
- which also foresees a continued shift in
ingly affects many supposedly ‘rural’ areas
of-women of childbearing age. Our ten
demand towards non-ccreal foods - pro
too (we have also argued that India is
tative calculations suggest that by 2011duces a fairly similar2020 total cereal demand
16
in Maharashtra male and female life actually much more urban than the official
figure to ours, provided it is standardised
statistics imply).
for size of population (see Table 10). . expectations may be lowered by 4 and 3
So the debate about the country’s food
years respectively compared to the situa
Summary and Conclusions
prospects has too often evidenced an overtion ‘without AIDS’. And it is clear that
strong ‘cereal mentality’. And because our
similar developments can be expected in
Population and food are important and
projection of total cereal demand in 2(j|fe
the southern states.
closely related subjects. Yet they are often
is well below those of others, it follows
Nevertheless, forthe country as a whole,
tackled in relative isolation from each other.
that we envisage that there will be no signi
the present projections have been based
Levels of infectious disease, for example
ficant problem in producing 224 million
upon the assumption that during the next
can have a major and independent influ
tonnes. Indeed, compared to 1993-94 this
25 years aggregate mortality will generally
ence-upon a population’s nutritional sta
will represent an increase in total cereal
continue to improve-although moreslowly
tus. Levels of food consumption per se are
output of only about one third. And there
than has usually been expected hitherto.
only part of the picture.
is little doubt that India has the capacity
On this basis, there seems little doubt that
Hence, when examining India’s demo
to raise yields to meet this projected volume
by 2026 India’s population will be ap
graphic and food prospects here, we have
of total cereal demand, because it falls
proaching 1.4 billion when it still be grow
tried to approach them in an integrated
below virtually all projections which have
ing by about 12 million extra people each
and consistent way, and as transparently
been made of future supply.24
as possible. Crucially too, in estimating year. Consequently reaching 1.5 billion
future food demand for the country, we
have adopted a disaggregated approach one that is ultimately, based upon projec
tions of the rural and urban populations
of each of the. major stales.
4034
quite soon thereaflerseems virtually inevi
table-. Furthermore, major compositional
shifts will occur - for example, with UP
increasing from about 17 to 20 per cent
of the population between 1996 and 2020,
The main agricultural challenge in the
period to 2020 will be in roughly tripling
levels of output of vegetables, fruit and
milk. Exactly how this will be achieved
is a large and complex subject, which lies
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
beyond lhe scope of this paper. However,
as well as- involving improvements in
transport and storage, there is little doubt'
that some farmers in what we have termed
the northern region will shift significant
additional areas of their land towards the
production of non-cereal foods - espe
cially vegetables and milk - of which they
are already major producers. Obviously
increased agricultural investment will be
required for this, and the process will cer
tainly be assisted by the development and
introduction of new agricultural technolo
gies - many of which will be built upon
research developments from elsewhere in
the world. The northern states, especially
Punjab, UP and Haryana, are currently the
main exporters of cereals to the rest of the
country. In the case of UP the dcmographically generated growth of its own demand
for cereals may well reduce its export
capacity in the future. In addition, should
a continuing shift towards the cultivation
of non-cereal foods reduce the export
capacity of these northern states, then lhe
most likely response is raised cereal output
forexportfromareasofthecastem region.25
In conclusion, this paper proposes a rather
different and, we believe, more plausible
picture of India’s population and food
prospects to the year 2020. It is a picture
which combines somewhat slower demo
graphic growth, somewhat faster economic
growth, plus the attainment of a substan
tially more diverse average diet. It is a
picture.in which the population will gen
erally be living longer and be better fed
in 2020 than is the case today; reduced
mortality and a more varied diet arc likely
to have reciprocal and beneficial implica
tions. And it is a picture which envisages
no real problem in meeting future cereal
demand requirements. Instead, the main
challenge will lie in increasing the output
of non-cereal foods, but this is a challenge
which almost certainly will be largely
met. But there are significant downsides
to the picture too. Probably the most
important of these is the growing menace
of Hl V/A1DS which, the potential to throw
all projections awry. Obviously too, there
■ will still be many millions of poor and
undernourished people alive in 2020, al
though their lot will very probably have
improved significantly - at least in objec
tive terms. Finally, and over the longer run,
the challenges posed, particularly to the
environment, by having to maintain a popu
lation of more than 1.5 billion for many
decades in lhe future are likely to be consider
able; and they could eventually have major
Economic and Political Weekly
continuing declining trend in direct cereal
consumption.
Sec Joshi (1998: 277-78 and 501-2).
Note that the assumed increases in urbanisation
(sec Table 6) that arc also incorporated into
Notes
this calculation of total direct cereal demand
in 2020 have a slight effect in the opposite
[This research was funded by a grant from the
direction (i e, towards a reduction).
Wellcome Trust. The views expressed here arc
19
The food groups cqnsidcrcd below and in
ours alone. However, we thank M D Asthana.
Table 8 arc primarily non-homogcncous
Robert Cassen, Ashok Gulati, Praduinan Kumar,
composites. For example, the NSS gives
Kirit Parikh, P Parthasaralhy Rao, S K Ray, David
expenditures on milk and milk products (c g,
Secklcr, Tushaar Shah, Pravin Visaria and Hania
ghee, butter, etc) and accordingly the figures
Zlotnick, among others, for help and advice,]
shown in Table 8 refer to milk equivalent (in
1
Thus Bhalla cl al (1999:3) use a population . litres) of reported expenditures on milk and
its products. The figures used for fruit refer
of 1,329 million for 2020, while Kumar
to fresh fruit equivalent (in kg) of NSS reported
(1998:15) uses 1,421 million. This issue is
• expenditures on fresh and dry fruit; the main
touched on in paper’s second part.
fruits are banana, mango and apple. The main
2
For a rare slate-level analysis see Ray (1971).
vegetables arc potato, onion, cauliflower,
3
Following the Technical Group and lhe PFI,
cabbage, okra, spinach, tomato and green chilli.
• our population projections below arc based on
Finally, the ‘meat’ food group actually
the south Asian mortality age pattern [United
comprises meal, eggs and fish (the latter
Nations 1982]. HIV/A1DS may well change
accounting for 51 per cent of consumption by
this pattern, but in ways that arc hard to
weight). Following Bansil (1999:13) we have
predict. Moreover technological changes, such
assumed that 20 eggs equals 1 kg of meat.
as the possible development of low-cost drug
20
The result from this 46 per cent upward
treatments that reduce vertical (i c, mother to
adjustment can be compared with the FAO
child) HIV transmission, could further
food balance sheet estimate for pulse
complicate the mortality impact by age.
consumption in India in 1993-94of 11.3 million
4
Of course Manipur is badly affected, largely
tonnes [sec FAO 2000J. Of course, the FAO
due to intravenous drug use.
estimate, derived from modified production
5
See also note 3 above.
data, is itself very rough.
•
6
The sex ratio at birth assumptions of the PFI
21
Again, just as with cereals and pulses, the CF
projections arc not specified.
indicated by using a 7 day reference period
7
To emphasise the point, the PFI projection puts
is
quite
plausible.
This
is
indicated
by
the
fact
UP’s population at 297 million in 2026 [see
that the FAO production-based estimate of
Nalarajan and Jayachandran 2000: 75].
domestic utilisation of vegetables for food in
8
In an earlier paper (1997) Bhalla and Hazcll
India in 1993-94 is 47.1 million tonnes [see
use 42 per cent.
FAO 2000],
9
We stress that this is an aggregate assumption.
22
For convenience a billion litres of milk is
Obviously very considerable poverty will
assumed to weigh 0.98 million metric, tonnes
remain.
[USDA 1999J. For die conversion factor of
10
For example, considering 1995-2010 Kumar
1.2
kg (half the amount that China used in
and Mathur (1997) assume an annual average
1993) sec Bhalla el al. (1999:8) from where
PCY growth rate of about 3.2 per cent; and
we also take the assumption that one ton of
Bhalla et al (1999) assume a baseline rale of
milk corresponds to 0.1 tonne of meat. Recall
3.7 per cent for 1993-2020.
that halfof lhe ‘meal’ category consists of fish,
11
Performing the same exercise using the annual
which for simplicity is assumed to have no
data in World Bank (2000) produces a similar
future cereal feed implications.
picture (Figure 3), but with very slight PYC
23
Here we arc not addressing the difficult issue
growth 1n Bihar. Ahluwalia (2000) too finds
of the extent to which boih the population and
positive growth for Bihar because he
food production estimates may be biased down
incorporates lhe early 1980s.
12
Note the implication that in the period to 2020 ’ wards due to deficiencies in data collection.
24
For example, Bhalla ct al (1998:14) present
H1V/AIDS will not seriously reduce aggregate
eight supply projections for 2020 which all
economic performance in Maharashtra and
exceed 224 million tonnes. Sec also Dyson
the southern stales. For support on this point
(1996:183).
see Bloom and Mahal (1997).
On the potentials for this, sec Shah (2000).
13
Data on cereal consumption from the 51st, 25
52nd, 53rd and 54lh NSS rounds using both
7 and 30 day reference periods which enable
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New Delhi.
important factors of our economy and of our culture arc, somehow, not considered.
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Dr. Ajit Chaudhury explores those areas of political economy taking into view our
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Implementation, New Delhi.
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by Dr. Ajit Chaudhury Price Rs. 75.
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Research Institute, New Delhi.
These two titles arc important to understand how the global social science onslaught
Kumar, P and V C Mathur (1.997): ‘Agriculture
is
enslaving
our
ideas
and how the academy of India should react.
in Future: Demand-Supply Perspective’ in
B M Desai (cd). Agricultural Development
Anustup is the most famous cultural quarterly in Bangla and wc have published about
Paradigm for the Ninth Plan Under New
.299 titles so far. Write to us for the catalogue and book the two tides above with
Economic Development, Oxford and IBH
Publishing, New Delhi.
Mari Bhat. P N (1998): ‘Demographic Estimates
for Post-Independence India: A New
Integration ’, Demography India 27, 1:23-57.
2E, Nabin Kundu Lane, Calcutta 700009
Mayer, P (1999): ‘India’s Falling Sex Ratios’,
■Phone: 2191937, Tel-fax: 3507613
Population and Development Review, Vol 25,
No 2.
MARGIN OF MARGIN
EQUALITY BEYOND EQUALITY
ANUSTUP
4036
Economic and Political Weekly
November 11, 2000
A Thought for Food
11
A Thought for Food
We have given a lot of food for diverse thought; now let as
give a thought to food. In a country where farm wages are
a dollar a day a ‘Thali’ (plate) meal costs half a dollar. An
honest labourer can not afford a family. Because he can’t
afford to feed his wife and kids. Remember what Reagon
had said with great insight into his supply side economics.
“Give a starving man a fish: he will starve tomorrow. Teach
him how to fish, and he will never starve”. The tragedy of
the Indian unskilled worker is that he is denied both. Our
policies on the food front have become neither fish nor flesh
nor red head herring. This has persisted for half a century
despite much publicised land reforms, green revolution,
scientific advancement of agriculture and tractorisation. All
these and many more by the word jugglers in the government
and academia; also ail these do not amount to food-selfsufficiency, if it means full belly for all before they go to bed.
All Indians do not eat to their heart’s satisfaction. Because
they lack purchasing power. If all were to eat well somehow
or the other, this country would have to import food. Our •
200 million tones production of cereals based on dubious
statistics is prima facie insufficient for a thousand million
and more people. If there is onefway to develop human
resources, it is not through history books, Marxist or Manuist
but through food inputs in to the human being. After all th§
air we breathe and water we drink which are constants, the
only variable input is food. Luckily the first two are free.
(forget Bisleri the class drink). A man is the food he has
eaten. It is the primary input, which can change civilisations.
119
In India half the civilisation is on an incomplete diet.
Therefore half our population is unfit for hard work, fight
and procreation. Weak men get weak children, who beget
weaker children. Our priority should have been food, right
from day one of Independence. Not education, not hygiene,
not industrialisation, not at all higher education.
We have missed the bus, by barking up the wrong tree
of industrialisation. This serious lapse has to be made good
in the years to come. The tragedy is that India is exremely
fertile. Its farmers are extremely hard working, if a fair and
level playing field is provided. The extraordinary
achievements of the farmers of Punjab and Maharashtra
bear witness to this claim. Incidentally, it is these two states
which have achieved break through on the farm front, that
are at the top of economic pyramid in India.
Indian agriculture has not utilised even a fraction of
its tremendous production potential. If Jews of Israel could
make the desert bloom, the Hindoos of India have parched
their green fields, by neglect and indolence. Bihar has the
potential to feed the world. Fertile alluvial soil and high
water table. Yet the state is in a state of perpetual civil war,
between castes. The leaders steal fodder and starve the
cattle. Holy Cow! Because cows can’t petition higher
authorities. They are nature’s perpetual mute witnesses.
This is the cutting edge technology of corruption. Dead men
do not speak; so do cows. And the prosecution process which
stands and falls on the spoken and written word under
oath, is faced with non-possumus (inability to punish).
Everyone in India is a farmer or a descendent of
farmers. Because in the time of Akbar or Shivaji, 95% of
the population farmed. Rest were weavers and artisans.
Farmers doubled as soldiers in times of war. A professional
whole time army in India is a fairly recent phenomenon.
The great battles of India against the British or Muslims
were mostly fought by conscripted untrained, peasant foot
soldiers on the Indian side and trained professional soldiers
120
Future of Global Society
on the enemy side. That is why the disparity in figures
between the two armies. Hindoos in tens of thousands
defeated by hundreds or thousands, in the enemy ranks.
This Indian peasant today is in the electoral battlefield,
equally unorganised. The result is that genine and efficient
farm leaders like Sharad Joshi, with a forward look on
globalisation and biotechnology, forfeit their deposits in
elections, and fake sons of soil who shed tears in the Open
for farmers without doing a jot, come to the fore on money
and muscle power. Add to these phony sons of soil (muck)
the never satiated government servants, who obstruct
people’s work by going on frequent strikes, and get their
palms greesed while on job, and thus obstruct whether
working or not, the tragedy of the farmer waiting at the
gates of petty bureaucrats is complete. If India wants to
reform, i| will have to reform at the farm level. Besides a
huge army of government employees, the country will need
suitably programmed computers. Railways have shown, the
miraculous change the computers can bring about, in
passenger comfort, safety and full seat utilisation. What is
done to rails can easily be done to farms. But, beware of
the spoke in the wheel which civil service can turn out to
be. The best way to deal with recalcitrant bureaucracy, is
to bid good bye to the colonial type of immoveable and non
disposable bureaucrats. The party of the government servant
is over. Sooner he realises it, the better. In the years to come
boots more than bouquets is inevitable in the administration.
Page 1 of 1
Community Health Ceil
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"SLiC" <siicdelhi@vsnl.net>
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Wednesday, March 10, 2004 11:51 AM
POTA Tribunal March 13-14, New Delhi.doc
[RightToFoodj POTA Tribunal 13-14 March 2004
Dear Friends,
Attached here is a brier introduction to the People's Tribunal on POTA on 13-14 March 2004.
We look forward to your participation.
Wai 111 regards
Preeti Verma
Yahoo! Groups Sponsor
ADVERTISEMENT
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Prevention oi Terrorism Act (POTA)
and other central security legislations
■ March 13 - 14,2004
10,
■ 9.00 a.m. - 7.00 p.m.
■ Venue: Indian Social Institute (ISI)
Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi -110 003 Ph : 011 - 24622379 / 24625015
Background
Post 9/11, many countries have brought in legislation purportedly to counter terrorism and strengthen
national security. Experiences with the t errorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, (1ADA)
and similar legislations show that such ‘security’ legislation grant authorities sweeping powers,
lending themselves to misuse and restriction of basic rights.
In India, the Prevention of Terrorism Act, (POTA) is currently applied in 10 slates, but most states also
have ‘special’ Acts with similar provisions. Tn the past two years. POTA has been used inter alia to
suppress people’s movements, human rights defenders and civil liberties organizations.
In view of the Supreme Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of POTA, and the increasing
use of other security legislations in ail pans of the country, it is important to document POTA cases in
the country and, in the process, make a strong case for the repeal of the Act. While amendments have
been brought in with the Prevention of Terrorism (Amendment) Act, 2003 and a Central Review
Committee has been constituted, we believe that for victims’ voices to be heard, more sincere efforts
are necessary.
The legislation has been used against children, old people, members of minority communities, political
opponents human rights defenders. In Jharkhand and lamil Nadu, minors have been arrested under
this act; in Gujarat, innocent persons have been arrested under POTA, and the legislation has been used
to detain persons for non-terrorist offences; in Uttar Pradesh those struggling for land rights have been
charged under POTA.
To document cases of gross misuse of POTA and to highlight the extent of rights violations, a People’s
Tribunal is being organized in New Delhi. The Tribunal will hear- depositions ftom victims and their
families, and also expert depositions by eminent lawyers, jurists, academics and activists.
Panel Members
Ram .Tethrnalani
K.G. Kannabiran
Fortner Union Law Minister, GOI
Senior Advocate
President, People’s Union for Civil Liberties
Senior Advocate
Justice H. Surcsh
Retd. Judge, Mumbai High Court
Justice D.K. Basu
Retd. Judge. Kolkata High Court
Mohini Giri
Former Chairperson, NCW
Syed a Ha meed
Former Member NCW
Praful Ridwai
Arundhati Roy
Writer
Journalist
Persons who have faced arrest under POTA or their family members from various states will depose at
the public hearing.
Tamil Nadu
K. Chandru,
Shanmuga Sundaram
Jharkhand
Netari Rawani
Ashok Jha
Uttar Pradesh
Ajay
Roma
Gujarat
Mukul Sinha
Andhra Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Parvcz Tmroz
llQsaii
Zakia Jowher
Balagopal
Mahadevan
Vanaja
Delhi
Ashok Agrwaal
Punjab (TADA)
A.S. Chahal
Maharashtra
Nilya Ramakrishnan
Arunjeev Singh Walia
Majeed Memon
Manipur (AFSPA)
Rakesh Mcihoubam
V.K. Ohri
People" Union for Democratic Rights
Bikram Jeet Batra (Amnesty. India)
Video Participation by U.S, and British Legal Experts on International Security Legislation
Jean Berman, Executive Director, International Senior Lawyers Project will introduce the U.S.
Participants:
Michael Ratner, President, Center for Constitutional Rights, New York
Barbara Olshansky, Assistant Legal Director, Center for Constitutional Rights, New York
Jeremy P Carver, CBE, Head of International Law at the global law firm Clifford Chance.
Yuval Ginbar, Amnesty International, UK
Participating Organizations:________________________________________________________________________
Asian Centre tor Human Rights. Action Aid (Gujarat). Amnesty' International (India), Communalism
Combat, Janhit, Human Rights Law Network, India Centre for Human Rights and Law', Indian Social
Institute. Lawyers for Human Rights International (Punjab), People’s Watch-Tamil Nadu, PC IA
Vircdhi Jan Morcha, PUCL Ranchi Unit, People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR), Thanthai
Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam, UP Agrarian Reform & Labour Rights Campaign Committee.
Organizing Committee:
Colin Gonsalves, Henri Tiphagne, Mihir Desai, Teesta Setalvad, Prakash Louis
For more information on the Tribunal:
Conference Secretarial
c/o Preeti Verma
65, Masjid Road, Jungpura, New Delhi 110 014
Telephone : 91-11-24324501 E-mail at: hrlndel@vsnl.net
TO PREPARE ELECTION-RELATED CAMPAIGN MATERIALS
3/3/04
r= ovailahle :r. the campaign website
•
__•
. .
■
■
■,■•/,.'
ext is at’open to usea€‘M for all citizensafc
*
9* organisations
dialogue on heaiui ca-ie wluh senior politicians from various national
tames. The interaction will .oe followed .by a orocession.
parties on the issue of health/ Jan Swasthya Abhiyan is organising a
nubiic to mm of oiaioaue on Health Care ’with political Dartres.
Speaker's nail, Cons ci turion Club, Kali Marg, i\ew Delhi
At the world Social form (Mumbai. January 20,04), various groups
concerned with the growth of communal tendencies in the country got
together and decJ ded to launch a campaign during the par1iamentary
.iridian riiliance fox Child Rights
eiecr.'ons /cu^arj ■.
iiACR;,
Pairvi and other
fnis space wi i i oe used to post campaign materials,
with further materials. Please keep an eye on this new section if you
are involved m election—related activities.
3/3/04
’age 1 of 7
Goinmutiiiy ridaiih Ceii
t-rom:
rignt2rooa'' <rignt2foodfa)yahoo. co. in>
<RightToFood@yahoogroups.com>
IGHT TO HEALTH, ELECTION NEWS, AND MORE
Sut
.th Update
Toaaya€“s menu includes reports or recent activities,
on-related news, a policy update, and a special sect:
Chhat-
.vities that are being planned in connection with the forthcoming
.iamentary elections.
We will be glad to cover them in future
PUBLIC FORUM ON THE RIGHT TO HEALTH
ITEMS
’DATE: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS TN FOOD SONET
1. DELHI: PUBLIC FORUM ON THE RIGHT TO HEALTH
Jan SWasthya Abhiyan (JSA) organised a dialogue with political
parties on the right to health in Delhi on 12 March, 2004.
Representatives of different parties (BJP excepted) were invited to
present their perspective on the right to health and respond to
questions from the audience and a panel of experts.
About 300
activists from around the country attended the forum.
The
participation ot political parties was less impressive, as the
Congress representative failed to turn up and even other parties made
rather fleeting appearances.
In fact the main message transpiring
nowhere on rhe agenda of the political parties.
The Samajwadi Party
representative made a candid statement to that effect and pleaded
ignorance in answer to most questions.
However most of the speakers
food security; sustainable livelihood options; access to housing,
drinking water and sanitation; and appropriate medical care tor all;
in sum - the right to TTEAT.TN FOR ALT.,
NOWaSn.
The forum was followed
LlgLllqlxl o£ the de
uo
*
wau a larye doll on a oLretolior, repi'eLien ling
tne countrya€--s neaitn services.
For further info, piease contact tne
national secretariat of JSA (chaukhat@yahoo.com or samasaro@vsnl.com).
3/16/04
Page 2 of7
2. RAJASTHAN:
PUBLIC HEARING ON HEALTH CARE
highlighted the Tael that even Hie poorest patients were
systematicaI Iv charged tor services that, were supposed to be tree.
Excerpts from a report published in The Hindu (sec
of Right co Information, convened a People's Health Assembly in
•Jawaja to make health the rallying point for the poor citizens in the
difficult times of orivatisation and globalisation.
Tr Maj? a FOIHAWhat’. CIJT'IO’JF
th A**i TMI of 1 OCSl porjplc AXPAftS and
in Cue Rajasthan countryside when tiie dog bites a man. A panel of
experts listened to villagers talking about their experiences of
in nearen sector was conrinea to ensuring cnat people got a fair dear
from the health officials§€™ said Aruna P.oy of MKSS. The participants
were almost unanimous in expressing their dissatisfaction over the
iiiauciriity faQj.xj.ti.es made av’dixable to them; none of trieni riad tile
personal experience of any of the facilities coming free at the time
of childbirth or abortion.
MKSS had its.teams visiting villages in Jawaja bloc and discussing
their health problems months in advance. The organization also tried
to colled records from the Stale Health Department and local
community neaith centre ar. Jawaja, making use ot the provisions ot
the Right to Information Act in the State. "It took us one month and
MKSS survey revealed that none of the 33 dog bite cases it examined
over a period from March 2003 to January 20, 2004 in Jawaja bloc had
received the customary 14 injections.
Ths Has1 th AssAinbly wss not confiriAd to questioning of- GovATTiip.Ant
and exhorted volunteers
hospital.a€U
lo
donate blood at the nearby uawaja
the public distribution system (see earlier updates), Is now
avairaoie on tne campaign weosite; see
http://geocities .com/righttofood/data/ khelwarareview.pdf .
Many citizensa€“ organizations are gearing up for the forthcoming
elections in various ways, from exposing the government.3G™s blatant
propaganda campaign to fielding candidates. Wo shall try to cover
these activities as we go along (some of them frgured in the previous
update), especially those concerned with the right to food.
time being please note the following:
For the
(a) Efforts are being made to produce effective campaign material
(posters, leaflets, etc.) for use during the election period. A
preliminary set of posters is available on the campaign website
(www.righttofood.com, see the a€oeelectionsfien section).
An improved
version is on the anvil and will be posted as soon as possible.
3/16/04
Page 3 of7
k-dlUpaigil
Z'diliOCx dtiC xl’ldia IS planning a national IGSlStaDCG
convention on 4 April m New Delhi,
one aim of this convention is to
prepare a a€cepeoplea€™s manifestoa€D in advance of the elections.
Excerpts=
Lroubxed Lliues.
±L is claimed that
the fox'Lhcoming parliameiiLary
elections will ne fought primarii y on a development plank. However,
proposed to bring together a group of activists and intellectuals who
believe passionately in the need to reclaim the secular, socialist
and democratic traditions of our land and adherence to non alignment
to constitute what we describe as a Peoplea€™s Manifesto, as part of a
very broad—based mCxUsive Campaign for Democratic India. aCx, For
further details please contact Apoorvanand
(apoorvanandBredi t tmai1.com)
Lhe xxg.iL Lo food campaign, uan SwusLhyu Abhiyan, Child Relief and
You, among otners) nave sent aeiegations to political parties to
discuss the right to food and related issues such as the right to
health, the right to work, and childrena€™s rights.
Hopefully, some of
tO be
lcicgocU
5i'lOX’tly) .
The SUppOl't gi'OUp SGilt d list Ox xO COl’G
demands to various parties, including: full commitment to the right
to food and work as top priorities of public policy; an employment
err : a im i -r<=»r 1 vnibl i c d i st.r i but i on svstem, with special
laid—day meals; in all primary schools; uiixversalxsatlon ox ZCDS;
universal social securi r.y arrangements; special provisions to prevent
urban destitution; and full implementation of all Supreme Court
Both are available for consultation in rhe aCceparl lament elections
2004aeQ section of the website.
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is taking increasing
interest in the right’to food.
Tn a recent note on this, NHRC.
examined various international declarations and covenants including
Lhe Universal Declux'uLloii of Human Rights (UDHR) , the IntexxiuLxonax
Covenant Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), tne
Convention on the Rights of the Child, and other documents to which
India is a signatory.
It argues that in a legal sense, the state has
the responsibility to a€”respect, protect, facilitate and provideaC™ the
right to food.
If the minimum core obligations are not met, it can
be deemed that the state violated the right to food. This NHRC note
is available on the campaign website (see
httn: / /geoci ties, crim / ri ahttofood/ da fa /nhrertf - pdf) -
.0. DISRUPTTONOF TCDS SERVICES TN MADHYA PRADESH AND ELSEWHERE
'nave happened because the district has failed to release money to the
Self-Help Groups (SHGs) that are preparing the food. Activists in
the region took up the issue with the administration, but their
complaints have so far been, ignored.
The administration, has refused
3/16/04
Page 4 of7
complain to have beep unacknowledged.
The ISSue hdS been referred to
the Commissioners of the Supreme Court, Dr. Saxena ana Mr. Sankaran.
country.
Aside from Madhya Pradesh, we have news about large-scale
disruptions in Jnarxnand, Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere.
CARE used to
provide food for ICDS centres in large parts of Jharkhand, but CARE
supplies.
Failure to make reliable alternative arrangements on the
part of the Jharkhand government led to major disruptions in the
provision of suoplementarv food in ICDS centres.
Similar problems
months at a time for trivial reasons such as the failure to sanction
tenders.
The most interesting part of the story is that none of this
has led fca much hue and cry a€" hungry children have no voice.
are aware or tne aisruption or ICDS nutrition or neaxtn services in
your area, please send a line to right2food@yahoo.co.in .
IN FOOD SCIIiiiM£>S
There have been several policy developments pertaining to foodrelated schemes during the last few weeks. These include;
EXrAivSION OF ANTYOpAYA: The Government of India iias announced another
round of expansion of the coverage of the Anf.yodaya Anna Yojana
(AAY).
Currently 1.5 crorc families arc being covered under the
FURTHER CENTRAL ASSISTANCE FOR MID-DAY MEALS:
The Planning
Commission has announced that it will allocate Rs. 415 crores to help
allotted for mid-day meals.
Currently the Government of India
supplies the grains required tor the programme and the a€~conversion
costsaS™ fi.e. the cost, of non-grain ingredients, cooking and salaries)
not have adequate funds Ld iniliuLe cooked mid day meals due Lo
paucity or tunas.
Ine Gol nas also announced that it wouxa extena
the mid-day meal programme to upper primary schools from the next
academic year.
IMPROVED MID-DAY MEALS INTRODUCED IN MADHYA PRADESH:
The new state
government in Madhya Pradesh has announced that the ailing mid-day
meal programme of the state would be revamped and improved.
The
revised programme, involving dal and vegetables with rice/roti on
different days, is slated to cover 22 lakh students in the tribal
blocks of the state in three phases. All primary schools are
supposed to be covered by tne end of March.
LIMITED EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE PP.OGPAMME ANNOUNCED IN M.P.: A.lso in
Madhya Pradesh, the state government has announced that an employment
guarantee programme would be initiated in tribal regions to provide
employment of 180 days to each family.
It is said that Rs 280 crores
has been allotted for the nuroose in the state.
While this is a
start, of so’_f.s, it. should be noted that. 280 crores is adequate to
3/16/04
’age 5 of 7
vs
d
*
1 ~T
’’i n foxr only 150 000 f3inilie2
100 per person per day, materials included).
KARNATAKA t0 SvTEND MID-DAY MEALS TO UPPER-PRIMARY SCHOOLS:
During
3/16/04
lii May 2003 the Supreme Court directed that Antyodaya Cards should be
issued as a matter of riant to various a^cepriority groupsatXl, including
all primitive tribes. Chhattisaarh seems to be the only state where a
r.rrlar
I dCi\
rr. thi’^
has bapn
(Wirbwst
50 lakh families, bringing a total of 2 crore
within the ambit of Antyodava.
(20 million)
families
In some si'Cas, grassroots organisations have ta/ccn up the issue ox
hiiuyodaya cards for primitive tribes.
m many cases, particularly in
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Chhattisgarh, the district
administration responded quickly and the cards were issued. The
Chhattisgarh GO on this matter was issued in response to the
xxilerveiiClon of the Commissxoners and their advisor
.
*
These
developments illustrate the potential roie or grassroots
organisations acting in coordination with the Commissioners.
In
areas where no such efforts have been made, the extension of
(c) Using Surveys to Initiate .Action*
A recent study ox the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) in
Konya district had nign lighted the dysfunctional state of mis
programme in the district.
The Commissioners took the state
increased, while the anganwadi workers and helpers have become more
regular. Similar studies of mid-day meals, the public distribution
system and other food entitlements are being initiated in Koriya
(a)
Training programme at Pithora
Also in Chhattisgarh, Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA) has taken up the
right to feed as one its primary concerns. This was decided at a well
attended meeting of all the JSA constituents and network members m
Chhattisgarh in January, following on this, training on the right to
food was organised for JSA members on February 22nd at Pithora
(Mahasamund district), to explore different ways of working for the
contact T. Sundararaman at sundarZI? 1 ?3i ndi a .com
Some work has also been done on the revival of the public
distribution system (PUS) m Chhattisgarh.
One crucial problem, also
common in other states, is that commissions for PDS dealers are so
1 zM.r 4-ksar- rka
arm
f-rj «5<a11
Substantial
<T> ] S FI t 1 t*. 1 A S OT
3/16/04
Page 7 of 7
grain on ths black market just to recover their costs.
To address
this problem, the commissions have recently been raised in
Chhattisgarh, e.g. from 6 paise to 20 paise per kg in rural outlets.
This was done bv streamlining earlier subsidies to the Nagrik Aooorti
Ni gam (NANI.
The rest of the money saved will be used to create
a iexfood security fundaSD.
Hunger Deaths in unnarr.i sgarn and Madhya Pradesh
period.
It appears that the state government has sent a team of top
officials to enquire into the incident.
Further details are
victim) was not earning any income and had barely eaten tor the past
six months.
Weakness due t.o hunger made it that much harder for him
tact, tne Annapoorna scneme was recently terminated in idaanya
Pradesh).
He had not eaten anything at all for several days before
he perished.
3/16/04
JN'J'T' A •
Page 1 of3
Cutiiiriunuy Health Cell
rrom:
To:
"vandana rrasad <chauknai(gjyanoo.com>
"oha” <pha-ncc@yahooqroups.com>
"vivek” <riQhf2fo€
*d@vahnn.GO.!n>
Oa*. vtcajr, ivacijr
vjciLun
Subject:
nnnx r-nc rr»n/t
tuu-r
ivi
[pha-nccj ri io food campaign convention bhopal 11-13 June
A HduOiidl COuvoutiOil Oil tliO i'itjlit to food aild YvOi’k
will be neid on i i-i3 June 2004, tentatively in Bhopal
(Madhva Pradesh). Organisations committed to the right
to fond and work are expected to join from all over
SUIUC expel leaves oigiassiuuis action fol the light
to food/work, and to pian future activities. 1 his is
also an opportunity to address the organisational
issues that arise in buildmg coordinated action .(or
This will be au action-oriented event, with plenty of
discussion groups, training workshops, cultural
activities, and more. Tt is a. unique chance for
persons working on the right to food to meet
each other. Potential issues tor discussion include
guaranteed employment, the public distribution system,
mid-day meals, land rights, and judicial action for
the rightto foodaHd-w0rk,2mongothers.
This convention is a fellow-up of earlier discussions
held at the World Social Forum in Mumbai (January
OAA.4^ T+ «c Fo/
*sKtofrv4
Inr
cimpArt nrntin
+Vtr»
"fipult to food Campaign', ill COudbOiatiOil With
several country-wide networks such as the National
.Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM), Bharat Gyan
Vioyan Samiti (RGVS), Tan Swasthya Ahhiyan (ISA), All
India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA), National
reuemuun of ludian Women (NrlW), Human Rights Law
network (hkln), national Conference of Dalit
Organisations (NACDOR), National Campaign Committee
for Rural Workers (NCCRW) and People's Union for Civil
.Liberties ^PUC1 '
The convention is being organised on a shoestring
budget. All participants are expected to bear their
own travel costs, and may be asked to contribute to
subsistence costs, if necessary. Other costs will be
met through voluntary donations with no strings
attached.
If you ore keen to porticipote, plesse send 2. line to
right2foodw.Yahoo.vo.in or get in touch with any member
of the "coordination team".
Gandhi rshavan, Khopai has been chosen as the venue for
the convention. Simple accommodation will be arranged
3/24/U4
Phw 7 of 3
Programme of the convention
The convention will be oreanised around parallel
workshops, a few plenary sessions, and ctitural
auuvruea. Tire luam purpose ur the picnm v scssiuus
would be to share what has happened in the workshops.
A programme committee has been formed to work on the
details of (he programme, taking suggestions from all
workshops was put together (see "teuaiive programme"
below tor an updated version ot the programme:
(1) Universalisation of the public distribution
syoiCuL
(2)
(3)
(4)
food sovereignty and rhe right to food.
Dahts, Adivasis and the right to food.
Children's right to food.
■ 5^ The risht to work in oil its
^THn!oirnisnt
gudTiiliivv, Hiiliiliiuili WagvS, wiv.y.
(6) Legal action for the right to food and work.
(7) Linking the right to food and work with the right
to information.
/SA
/M's
liar Tnr»/4rfir»£l fno/J
(?) The Abuijit Sen Cuijruuttec report.
(10) Challenging the APT, survey and official ciaims of
rapid poverty' reduction.
(11) Decentralised systems of food production and
(1'3) WlO-reiated issues.
(14) Role of the Commissioners of the Supreme Court.
(15) Social security for widows arid other groups (hat
(id) Laud lights and the control or natural resouroes.
The convention will he basically geared to persons
involved with grassroots work on the right to food or
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5/24/V4
Page 3 of3
N V T- 9 .
Page 1 of 8
chc
From:
To:
Sent:
Subject:
"Right to Food" <righttofood@gmail.com >
<sochara@vsnl.com>
Wednesday. September 15.2004 2:11 PM
UPDATE 31 (part 2): SEPTEMBER AND BEYOND
UPDATE 31 (part 2): SEPTEMBER AND BEYOND
IMPORTANT NOTICE: The confirmed venue of the convention on "employment
guarantee and the right to work" (Sunday 19 September, 10 am to 6 pm) is as
follows: Main Hall, Indian Institute of Public Administration (TIPA), IP
Estate, ITO (Ring road) New Delhi. For further details of this event, sec
the last item in this update, or contact Navjyoti (9811087811).
Dear Friends,
The first part of this two-part update focused on issues related to the
right to work. In this part we turn to other issues and forthcoming
events - plenty of activities arc expected in the next few weeks. For
further information and updates, please refer to the website
(www.righttofoodindia.org).
There have been many distressing reports of starvation deaths during the
last few months - from Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan and
elsewhere. The latest rcpOfr'is froifTTHafFHand (sec below). Some hard
questions may be in orders.---------
TODAY'S HEADLINES:
£. XbLIC HEARINGS ON THE. RIGHT TO HEALTH CARE
2. JHARKHAND: RECENT STARVATION DEATHS
3.
MADHYA PRADESH: DENIAL OF THE RIGHT TO FOOD TO DALITS AND SAHARIYAS
4.
MADHYA PRADESH: WIDOWS' RIGHT TO FOOD AND SOCIAL SECURITY
5.
DELHI: PUBLIC HEARING ON THE PUBLIC DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM
6.
CHHATTISGARH: RIGHT TO FOOD Vs. THE RIGHT TO LOOT
7.
MAHARASHTRA: FOLLOW UP TO THE BHOPAL CONVENTION
8.
EDUCATION ACTIVISTS ASSEMBLY (NEW DELHI., SEPTEMBER 2 - 4, 2004)
9.
STEERING GROUP TAKES OFF
9/16/04
Page 2 of 8
10.
NATIONAL. COORDINATION COMMITTEE ON LAND FORMED
11.
NATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION (8-10 October)
12.
PRIME MINISTER URGED TO RECONSIDER FOOD STAMPS
13.
WEBSITE ADDITIONS
14.
REMINDER: CONVENTION ON EMPLOYMENT GLIARANTEE AND THE RIGHT TO WORK
1. PUBLIC HEARINGS ON THE RIGHT TO HEALTH CARE
India has one of the most privatised systems of health care in the world,
and public spending on health is among the lowest. A large proportion of
the Indian population is deprived of any significant access to basic health
care. To highlight this issue, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC)
is holding five regional public hearings on Health and Human Rights in
collaboration with Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (ISA). A national public hearing in
New Delhi is expected to follow the regional hearings.
The first regional public hearing was organised in Bhopal on 29 July 2004,
followed by the Southern regional hearing at Pondichcry. The testimonies
highlighted the plight of poor people being charged for services that ought
to be received free of cost, and several eases of gross negligence by health
care centres. The hearing also highlighted several systemic issues such as
health problems resulting from environmental pollution, unhealthy working
conditions, etc. Another important issues that emerged from the hearings is
the virtual absence of any facilities for mental health care. NHRC proposes
to take up several eases of denial of health care under the procedures laid
down in the Protection of Human Rights Act.
Further public, hearings arc to be held soon in the Northern Region
(September 26, 2004 at Lucknow), Eastern Region (October 11, 2004 at
Ranchi), and North Eastern Region (November 28, 2004 at Guwahati). The
public hearing in New Delhi will take place in December 2004. For further
information please contact CEHAT (cchat@vsnl.com).
2. JHARKHAND: RECENT STARVATION DEATHS
Reports from .Jharkhand indicate that the state is affected by one of the
worst droughts in many years. In many parts of the state this is the fourth
consecutive year of drought, making it extremely difficult for the poorer
families to survive. Reports of hunger deaths have already come from
different parts of the state. The state government seems to be spending
more time in disproving the evidence of hunger deaths than in organizing
relief.
A recent survey of seven drought-affected districts by Gram Swaraj Abhiyan
(GSA) throws an alarming picture. Rainfall in the survey areas this year
9/16/04
Page 3 of 8
was as low as 18% of normal levels, and water availability in wells was
below 50%. Tn Palamu. one of the worst affected districts, rainfall was
just 3% of normal levels. In these districts. 84% of the Halka paddy crop
(an early maturing upland variety) has been destroyed, rising to 99% in
Palamu. Maize production too has been affected drastically, and future crop
prospects for this year look bleak.
This has led to a wave of distress migration, large-scale cattle losses and
widespread hunger. As many as ten hunger deaths have been reported in just
one fortnight. Several eases were found where entire families had migrated,
leaving the old to fend for themselves. The surveyors met over 700 aged
people who had been left behind by their families.
Even in this extreme situation, the .Jharkhand government has failed to
improve food-related schemes. Tn the villages surveyed, less than one-third
of pregnant women were receiving supplementary nutrition through TCDS, and
half of the Antyodaya cardholders had not received any ration during
.July-August, Employment generation, one of the chief relief measures, was
abysmally low: only 25 person-days per village on average, i.c. not enough
to provide even one day of employment to every poor family!
Activists warn that this year even wild foods such as Chakora (a local
spinach) and Gethi (a wild root) arc scarce. A humanitarian disaster is
imminent unless the government acts immediately. Dhamas, rallies and other
agitations have been launched by Gram Swaraj Abhiyan and other
organizations. More arc on the cards, including the following:
11 October: Public hearing on access to health organised by BGVS and GSA
with participants from Bihar, .Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal and
Orissa.
14 October: Action day at block and district levels. Univcrsalisation of the
Integrated Child Development Services (TCDS) will be the main demand.
16 October: A large number of children and their mothers will gather in
Ranchi for another action day on TCDS.
8-10 December: "Food rights convention" in Ranchi to step up and enlarge
the right to food campaign in Jharkhand.
22 December: Mass rally for the right to food and work, in Ranchi.
3.
MADHYA PRADESH: DEMAL OF THE RIGHT TO FOOD TO DALITS AND SAHARIYAS
Tn June and July, representatives of the Commissioners in Madhya Pradesh
visited selected villages in Annupur, Tikamgarh and Shivpuri districts with
local activists. The visits focused on Sahariya and Dalit hamlets, and
revealed flagrant violations of Supreme Court orders as well as persistent
disregard of reminders from the Commissioners by the state government. The
functioning of the PDS was dismal: eligible households have not been issued
9/16/04
Page 4 of 8
ration cards, distribution at fair-price shops is infrequent, and cheating
on weights is common. Tn one village (Bachora), BPL cardholders had not
received any rations in the past four years.
t f i \_-<j f. ^VftTV'Ci unw iTvvTi idnTJ iv^ninT vinvvViiviv, div vTTniiv
and of poor quality in these villages. In one village, girls have been
denied rotis. The story is no different in the anganwadis: quantities arc
less than the prescribed norm, quality is appallingly poor and Dalit
children often have no access to the local anganwadi. Even employment
generation programmes arc out of reach of the Dalits and Sahariyas: in one
village no work was started, in another work was undertaken but labour was
recruited from elsewhere, and in a third village, work was provided but
payments for 500 person-days arc yet to be made. People in these hamlets
have been forced to migrate and arc facing great hardships - including the
loss of lives of children.
4.
MADHYA PRADESH: WIDOWS' RIGHT TO FOOD AND SOCIAL SECURITY
Also in Madhya Pradesh, the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW) held
a meeting in Satna on 13 September and decided to launch a campaign for the
rights of widows to food security. "Widows and other single women without
regular support" arc among the priority groups that arc entitled to
Antyodaya cards as a matter of right, as per Supreme Court orders. This is
an important order, as widows arc among the most vulnerable and insecure
members of Indian society. However, very little has been done so far to
implement this order. The NFIW initiative is a significant beginning. For
further info please write to Schba Farooqi at nfi wd cl hi @yahoo. com
5.
DELHI: PUBLIC HEARING ON THE PUBLIC DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM
In Delhi, large numbers of slum-dwellers mobilised by Parivartan have
inspected the records of ration shops under the Delhi Right to Information
Act. They found that up to 90% of the food meant for public distribution had
been sold in the black market.
After months of struggle, Parivartan exposed the rot at a jam-packed public
hearing held on 31 July 2004. The hearing (hcald at the Gandhi Peace
Foundation) was attended by PDS dealers, cardholders, government officials
and eminent citizens from different parts of Delhi. Many well-known problems
with the PDS came up in the tcsimonics: PDS dealers siphon off grain meant
for the poor, opening hours of the ration shops arc irregular and uncertain,
eligible persons arc excluded from BPL lists, etc. The public hearing also
brought to light some new and important issues related to the woes of PDS
dealers, the apathy of the administration, and problems with the use of the
Right to Information Act.
PDS dealers presented their side of the story to the government and the
public. I.ow commissions were cited as the main reason for diversion of
foodgrains. The administration has failed to ensure timely supply of
9/16/04
Page 5 of 8
rations, which also contributes to poor offtake and black-marketing. There
were other signs of administrative apathy and sometimes willfill connivance
on the part of government officials. On examining the register of
complaints, it was found that charges were proved in every single ease, but
the fines applicable under the PDS Control Orders and the Essential
Commodities Act had not been imposed. For instance, closure of shops during
working hours calls for cancellation of licences, but this has never been
done though minor fines (up to Rs 2,500) have been levied. The public
hearing also highlighted various difficulties in making use of the Right to
intimidation.
6.
CHHATTISGARH: RIGHT TO FOOD Vs. THE RIGHT TO LOOT
There is much suspense in Chhattisgarh as vested interests, with a little
help from the High Court, arc resisting the state government's decision to
"dc-privatisc" the public distribution system in tribal districts.
Tn 2001, the PDS in Chattisgarh was transferred from state co-operative to
private dealers. While the number of fair price shops (FPS) doubled, the
process of privatization was also used to create patron-client relationships
between politicians and dealers. The FPS network is now dominated by the
rice millers' lobby and there is rampant corruption: as many as 1200 eases
have been registered arc against private dealers in Chhattisgarh in 2001 -4.
This is just the tip of the iceberg as very few eases get registered in the
first place and many arc hushed up in out-of-court settlements between food
inspectors and the PDS dealers.
Members of the right to food campaign in Chhattisgarh have been exposing
these corrupt practices and urging the state administration to combat them.
Official investigations in Surguja and Koriya districts led to the
cancellation of more than 1,000 FPS licences. Based on this experience, the
State Cabinet decided to reverse the privatisation of PDS shops in 6 tribal
districts and hand them back to panchayats, self-help groups, LAMPS, small
produce societies and forest protection committees. However, the Bilaspur
High Court has admitted a writ petition challenging the decision to
dc-privatisc the PDS as being violative of Article 19 (1 )(g) of the
Constitution of India (the order "tends to curtail the fundamental right of
the petitioner to carry on occupation or business of running Fair Price Shop
under the scheme is arbitrary, malaise and unconstitutional"). The petition
is actively supported by the rice millers' lobby. The state governments'
response, based on the Supreme Court orders and reports filed by the Adviser
to the Commissioners, states that "the State Government was left with no
choice but to evolve an alternative mechanism for proper and effective
implementation of the Public Distribution System to save it subject i.c. the
people of the State from being suffered in the hands of individual
shopkeepers" (sic). latest reports (14 September) indicate that the High
Court has rejected the state government's response and stayed the
dc-privatization of PDS shops. The battle continues.
9/16/04
Page 6 of 8
7.
MAHARASHTRA: FOLLOW UP TO THE BHOPAL CONVENTION
Tn Maharashtra Anna Ani Arogya Adhikar Ahhiyan has initiated various
activities as a follow-up to the "convention on the right to food and work"
held in Phonal last .Tunc. A two-dav consultation was recently held to plan
grassroots activities on the. issues raised at the convention, including the
public distribution system, starvation deaths, land rights, employment
guarantee and the right to health. A state-wide campaign is being planned in
anticipation of the Assembly elections in Maharasthra next month.
Also in Maharashtra, the issue of hunger-related child deaths in several
parts of the state have been actively taken up in the courts. A public
interest litigation (PIT..) is on. handled by Adv. Mihir Desai, and the High
Court has issued several interim orders related to hunger deaths among
children. However, it appears that some of these orders arc inconsistent
with recent Supreme Court orders. It is expected that the court will be
approached shortly for revised orders in line with the directions of the
Supreme Court.
8.
EDUCATION ACTIVISTS ASSEMBLY (NEW DELHI, SEPTEMBER 2 - 4, 2004)
Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS) recently organised a major "assembly" of
education activists, attended by over 3,000 participants from across the
country. The assembly focused on different aspects of "the right to social
security", including especially the right to food, the right to work, the
right to health, and the right to education. There were two major sessions
on the right to food and this assembly is expected to give a significant
boost to future activities around the country. More on this in forthcoming
updates.
9.
STEERING GROUP TAKES OFF
The first meeting of the "steering group" formed at the Bhopal convention
was held in Delhi on 22 August. The main decision was to form a secretariat
of sorts, to assist the steering group and facilitate the activities of the
campaign. A summary of the discussions and decisions will be posted on the
website (www.righttofoodindia.org). From now on, the steering group is
expected to meet on the last Saturday of each month. The next meeting will
be taking place in Delhi on 25 September. For details please send a line to
righttofood@gmail .com or contact Navjyoti (9811087811).
10.
NATIONAL COORDINATION COMMITTEE ON LAND FORMED
A National Coordination Committee on Land (NCCL) has been formed to
consolidate various efforts to revive land reforms issues. A decision to
form this coordination committee was taken at a meeting of like-minded
groups held in Delhi in December 2003. This was followed by a large meeting
9/16/04
Page 7 of 8
on land rights at the World Social Forum last January. Over three thousand
participants attended this meeting, and consultations arc on to form a I,and
First International, to coordinate efforts internationally.
NOCT, held its first meeting in Delhi on 13-14 September, to discuss the
possibility of a nation-wide "land rights campaign". Feedback is awaited.
11.
NATIONAL CONVENTION ON THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION (8-10 October)
The National Campaign for the People's Right to Information (NCPRT) is
planning to convene a national convention on the right to information in
Delhi on 9-10 October. Hundreds of participants arc expected from all over
the country, and a whole range of events arc on the cards - parallel
workshops, plenary sessions, cultural activities, etc. Details arc being
finalised, but it looks like the convention is going to be held on the north
campus of Delhi I Tniversity. For further information, please send a line to
nepri2004@vaboo co i n
The first day of the convention will take the form of a national public
hearing on the public distribution system - PDS activists please note.
12.
PRIME MINISTER URGED TO RECONSIDER FOOD STAMPS
Tn his recent Budget speech, the Finance Minister Mr P. Chidambaram
announced a pilot "food stamps" scheme in selected districts. Colin
Gonsalves of Human Rights Law Network has launched an appeal to the Prime
Minister, asking him to reconsider. The appeal cites the experiences of Sri
I-anka, Jamaica, Mexico and Zambia where food stamps have failed if "judged
on the extent of protection given to the poorest, needy and vulnerable
individuals". The appeal highlights various problems with food stamps,
including vast possibilities of fraud through counterfeiting of coupons.
For further information please contact s1icdc1hi@vsn1.net
13.
WEBSITE ADDITIONS
The campaign website (www.righttofoodindia.org) continues to grow day by
day Efforts arc on to expand the 'right to work' section, which already
includes a fair sample of draft Employment Guarantee Acts, comments
received, briefing notes on the right to work, selected articles, etc. New
sections on the public distribution system and children's right to food arc
also on the anvil
14.
REMINDER: CONVENTION ON EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE AND THE RIGHT TO WORK
The confirmed venue of the convention on "Employment Guarantee and the Right
to Work" (Sunday 19 September) is TTP A Campus, TP Estate, TTO (ring road).
The outlook for the convention is very good. We expect active, participation
9/16/04
Page 8 of 8
from workers' organisations, trade unions, political parties, women's
organisations, and others committed to the right to work
The draft programme is-
Time 1 0 am to 6 nm
9 30-10 00 'Registration (note- this event is self-financed and
participants arc expected to contribute a registration fee of Rs 100, with
- casc-by-casc exemption for those who can't afford it)
10 00-11 00 Opening Plenary: (1) Introductory presentations on the right
tn work (2) Presentation of draft Rural Employment Guarantee Act. (3)
Summary of comments received. (4) Presentation on EGA financing and the
government's policy (5) Invited comments from political parties and social
movements.
100-2.00
Lunch
2.00-4.00 Parallel Workshops: (1) The draft Act. (2) Mobilisation for
EGA. (3) Wider aspects of the right to work.
4.00-6.00 Concluding plenary: (1) Reports from workshops.
(2) Further mobilization for employment guarantee and the right to work.
This message is sent using PostCast Server Professional Trialhttp://www.postcastscrvcr.com/
9/16/04
Page 1 of2
^.64
NUT'- B
Main Identity
From:
To:
Sent:
Subject:
"Vandana Prasad" <chaukhat@yahoo.com>
<pha-ncc@yahoogroups.com>
Wednesday, March 02, 2005 12:33 PM
[pha-ncc] fyi- rt 2 food meetings
> 9 MARCH: WORKSHOP ON THE PDS
>
> A workshop on the public distribution system will be
> held at the Indian Social Institute on Wednesday 9
> March. The main purpose of the workshop is to guide
> legal intervention on the PDS, in the context of the
> public interest litigation initiated by
> PUCL-Rajasthan. For details, background material
> etc. please send a line to Kumaran
> (kumran@gmail.com).
> 10 MARCH: MEETING TO PLAN FUTURE ACTIVITIES
>
> The secretariat of the Right to Food Campaign is
> convening an important meeting on Thursday 10 March
> at the Indian Social Institute (10 am to 2 pm),to
> discuss forthcoming activities of the campaign as
> well as some organisational issues. The main items
> on the agenda are: further action for a full-fledged
> Employment Guarantee Act; further interventions in
> the Supreme Court; other proposed activities;
> suggestions for the next annual "convention"; and
> setting up of a new campaign secretariat in Delhi.
> This is an important opportunity to set work
> priorities for the campaign secretariat and all
> concerned organisations are cordially invited,
> especially those that participated in the Bhopal
> convention in June 2004 and/or the "display of
> banners" on 21 December 2004. For further details
> please send contact Navjyoti (nj 12@rediffmail .com,
> tel 9811087811).
>
>
> On Wed, 02 Mar 2005 Vandana Prasad wrote :
> >dear navjyoti,
> >pls send me the invitation by e mail so i can put
>it
3/2/2005
Page 2 of2
> >on the jsa e group.
> >thanks
> >vandana prasad
> >Celebrate Yahool's 10th Birthday!
> >Yahoo! Netrospective: 100 Moments of the Web
>>http://birthday.yahoo.com/netrospective/
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