NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Item
- Title
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NIMHANS Small Grants Programme
for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour - extracted text
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NIMHANS Small Grants Programme
for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
s'
.'I.
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•
dissemination
Workshop
24 January 2003
■
Department of Health Education
National Institute of Mental Health & Neuro Sciences
imimhans small Grants
Programme
for Research on
Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour .
Dissemination Workshop
24 January 2003
Department of Health Education
National Institute of Mental Health & Neuro Science
Contents
i
Concerns Of In-School Youth In Rural South Karnataka: An
Exploratory Analysis Of Reproductive Health Knowledge, Boy-Girl
Relationships And Related Issues
Belaku Trust
An Exploration of the Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour of the Girl Child
16
on the Street.
Ancy Mathew. Tlse Willekens
Navajeevana
Young Men’s Peer Groups: Gender, Violence and Sexual Behaviour
32
Akhila Vasan
Foundation for Research on Health Systems, Bangalore
ii
cfyiowkdgements
On behalf of the NIMHNS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and
Sexual Behaviour. I would like to express my gratitude and appreciation to -
The past Directors of N1MHANS, Dr. S.M. Channabasavanna and Dr. M. GourieDevi, and the current Director, Dr. D. Nagaraf for their encouragement and
direction
Registrar and NIMHANS administration for facilitating the programme in
innumerable ways
The Ford Foundation for their foresight in addressing this important issue and
giving a generous grant and a free hand in carrying this programme forward
The members of the steering committee:
Prof. Pretti Pelto who has been with the programme since its conception and has
guided it every step of the way,
Prof. Mohan K. Isaac, who with his insights and larger vision has helped navigate
the programme through administrative and research shoals,
Dr. Bela Ganatra, gave us the impetus to start systematic training qualitative
research methods
Dr. Shekhar Sheshadri, who gave us impetus and direction for conducting research
with minority and marginalised communities,
All project holders and their team members who pioneered research in this sensitive
area under difficult circumstances
The Staff of the Programme:
Gloria who keeps us together and takes on many tasks in addition to administration,
Manjin Maselekar, who enthusiastically and unstintingly provides support to
project teams, helps plan interventions, and becomes of the project research team,
Akhila Vasan , who gives valuable inputs for analysing and writing up data,
Manjunath, who gives able administrative assistance, and Pushpinder Pelia Lubana
who provided direction in the difficult initial stages
The staff of the Department of Health Education who go out of their way to help
Jayasfiree (R^mafrisfina
iii
Torewarcf
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual
Behaviour aims to promote transdisciplinary, sensitive, context-based, rigorous
research in the area of sexuality and sexual behaviour, which addresses priority
concerns and has relevance for developing strategies for interventions. In this
endeavour the Programme, with grants from the Ford Foundation, has funded ten
research projects, six of these focus on concerns of young people, three projects
are among out-of-school youth and three are among in-school youth. All these
projects centre on similar issues in different contexts. Highlights of the findings from
three studies supported by the Programme are presented here.
The first project funded by the Programme to BOSCO explored street boy’s
perceptions of sexuality and sexual behaviour. This study revealed a high level of
sexual activity and the vulnerability of street boys to a constellation of risks, and the
need to consider the positive pleasure aspect, as well as the general context of
street boys lives in developing comprehensive interventions to address these risks.
Towards the end of this study it appeared that some boys were involved in sexwork
but no details were forthcoming. This led JAGRUTHI to take up a study of boys in
prostitution. Although street boys and boys in prostitution are both on the streets the
boys in prostitution are better educated, lower or middle class and many had a
feminine, kothi identity. Even though these boys were better educated they had less
access to information and seemed less able to “protect” themselves.
These two studies on boys seemed incomplete without information on street girls,
and NAVAJEEVANA developed a project - An exploration of the sexuality and
sexual behaviour of the girl child on the street. This study again points to the high
level of sexual activity and early initiation, and this is linked to lack of familial and
social support. Desire and urge are overriding themes. Nearly half the girls are
involved in sex for money and have multiple partners. Being involved with sex work
is positively linked with higher age, inability to read and write, living apart from
family, and using substances, especially alcohol. Street girls are less aware of
measures to take to protect themselves from reproductive tract infections and
sexually transmitted infections than street boys. Most girls aspire to marry and they
feel that being sexually active reduces their chances of finding a partner; hence
many relationships are carried out in secrecy. Violence and sexual abuse is
common, and is a part of their daily and family life. All the three studies highlight the
importance of pleasure and the need to include this aspect in the “risk” discourse.
SANGATH, Goa initiated the studies of in-school youth when they took up a project
to examine the reproductive health needs in context of over all concerns of high
school students in rural and urban Goa. The students reported much stress
especially in relation to academic performance and concern for the future, and had
many questions regarding attractions to and relationships with the opposite sex.
Both boys and girls had experiences of sexual abuse ranging from touch without
permission (17%)to forced sex (7%), and this was associated with greater physical
and mental ill health and substance use.
iv
The BELAKU study of 8th -10th class students in Kanakapura followed the same
pattern of examining comprehensive needs of students. The results show a striking
difference between the genders and urban and rural students. The girls worry that
they will be taken out of school, boys have the pressure to study well and boys feel
they have to take “care” of their families. The general health questionnaire (GHQ)
showed that students had many anxieties and mental health concerns. This was
positively correlated to being rural and of lower socio-economic background, and to
attending a large boys school that was undergoing many problems. Girls’
reproductive health knowledge, especially about contraceptives, was lower than
boys. They found maturation, especially menstruation, traumatic as it signalled the
end of childhood and freedom. Girls, rural and poor students faced more
restrictions. Communication and relationship with the opposite sex was fraught with
anxiety and tension, teasing ranging from the natural and enjoyable to downright
harassment and abuse marked boy-girl communication. In the event that
relationship progressed to the sexual level and the girl became pregnant, marriage,
abortion or suicide were seen as the only viable options.
The Belaku study in a way leads to the Foundation for Research in Health Systems
(FRHS) project- Understanding young men’s friendship and peer group relations,
which examines first year students’ sexual behaviour in relation to their group
membership and friendships. This study grew out of an earlier FRHS study that
pointed to a strong link between peer group influence and sexual behaviour. This
study shows that group membership seems to mediate in several domains of
students’ lives. It is linked to their academic performance and aspiration, their
relationship with girls and other women, and with each other. The relationship
between group members and outsiders are characterized by the exercise of power,
domination and subordination and violence. Boys behave in a friendly and
protective manner with “their girls,” but “other” girls are fair game. Quarter of the
boys had multiple relationships, some with sex workers and aunties and “special’
girl friends.
All these research projects faced the challenge of gathering sensitive, ‘hidden’
information. Experience of the researchers underscore the need for developing
rapport and involving the youngsters in the research process, developing and
testing interactive data collection methods, and the need to triangulate to obtain
valid and reliable data. As the research was conducted by field staff in organization
working young people, the field staff developed research skills, better understood
the dimensions of the issues that they are addressing, helped them to overcome
their own inhibition about dealing with sexuality and sexual behaviour. Most
importantly the institutions had ownership of the data gathered, the data informed
their current programmes and development of further responses.
The Navajeevana, Belaku and FRHS studies underline the necessity for
understanding structural and contextual factors that influence young peoples
perceptions of sexuality and sexual behaviours. Both in-school and out-of-school
youth do not have accurate and usable information on reproductive and sexual
health. Their values, expectations and communication styles are shaped by larger
societal norms that foster secrecy and shame and the mass media that depicts
conflicting images of modern romance, conformation to traditional norms, and
.violence. The difficulties of growing up are accentuated by lack of correct and
relevant information, lack of dialogue with adults to clarify issues, and the overall
need to keep their developing awareness of their sexuality under wraps. These
studies point to the need for broadening the discourse on sexuality and sexual
behaviour from a discourse of ‘risk’ to include desire, pleasure, and comfort. And,
most of all, these research studies indicate that it is essential to address issues
V
related to sexuality and sexual behaviour in terms of the larger the social, economic
and political environment as well as the situational context of the life of young
people.
Bangalore
22 January 2003
Jayashree Ramakrishna, Ph.D, MPH
Coordinator
NIMHANS Small Grants Programme
for Research on Sexuality and Sexual
Behaviour
VI
concerns of in-school youth in rural south
Karnataka - An exploratory analysis of
reproductive health knowledge, boy-girl
relationships and related issues
Belaku Trust
(draft - please do not cite)
I
Belaku Trust
697,15th Cross Road
j. p. Nagar, Phase li
Bangalore 560 078
E m a 11; b e l a k u @ v snLco m
The NIMH ANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexualiti/ ami Sexual llehavioitr
(draft - please do not cite)
Concerns of in-school youth in rural south Karnataka - An
exploratory analysis of reproductive health knowledge, boy-girl
relationships and related issues
Belaku Trust, Bangalore email: belaku@vsiil.com
I. Background
Adolescence is socially and culturally recognised in some communities as a time when
important transformations take place in an individual. The practices of rituals
associated with this period are not uncommon. As a developmentally formative period
in an individual’s life, this phase assumes significance in determining an individual’s
personality and attitudes. Youth are both physically and mentally vulnerable, and
hence their perceptions, attitudes and behaviours are influenced by varied factors.
Important aspects of this transition include the conscious realisations of self-image,
sexuality and the development of social attitudes. This translates into attitudes and
behaviour with important social and health implications. During this time, the provision
of appropriate input and care both in terms of mental and physical well-being could
alter not only health outcomes, but an individual’s life course as well.
In India, it is only in recent years that the importance of adolescent health is being
recognised. Health services historically have focused on family planning methods for
adult married women. In terms of policy rhetoric, youth, over one-fifth of India’s
population, are recognised as a group who need appropriate care. However, there is
little data on which to build programmes to address adolescent needs, as they vary
with geographical location, cultural context, gender, caste, urbanisation levels and
other socio-economic processes. Thus, localised studies play an important role in
developing a framework for local programmes.
II. Study Objectives - The objective this project is to understand attitudes and
perceptions of sex, boy-girl relationships and general needs of adolescents among
school-going youth in the township of Kanakapura. Specific objectives include:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
What are the general needs of the adolescents in the study as perceived by
them?
What are the existing perceptions and attitudes of issues relating to
reproductive health? What variations exist and how are they associated with
differences in background characteristics of the students?
What types of sexual behaviour do the adolescents perceive as permissible,
pleasurable, adventurous and risky for themselves and their peers? What
consequences are associated with these perceptions? What are the
characteristics of adolescents who engage in certain behaviours or hold
particular attitudes that may be detrimental to health and well-being?
What are the stages in the relationships that adolescents establish amongst
themselves which could lead to sexual activity? What are the systems of
communication used to establish such relationships?
What are the existing sources of information for these groups of young people?
Do they seek assistance for their problems? Whom do they approach for
advice and/or treatment/care?
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality/ anil Sexual Hehaviour
7.
Document language and expressions used when discussing reproductive
health and related social behaviour, which can be used when developing
interventions.
III. Study Design and Methodology
The project was carried out in Kanakapura town, the taluk head quarters located about
60 kms from Bangalore. The town is equipped with health institutions such as a
government hospital, Christian mission hospitals, private nursing homes, and
educational facilities with one government college, five government high schools and
several other private schools. Though the surrounding villages have primary and
middle schools, boys and girls from these villages have to go to the high school in
Kanakapura for higher study and hence there is a mixture of rural and urban, caste
and economic background of students in these schools.
The study was done involving students from four high schools:
1.
Government Girls High School (GGHS)- low fees
2.
Muncipal High School (MHS) - co-educational, run by town municipality,
moderate fees
3.
Rural Multipurpose High School (RMPHS) - government aided private school
boys only, higher fees, (lower fees for SC/STs)
4.
Rural Girls High School (RGHS) - government aided private girls high school,
higher fees
Qualitative phase - started with general group discussions from schools 1,2 and 3
above. From this, a purposive sample of 60 students was chosen, with 2 stratification
measures, sex and residence (urban-rural). Thus, the sample comprises 15 rural girls,
15 urban girls, 15 rural boys and 15 urban boys..
Quantitative phase - two-stage cluster design. The first stage was selection of 4 out of
7 existing high schools to capture a range of fee structures and urban-rural student
body. The second stage was selection of all 9th and 10th standard students within each
high school, except for RGHS, a large school in which 2 of the 5 sections in each
standard was chosen.
Methods
Key informant interviews
Focus Group Discussions and Freelists
Social mapping
Body mapping
Pilesorts
In-depth interviews with re-visits
A one-time.questionnaire, designed after completion of the qualitative phase, was
administered to a sample of 1566 students. Analysis is being carried out using
statistical software (SPSS) and software for qualitative data (Anthropac and Atlas Ti).
IV. Themes and Main Findings
A. Background characteristics of students (Survey sample (n=1566))
Sex - 40% female, 60% male
Urban - Rural - More of the female students are urban (63%) compared to male
(55%).
SchoolRMPHS-40.1%
MHS - 24.9%
The NIMHANS Small Grants Program me for Research on Sexuality ami Sexual Rehaviour
GGHS- 19.0%
RGHS- 16.0%
Caste
This sample of students has the following caste profile
20.0%
SC/ST
31.2%
OBC
37.6%
Vokkaliga
8.4%
Muslim
Forward caste 1.9%
Missing data 1.0%
A°sWeadditive scale of household possessions was created, and this linear scale
was further modified into a categorical variable of low, medium and high. Th s is be g
used as a simple economic status variable at this stage. Further analysis will combine
this variable with occupation and education to develop a SES variable.
Low - 32.7%
Medium - 38.2%
High-29.1%
RMPHS and RGHS clearly have higher proportions of relatively well-to-do students
compared to GGHS and MHS. GGHS has the highest proportion of poor students.
Possessions score RMPHS %
category________
Low____________ _ 19.9
Medium_________ 42.5
37.6
High
MHS
RGHS
GGHS
53.1
32.6
14.4
9.4
38.4
52.2
60.6
35.9
I
3.6
P < .001
Crosstabulations - Background variables
__
Possessions and sex of student - higher percentage of boys come from poor families
Possessions and urban-rural - higher percentage of rural students are poor compared
PoTs^ssionsTnTcaste - SC/ST are the poorest group, followed by the Vokkaligas.
OBC and finally the Muslim students.
Possessions score
category________ _
Low____________
Medium '_______
High
_Z
female
male
28.6
41.6
29.9
59.1
30.4
'10.5
Rural
Urban
45.7
387
15.5
28.6
41.6
29.9
P<.001
Possessions score
category ______
• Low
________ _
Medium_______ _
High
P<001
[ Possessions score
rscTsT
]~OBC +
Jj7okkahga
I Muslim
4
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Seximlih/ anil Sexual Rchnoiour
category
Low
Medium
High
P<001
61.0
28^8
10.2
Forward
20.5
43.1
36.4
34.3
387
27.0
38.2
53.4
B. Love, stages of love, consequences of love
“Nowadays, boy and girl fall in love by just walking along together; if they talk
once, the love starts.” [urban girl]
Boys and girls describe similar sequences in stages of love, how it begins and
progresses.
Teasing/ early stages of attraction
V
Mutual attraction/love- love letters, meetings (importance of friends)
Desire to marry, sometimes physical intimacy - (uncontrollable desire, no
protection, sometimes coercive)
▼
Pregnancy, and/or abortion, forced marriage, attempted suicide, suicide
Free lists and in-depth interview data show the following:
- boy-girl friendship changing to love is usually initiated and supported by friends, and
teasing is central aspect of the early communication.
- boys expect their life partners to be an ideal girl who wears saree, bindi, flowers,
etc., is very good-looking and family-oriented (towards the boy’s family) (Sarvaguna
sampanne). These expectations are influenced strongly by the media, as many boys
mentioned film heroines and models as their ideal.
- girls want their life partners not to smoke, drink or have extra marital affairs and fend
for the family.
- common mention of suicide. The students spoke of a number of situations in which
one might resort to suicide: failure in love, unwed pregnancies, severe teasing, poor
results.
Boys
Urban boys tend to speak more pragmatically than rural boys
“Boys will have the capacity to think, have the eligibility to love after they are
sixteen to seventeen years old. They will know how to lead their lives.” [urban
boy].
“If we love at this age, our studies will be affected. We will break our heads until
we become mad. We should love when we grow older”, [urban boy]
“Even if they love, nobody gets married to each other nowadays. They love in
order to fulfil their present [physical] desires, not to meet the desire of the mind.”
[urban boy]
Meeting places with girls are restricted to parks, movies and picnics for urban boys.
Within these locations, physical relationships are possible. They report that controlling
. desire is difficult.
5
/ he NIMI IANS Sniull Grunts Pro^rmnnie /or Hescurch on Scxun/i/i/ mil/ Si’.vinil Hehiiviiutr
“By nature, boys cannot control [desire). But il the gnl has lestiamt she can
somehow control the boy. What boys can’t control is the “romance" and
“emotion” that come in their bodies." [urban boy]
Both urban and rural boys describe the following outcomes:
- marriage if agreed to and arranged by the parents
- registered marriage without the parents consent
- suicide by the girl if the boy doesn’t agree to elope and marry the girl
Girls
Urban girls report the following
-love relationships more common in co-educational schools
-society s assumptions that opposite sex friendships cannot be platonic cause
these friendships to
become romantic.
-boys and girls don’t experience the same consequences
-love relationships should be restricted to kissing and hugging
“When boys and girls go to the same school, they have to be together, talk to
each other. But people consider those things wrongly.” [urban girl]
“We girls have to be correct. If boys do wrong things, it will not be considered
as wrong. But if girls do wrong things, then it is wrong’’.. A boy can marry a girl
even after have committed things [premarital sex] with another girl. But it is not
so with girls.” [urban girl]
Rural girl say that boys and girls get a chance to fall in love in the bus, in the village,
and describe more opportunities for meeting the opposite sex. They also say love
relationships before marriage should be restricted to hugging and kissing. Many case
studies are reported relating to love, premarital sex, pregnancy and abortion; this may
indicate that premarital sexual relationships are more frequently observed in rural
areas than in urban areas.
Both urban and rural girls report a range of outcomes in love relationships, similar in
nature to boys. The relationship is sometimes accepted by parents and leads to
marriage. If it is not accepted, many problems are reported. Suicide and attempted
suicide (especially by the girl) are mentioned by many of the students as an outcome
of ove relationships that are rejected by the family. The boy may face violence by the
girl s family. Rural girls talk about this kind of violence and harassment towards the boy
more than urban girls.
c. Teasing
Teasing is a'natural and common aspect of adolescence. It is a socially acceptable
mode of communication in a context where boy-girl interaction is discouraged. Teasing
may be healthy, casual, harmful or abusive. It is a significant part of adolescent
communication. Various kinds of teasing and different attitudes have been discussed
during the study (in-depth interviews, free lists, and survey):
Does anyone
tease you
Yes
Female
Male
rural
urban
50.6%
rural
urban
48.2%
57.9%
57.8%
- 54.3% of the survey sample report being teased
6
The NIMHANS Ml Cnuils Pro^iminiie /or He^urh on
nnd
Polniomur
compared to girls, mostly same sex teasing
amongst themselves rather than publicly done.
- teasing is a significant part of love stages (initial communication with a g rt)
- girts acceptance that boys teasing girls is common and unavoidable, a rite of
Few differences exist between urban and rural girls in terms of their attitude to teasing
‘Teasing is in their [boys] blood.” [urban girl]
“It is better if we don’t notice the teasing. They will purposely do more if they
see us noticing them.” [urban girl]
- Teasing that praises a girl or appreciates her beauty is accepted by girls.
- ‘Line hodiyodhu’ is a common and well-known term for boys teasing girls.
- Sometimes teasing is threatening and can in extreme cases lead to fatal
consequences (suicide by the girl), due to lack of support and understanding from
parents and elders.
“If you [the girl] are correct, then they [boys] will also be correct . [parent]
Teasing locations
The highest proportion of teasing is reported at home
percent
Place
42.9%
Home
17.6%
Village
14.6%
Bus
30.7%
Road
67.9%
School
4.6%
Other
Teased by
(Percent)
BOYS
GIRLS
Classmates
Seniors______
College
students_____
Acquaintances
Mama
Bhava
Boys near
house
55.0
14.7
26.1
79.6
19.7
18.9 .
23.1
30.0
14.3
21.5
23.0
15.4
43.0
Type of teasing (Percent)
BOYS
'
GIRLS
25.9
20.2
Whistling
14.0
8.1
Winking
47.1 ”
12.7
Passing
remarks
29.2
45.6
Singing
16.0
20.2
Following
207
25.7
Staring
27.8
7.2
Dashing
fulling hair
Falling over
in house
Touching
Pinching
Squeezing
|~innuendo
12/1
7.8
47
6.8
1.3
22.1
j___
21.3
15.8
i
19.1
28.1
~14.9
36.4
■7
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual lichaviour
measure, although not diagnostic in nature. Interestingly, boys tended to answer these
questions compared to girls. MHS, RMPHS and RGHS had similar proportions of kids
who ticked a response. GGHS has a very high proportion of girls who did not respond
for each of these items.
Without filtering out those who did not respond, RMPHS and MHS tend to have the
highest proportion of kids who said ‘sometimes’ or ‘often’ to these items, followed by
GGHS and lastly by RGHS.
Selecting only those who answered, for some of the items GGHS reports the highest
percentages of students who answered ‘sometimes or often .
Item
Worried sometimes
Often_________________ ___
Difficulty concentrating
sometimes________
Often____________________
Feel sad sometimes________
Often_________ _________
Bejaar sometimes__________
Often_____ ______ _________
Loss of confidence sometimes
Often______ ______________
Loss of appetite sometimes
Often________
Difficulty sleeping sometimes
Often_____________
Thought of ending life
sometimes_________
Often
__________
Anxiety score none
Low_____________
Medium_________ _
High
MHS
School
RGHS
GOHS
72.9
11.9
64.9
10.2
45.7
' 9.6
81.2
18.0
67.7
72.8
53.6
89.7
11.7
73.2
11.5
73.5
15.4
70.4
8.7
72.9
10.8
10.5
76.1
11.0
78.5
13.8
70.1
12.0
77.7
14.1
6.8
52.6
11.8
56.9
11.9
47.0
6.8
55.2
6.2
9.5
81.2
18.8
83.7
16.3
89.7
10.3
84.0
16.0
71.2
9.9
75.6
12.9
41.7
6.7
91.0
9.0
61.9
60.3
36.9
91.0
7.3
29.1
22.5
34.7
13.7
8.7
27.9
27.2
32.1
12.8
10.7
46.5
26.6
16.5
10.4
8.0
80.5
0.4
13.5
5.6
RMPHS
Item
Anxiety score none
Low __________
Medium_________
High
Female
60.0
14.1
16.8
9.1
Sex__
Male
27.3
254
34.1
13.2
8
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Se.xtialih/ ami Sexual Rehaviour
Regression results show that school has the strongest effect, with students of schools
other than RMPHS, being less likely to have reported medium or high anxiety. Urban
students and more well-to-do students also have a lower likelihood of reporting anxiety
compared to rural and poor students; and all other groups are less likely to report
anxiety compared to SC/ST students.
e. Problems
Girls
Opportunities, studies
- rural girls have less opportunities and more problems compared to urban girls.
- Financial problem appears to be rather common. Rural girls especially state that it is
a reason for discontinuation of studies, especially among rural girls.
“We come to school to learn and gain knowledge. In that I don’t understand
Hindi and Math’s. I want to do them well. While coming to school they ask me to
wash vessels, sweep the house. By doing all these things I get late to school.
My teacher beats me for coming late to school. At home, they scold me not to
go to school. But I come to school by walk. Since my father has no job we have
lot of problems. Every morning we have problems.. At home we don’t have
onion, oil, garlic, potato, vegetables and hence we have problem. But I eat and
come whenever is there at home. We have poverty at home. And my mother
asks me to go to house work. But I don't go." [rural girl]
Love relationships
Love relationships also seem to affect girls education. It is one of the reasons that girls
discontinue school. Rural girls report that in their village, if one girl is discovered to be
involved in a romantic relationship, many of the girls in the village will be forced by
their parents to stop attending school.
“When the village people see boys teasing us they tell about it to our parents. But our
parents scold and beat us and take us off from school.
If our teachers see us talking to a boy of our age they take it wrongly and frighten us
saying they would give the TC and send off from the school.
Few (known) people complain to our parents that ‘we stand talking to boys on roads,
we laugh while coming on roads’ and get us scolded" [rural girl]
Marriage
Early marriage, prior to finishing school, is observed more among rural girls compared
to urban.
“I want to study and get a job, but my parents want me to get married. I get
scolded for not agreeing for the marriage", [rural girl]
Work
Work is another problem faced by girls. They express that they work more than their
capacity. Work stress has other negative consequences such as limiting access to
school.Work also means that there is less time for eating, especially breakfast. For
many girls, two meals a day are the norm. This might also be connected to poor
concentration and lower performance in school as reported by the girls.
“They don’t allow me to study. Always ask me to work. Everyday I finish cooking
before I leave the house. I eat once in the morning and in the evening after school. “
[rural girl]
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The N1MHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Family attitudes/gender differences
- Pressure to stop school: 15.2% of the girls and 4.1% of the boys said that they are
told to stop going to school.
- nearly 25% of boys and girls reported the father as this person, the category with the
highest proportion.
- Around 44% of both boys and girls report low marks as the reason they are asked to
stop school.
- 47% of boys and 30% of girls are told to stop because of high work load at home.
- 15% of the girls and 5% of the boys are threatened with marriage
- 50% of the boys vs 33% of the girls are told there is no money to pay for fees
-17% of the girls and 8% of the boys are told that travel is difficult
Boys
Many of the problems reported by boys can be categorised as financial, resulting in the
need to work and earn some wages or labour contribution by way of working in the
family fields or business.
“I don’t get much support regarding books, fee etc. because of financial
problem. In order to overcome it my parents ask us to do cloth business [family
business] by going to other villages on Sundays.” [urban boy]
Boys also report social problems commonly, such as quarrels and fights with friends,
often in groups. They tend to sort out such problems themselves.
Problems that come along with growing up, I feel not necessary to discuss
with parents” [urban boy]
"Outside problems like fight and quarrel among friends, we friends sort it out.”
[urban boys]
f. Activities and Restriction
Activities
It is important to understand the kinds of activity kids engage in during their free time.
In particular, we are interested in girls’ reports of their perceptions. It seems likely that
rural youth have less time for activities outside of school and domestic activities and
indeed the quantitative data bear this out.
Activity__________
Rural female
Urban female
Playing with friends
Talking to friends
______ t_
Shopping for fun
T
Going to field
TT
Roaming_______ •
T
Talking to boys
T
Watching TV_____
-32%
Reading books
-70%
Going to friend’s
- 10% (daily)
place____________
Picnics •________
~ 9% (sometimes)
Going to movies
-16% (sometimes)
Restriction
Parental restriction of activities is common. The primary reason for parents’ restriction
of activities is to prevent interaction with the opposite sex, especially such that could
lead to love relationships.
" n
.
10
The NIMH ANS Snmll Crnnls Progrmmiic for Research on Sexualih/ and Sexual Rehavionr
A restriction scale was created and then categorised into 3 groups - none or low,
medium, high and crosstabulated with different background variables. Findings (all
significant at the 1% level) include:
- GGHS girls (poorer, rural girls) report the highest levels of restriction, but RGHS girls
report the lowest levels of restriction
- Rural students report higher levels of restriction of particular activities than urban
- Poorer students report higher restriction than more well-to-do students
g. Reproductive health knowledge
Sources of information about RH
Source
Female
Male
Rural
Urban
Father___________
Mother
Elder brother______
Elder sister_______
Brother in-law_____
Other relatives
School teacher
Sex book________
Sex film_______
AXN channel______
TV______________
Friends__________
Neighbour________
Poster___________
Science programme
2.9
42.1
2.2
24.2
9.4
7.8
9.1
4.8
6.3
16.3
19.8
15J_
11.8
17.6
45.6
59T)
~14.4
12.1
26.7
8.8
5.3
23.6
l?-6_
19.9
4.7
' 11.8
4.9
16.8
23.0
11.7
7.9
9.0
45.4
492
15.4
10.1
17.7
~ 8.8
’ 14.5_
~ 8.9
' 7.0
13.8
~ 35.4
’ 40.4
92
' 10.0
’ 25.1
0.3
5.9
14.4
2.6
0.8'
3.0
30.6
226
7.7
6.9
14.9
8.7
J
3~2
Menstruation and pregnancy
From the qualitative data, we expected reproductive health knowledge to be on the low
side for the majority of the sample. Only 26.6% of the sample reported correct
methods of pregnancy prevention. Generally, boys seem to know more about
pregnancy and its prevention more than girls do (around 35% compared to around
15%) and there is little urban-rural difference.
Girls
When girls first get their period, they are traditionally not supposed to inform their
mothers, but rather other elder females.
When I matured I told my neighbours. They asked me not to come out and to
have bath. They also said that if I roam around and a bird 'garuda' touches me,
I would not have a baby after my wedding. So they told me to stay inside. But
not to tell my mother first, [urban girl].
The connection between menstruation and pregnancy is known, but most girls do not
understand how. Reproductive physiology knowledge is poor.
If she does not get her periods after a month of coming into contact with a boy,
then they
11
The NIMHANS Small Crania Programme for Research on Sexualihf anti Sexual llehaoionr
say she is pregnant. They say her periods stops after she gets pregnant for
nine months. Till one year after the delivery she will not have her periods. This,
my aunty told me. [rural girl]
Many girls did not know of menstruation before it happened, although some said they
knew through an older sister.
I had not known any thing about it. If I talked about such things my mother
scolded me. She used to scold me as to why I wanted to know about such
things and took me home. So I never asked anybody. When I got it, I felt
frightened, [urban girl]
I came to know when my elder sister matured. And I have talked about this with
my father's elder
brother's daughters and younger brothers' daughters. When one girl among us
matured we did not inform men and kept it as a secret. If we inform them they
will make a big thing about it and we did not want all these things, [urban girl]
Boys
Boys are better informed about physiology, menstruation and pregnancy and
subsequent physiological changes.
“When the girl becomes big (mature) her breasts become big, she gets her
regular monthly periods. Red blood comes out when she urinates, her voice
and her facial looks change. We come to know that she is ready for pregnancy
when she becomes 'big' (To menstruate). If she has not become 'big', she is
not prepared for pregnancy. (She can't become pregnant) The girl becomes
pregnant when she unites sexually with the boy, that is the sperms (veeryanu)
enters the uterus of the girl unites with eggs and the zygote is developed
(bruna).” [rural boy]
Boys report that desires develop in girls after they menstruate and hence tend to get
attracted to opposite sex.
She will get a sort of different nature (swabhawa). I mean, she will have
desires, to love. Girls will also have desires about the kind of person they want
to love.” [urban boy]
Boys say that girls are restricted more at home after menstruation
"They ask her to stay at home and ask her not to roam around much when
once she matures, because men may cast their eyes on her and like that may
develop love for her and may both fall in love with each other. That is why they
ask her not to go out. Her desires increase she grows up. When she has a
strong desire, she makes men also to have strong desire. When both their
desires increase, they have sexual contact.” [rural boy]
Abortion (girls)
Girls knowledge of abortion and how and where it is performed, is low in both the
qualitative and quantitative data. Urban girls report that abortions are also done in
villages at a lesser cost.
“ I don't know much about 'abortion'. It means 'cleaning the stomach.' They
remove the growing baby inside the stomach. I don't know properly but I have
heard about abortion. They go to 'shops' (clinics) for abortions. Nobody gets
12
The NIMHANS Snuill Grants Programme for Research on Sexualiti/ ami Se.\ual Rehai'iour
abortion done in the village; they all come to the city for it. Nobody in the village
does such things.” [rural girl]
“They do abortions in villages when they get pregnant. They say it is better in
villages. They finish it fast. But in cities they charge Rs.2000/- to 3000/-. I do
not know who does this.” [urban girl]
Abortion (boys)
Urban and rural boys tend to have more knowledge about contraception. However, if a
girl becomes pregnant in spite of contraception, then abortion is an option. If a girl gets
pregnant, the boy will enlist the help of his friends to get an abortion for the girl.
“To prevent pregnancy before marriage men should use "Nirodh" and women
"Mala-D" (urban boy)
“ They tell their close friends and go to a doctor they knew. So girls tell about
their pregnancy to the boy. Then the boy's friends tell him that he made a
mistake and that he should get married to her or they go to the abortion
hospital”., [urban boy]
Boys report that people go to private hospitals to get abortions done rather going to
government hospitals since it may create problems. They also talk about the
availability of traditional medicines.
“Abortion means removing the baby when it is very small. There are private hospitals
in Kanakapura to do this. If they go to government hospital, they question them and
ask them how this happened. So they go to private hospital even though it means
more expenditure.. They go to a nursing home in Kanakapura; I don't know its name.
They also give Nati medicine (green medicine), again, I don't know where they give it.
But I have heard they give kashaayam of some greens and barks of tree daily in the
morning for few days and get abortion done." (rural boy)
h. Behaviour
With regard to interaction with the opposite sex, a higher proportion of rural girls
engage in many of the activities compared to urban.
Item________________
Activities with the opp.
sex________________
Time with classmates
Friendship___________
Go to movies_________
Interested in a boy/girl
Talk to boy/girl alone
Write letters__________
Give gifts____________
Go to hotel/bakery
Go to movies_________
Hold hands
Kiss
____ Female
Rural Urban
6.1
31.6
13.0
ZA_
72.2
38.9
61.1
5.6
5.6
38.9
11.1
3.3
22.6
8.1
5.6
77.3
45.5
54.5
22.7
4.5
18.2
10.0
Rural
7.3
51.3
59.5
36.2
83.8
33.1
58.4
28.6
234
53.9
32.5
Male___
Urban
72_
494
52.6
31.1
87.5
40.6
65.6
30.6
15.6
46.9
29.4
Rural girls may have more opportunities of having love relationships and pre-marital
sexual relationships Due to what appears to be greater physical mobility, rural girls
13
The NIMH ANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Scxualih/ ami Sexual behaviour
have more access to meet boys in fields, gardens, near the rivers or come to towns 01
cities.
Summary
Preliminary results reveal strongly patterned progressions of love/ stages of love.
Teasing is a central part of this, and is thus sometimes welcome and other times more
harmful. A high percentage of boys report teasing in the questionnaire, but
interestingly do not talk about it in the interviews. Girls report teasing in both the
questionnaire and interviews and describe the types of teasing and where it occurs.
A major concern is the lack of support reported by the students. Most say that there is
no adult to whom they can share or report any type of problem - relating to studies
health, love, teasing, or abuse. This might logically be linked to the anxiety-related ’
symptoms reported, such as loss of sleep and appetite. In the questionnaire
alarmingly high proportions of students reported that they have contemplated suicide.
In the interviews, students report that suicide is an acceptable last resort for a number
of situations.
Reproductive health knowledge levels are low, overall, although boys and higher
economic level students have relatively more accurate knowledge. Much of the
knowledge and beliefs comes from popular media and peers. Understanding of
menstruation, pregnancy, contraception, abortion, AIDS and other STIs, is surrounded
by attitudes and beliefs that reinforce popular myths and gender discrimination.
Interestingly, urban-rural differences in knowledge are not uniform and in some areas,
rural youth have higher knowledge levels perhaps due to greater exposure to certain
types of media (e.g. radio, posters).
In the survey, there were few direct questions on behaviour as we felt questions
pertaining to sex would be grossly under-reported. Thus, the questions on behaviour
relate to non-sexual contact with the opposite sex. Rural girls describe and report more
contact with the opposite sex because of their greater physical mobility. We will further
explore the interaction of gender and urban-rural differences, particularly among girls.
Students are very eager for adequate and clear knowledge. We have recently finished
a small pilot intervention study to test the feasibility and effectiveness of health
eaucat'on training within schools, and early results are promising. Ideally, such training
should be part of comprehensive life skills training.
Further analysis will look at so-called “positive deviance" in terms of knowledge and
develop predictive models for attitudes and behaviours that take into account aspects
in addition to background characteristics. A more thorough integration of qualitative
and quantitative data will also be done. Finally, specific implications for adolescent
Programmes will be discussed, realising that greater well-being during youth increases
the possibility of well-being into adulthood.
(Belaku Trust has been engaged in health research in villages in Kanakapura taluk for the past
six years. Our work has mostly been in women’s health (maternal morbidity and care-seekingand women s health and empowerment training), as well as child health (the relationship of
infant feeding practices, care and family background on child nutritional status; and nutrition
education to families).
14
An Exploration of the Sexuality and Sexual
Behaviour of the Girl Child on the Street
Ancy Mathew & Use Willekens
Navajeevana
(draft - please do not cite)
Navajeevana
257, Chamrajpet, 1st Main Road
Bangalore 560 0018
n ayaj eeya nal@sa tvam.net.in
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Seximl lichavioiir
An Exploration of the Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
of the Girl Child on the Street.
Ancy Mathew, Use Willekens, Navajeevana
(draft- do not cite without permission)
Introduction
Navajeevana has been working with street girls the last 7 years and is run by The
Salesian Sisters At Navajeevana, girls who had been with us for several years would
take a long time-sharing their real stories. As they grew older we found something
lacking in our approach and interventions. We recognised our inadequacy in the area
of sexuality. That it was a topic that was very much alive in the girls’ lives, but we
couldn’t get deeper into, because we didn’t know how to talk about it. We didn’t know
what they were experiencing. We didn’t know where to start. Everything seemed
connected with sexuality.
We, therefore, wanted to explore the girls' knowledge and perception of sexuality and
understand the dynamics between the risk factors, the sexual behaviour and coping
mechanisms of a girl child on the street. The goal was to build up Navajeevana's
competence to accompany the girl child in her growth. To develop intervention
strategies according to individual needs that would mitigate sexual exploitation and
prevent risk behaviour.
Objectives
To understand the sexuality of a girl child on the street; to develop and strengthen
strategies for her empowerment.
1. To explore street girls' perceptions of sexuality, knowledge and attitude
regarding sex and their sexual behaviour.
2. To understand the factors that lead to the sexual vulnerability of a girl child
on the street.
3. To understand the dynamics between the risk factors, the sexual behaviour
and coping-mechanism of a girl child on the street.
4. To understand the impact of sexual abuse on a growing girl child.
Methodology
Selection of sample
The sampling method we adopted for this study is purposive-sampling because we
could select the respondents who represented all the characteristics and qualities of
the intended study population (the girl child on the street). We brought in variables with
respect to occupations, types of habitat, age and area.
We collected data from a total of 100 girls; we used different methods with different
girls.
Data collection
We have used both qualitative and quantitative methods simultaneously to collect
information.
Qualitative data is important for us, because we are interested in interventions.
Free listing
We asked 20 girls to list all the terms, thoughts, fears and concerns with regard to sex
17
The NIMHANS Small Grants Pr^ramme for Research on Sexuality anti Sexual Ih'hamonr
The girls didn’t just give us lists, but started narrating long stories That’s why we
decided to go ahead with in-depth interviews right away.
In-Depth interviews
50 in-depth interviews were conducted to get a complete and detailed understanding of
girls’ knowledge and perception of sexuality and their sexual behaviour.
We had separate interviews on sexuality, to list positive and negative relationships,
feelings, physical pleasures, urges, likes and dislikes towards partners, protection,
support, threats and use of contraceptives etc.,
Mapping:
We did 2 different maps: physical and social maps with 20 girls
Physical mapping. Depicts routine daily life. It gives an account of the events from the
time they wake up until they go to sleep. These drawings enabled us to understand
their area of occupation, places of living, territory, food, recreation, toilet and hygiene,
sleeping arrangements etc.,
Social mapping The girls drew people with whom they have daily interaction, people
they know and have important roles in their lives, placing themselves at the centre. The
distances, which they maintained in the drawing, express the relationship they have
with each other. And an attempt was made to look at networks.
Pile sorting
20 girls sorted cards and made them into groups according to their understanding of
sex and explained their choices.
Rating
We prepared 27 cards with pictures to rate pleasure and risk. A 3-point scale of very
pleasurable, pleasurable and not pleasurable and similarly, for risk. 20 girls
participated.
Group Discussion
We conducted 21 group discussions to get a clearer understanding of topics that came
up during the interviews. Various themes were: The differences between rape, force
and ‘spoiling’; marriage, violence; prostitution and sex for money; what makes girls like
them so vulnerable and movies.
Key informants
Among these were pimps, sex workers, social workers, counsellors, doctors,
pharmacists,
HIV/AIDS questionnaire
In the interviews, we found, that girls knew very little about HIV/AIDS, we passed a
questionnaire to 20 girls, to find out what exactly they knew, so that we could
adapt our interventions
Face sheet:
After data collection, we filled up a face sheet with information about each girl, for
quantitative analysis
18
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research cm Sexiitilil 1/ ninl St’vnnl lichui'miir
Description of area and population
We have included girls of 4 areas: the Market, Bus Stand, Slum and Sheltei
Market
The market is a major shopping place, not just for Bangaloreans, but also for people
from outside. Vast crowds throng this overpopulated area. Footpath vendors are
prohibited from sitting in front of shops or to sell things in the complex but use any
vacant or available space.
Bus Stand
The bus stand is a busy area with business people, travel agencies running inter-state
services, footpath vendors, street children and families living on the street. There are
some huts made of plastic sheets behind this bus stand.
Slum
This is a small and congested slum consisting of a few huts situated near the
wholesale shops and the Market. These huts are very small and there is only a narrow
and difficult passage.
Shelter
Navajeevana conducts street education and has two homes where children without
support get shelter, food, clothes, training, and care
Description of the population
Most of the girls are Bangalore born but Tamil speaking. All of them speak Tamil and
Kannada. The smallest group is between 5 & 9 while the largest, between 13 & 16
years.
Education
Only a quarter of the sample can read & write. At the shelter, about half are able to
read and write
At the beginning of the scholastic year, children are enrolled in the nearby corporation
school. Many of them drop out due to various reasons. When some girls mature,
parents stop them from schooling fearing they will fall in love. Often the classroom
atmosphere is not attractive for these children who pick up quarrels, leave the school
and choose to live a free life on the streets. Parents expect their children to find their
own livelihood.
Occupation / income
Girls work in an unorganised set up which means irregularity of work and improper
payment. Thpse from the Market are involved in vending and tying flowers while the
girls from the bus stand work as domestic servants, cobblers, tie flowers and sweep
shops. Girls from the slum work in wedding halls, at domestic work, bottle washing,
making agarbathis and rag picking. During festivals they earn an additional income by
vending more flowers, fruit, billapathre, mango leaves and tulasi etc
Very few parents are financially supportive; sometimes other family members look after
them. Some only get support when they pay for it. Some mothers force their daughters
to work, often their own work, when they don’t feel like working. Most of the money
goes towards alcohol consumption of the parents; some parents keep all the money
that their children make and don’t question by what means they earn it.
19
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
“...I went to my work place. They told me the owner was away and would give me
money when he returned. I came back to my mother told her the owner was away and
would get the money for her when he returned. My mother scolded me to leave home,
go and sleep with him,, collect the money he would give and then give it to her”.
Amounts that children earn for the same work vary widely. Some work much more than
others and some are able to acquire better and more consistent work than others. Most
earned fewer than fifty rupees while the smallest percentage earned between 50 and
100.
Half have more than one job, depending on the season. It is hard to get a clear idea of
the expenses that children have. Some of their expenses seem to be alcohol for their
parents, food, loan repayments, bribes, bathing & using toilets.
Substance abuse
Half of the girls use substances regularly. Most of them (42 girls) use gutka\ some of
them are addicted and would rather miss rice than panparag. Most of them were
influenced by their friends and a few by their mothers. Others use alcohol, solution and
snuff.
Alcohol use is a big problem among their parents and consequently quarrels are picked
up even for small matters. Very often children are sent to fetch the liquor (sarai) from
the shop.
Sleeping pattern
Half of the girls sleep with their family, often in a public place. Some with their relatives,
friends or alone.
Girls who sleep in public places say they are often touched and forced into sex. Even if
they sleep with their parents there is no protection and safety.
Girls in the slum and bus stand live in huts. These huts do not contain sufficient space
to accommodate all the members of the family.
The cobbler families in the bus stand who do not have a hut, sleep in front of shops or
cycle stands at night.
Health & hygiene:
Most of the girls approach medical stores or turn to country medicines that are
available. They have very negative feelings towards the govt, hospitals. A 15-year-old
girl says, ‘‘I am frightened of government hospitals, if I have money I go to a medical
store and buy tablets and eat. If I do not have money I do not do anything”.
They believe people will never come back alive once they go there. Secondly they
mentioned the bribes that they need to pay at these hospitals.
Facilities like bath and toilets are available on payment. Since a regular bath is a costly
affair they bathe once in fifteen days or a month. Girls never wash their clothes until
they get or purchase another one.
Menstruation:
Girls are eager to mature; they look forward to the rituals involved like calling relatives,
getting new clothes/ornaments, being decorated with flowers
“They constructed a small hut and made me sit inside that, afterwards my mama
(mother’s younger brother) gave me saree to wear. They gave me sweets and fruits
also. ”
20
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Menstrual health is an issue great concern. They use any cloth they find. Some of them
do not use anything. They don’t have a place to dry their clothes or change frequently.
They keep the blood stained clothes on for days. All these lead to infections and other
health problems.
Reproductive Tract Infections
21 girls talked about RTIs. Since they don’t know the names, they describe the
symptoms: itching, burning sensation, wounds, discharge and pain. They complain of
pain during intercourse. For treatment, they mostly go to a medical store & buy cream,
go to a hospital, use home remedies like hot/ salt water & coconut oil or don’t take
treatment at all.
Pregnancy and abortion
12 of the girls conceived, of which half of them had abortions because of pressures
from family and community. Several others considered the option, but were too late,
the pregnancy was too advanced. A few of them said that they took country medicines.
Only a few girls have approached the hospital for abortions. Most of the others
delivered at hospitals, one in a bathroom.
Contraceptives
Contraceptives are rarely used. A few girls who belong to a gang mentioned that their
leader (Owneramma) takes care of them by distributing contraceptives to avoid
pregnancies. But that doesn’t mean they always use them because when men object
they have the choice: condoms or money - they choose the latter.
44 (45.36%) girls say they have heard of Nirodh (condoms). A quarter of them have
used it. Some say they know about it but don’t think of it when they go for sex, or think
it is for prostitutes only.
“Those who stand by the side of road (sex workers) will only use it. Our boys are not
like them”.
HIV/AIDS
A majority of the girls (68 of them) have heard of HIV/AIDS through media, friends,
people in general and from family They know how it gets transmitted and that it’s a
deadly disease.
Some have misconceptions about who can get it. Most of them know that informed
people, who stick to one partner, can prevent it.
“If the urge comes then I don’t think of AIDS. We too have desires. Anyway one must
die some day,”says a girl who is HIV positive.
Sexuality
When we started the analysis with information from 92 girls, we found out that the
frequency of penetrative sex is very high. 72.8 % = 67 girls reported having
penetrative sex, with mostly multiple partners.
Of 37 girls who are below 12, 25 (67.5 %) had penetrative sex. and more than half with
multiple partners. Of 55 girls who are above 13 years, 42 (76. 3 % ) had penetrative
sex and more than two-thirds with multiple partners.
Only 13 (14.1 %) girls reported non-penetrative sex.
12 girls (13 %) said they were not sexually active.
21
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
We divided the girls into different categories on the basis of sex and money, which
turned out to be a very difficult task, since money plays different roles for the girls:
some were forced into sex and got money, food, snacks etc., others were offered
money without asking for it while some others asked for money but were not given.
Some were not forced into sex but did it just the same for money, some were just given
money. Others were promised marriage so no money was given.
Knowing the limitations, we decided on the following categories: none, partner, sex for
money and prostitution.
Who are these girls?
None girls who don’t have partners
These are 10 girls, mostly between 13 and 16 years old. Half of them are mature. Their
mother tongue is mostly Tamil, and they are born in Bangalore. Half of them stay in the
bus stand. 2 out of 10 can read and write. 3 use substances.
Some girls say they don’t have sex and attribute it to their family, who would ‘kill them’
Others decided they wanted to have sex after marriage or were approached but
managed to get out of it.
It is remarkable that some of these girls live in the same conditions as girls of the other
categories, no support, no shelter, but yet say they manage to protect themselves.
Partner these are 43 girls. 17 are below 12 years, 16 are between 13 and 16 years
old. 26 (60.4 %) have matured. Their mother tongue is mostly Tamil and they are born
in Bangalore. They are more or less equally divided over the different areas. 11(25 %)
can read and write. 15 use substances (mostly gutka)
This is a category with a lot of variations within. The majority 29 (67.4 %) girls, have
penetrative relationships with 1 or multiple partners, wanted and unwanted, with lovers,
mamas, unknown boys or men. They are sometimes given money.
12(27.9 %) girls have relationships but don’t have sex, they want to have it only after
marriage. 2 (4.6 %) girls have boyfriends, but just talk to them
Sex for money girls who have sex because they know they will get something out of it
(cash or kind) in addition to sex for pleasure.
These are 30 girls. 17 of them were below 12 (56 %), only 1/3 of them are matured.
They mostly speak Tamil and are born in Bangalore. They are equally divided over the
market, bus stand and shelter. Only few are in the bus stand. 7 can read and write and
22 (73.3 %) use substances (mostly gutka).
They made a distinction between themselves and those whom they call prostitutes
because they do it ‘without clothes’, ‘ask for money’, ‘dress up and stand on the
roadsides’.
Often girls are not very clear themselves, they say they do poothi work (prostitution) in
one part of the interview and elsewhere, that they are not at all like prostitutes,
One girl says prostitutes sit in cinemas. Another girl, who doesn’t call herself a
prostitute talks about the same thing but says she is being forced
Why they have sex for money:
• • she was given money
•
told by a friend not to do it for free
22
The N1MHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
good money = good life = biriyani every day
to have money, food, clothes & be happy
It gives her money & enjoyment
ran away from home
it earns more than any other job
uses the money to look after herself & her family
if she has money, she gets to stay in peoples’ houses and her family
treats her well.
Having started sex for money, it is very difficult to come out:
• •
I’ll come out when I get married
• •
I can’t, will face problems for money & food
•
They’ll come after us, get us killed
•
My reputation is ruined anyway. Society won’t accept me
• • Happiness, food, clothes, whatever I need.
• • Urge
Prostitution girls who call themselves prostitutes.
Even the girls who call themselves that consider being labelled a prostitute very
painful.
These 9 girls were older, 3 were between 13 and 16 years old, and 6 were 17 plus. 8
had matured.
Most speak Kannada and some, Tamil. Five of them were born in Bangalore. They are
mostly from the market and bus stand. There were none from the slum and 2 from the
shelter. None can read and write and all of them use substances, (mostly alcohol).
Girls in prostitution are older, half come from outside the city, came with their
boyfriends, or ran away from home and ended up in prostitution because they didn’t
see a way out for themselves
Amounts they get for prostitution vary, depending on age, being part of gang, but
mostly over 100 rs a day. Six of them said that they belong to a group of sex workers,
which is well organized, with a madam (which they call owneramma) and pimps.
The positive part is that you have protection, in several ways:
• from the police: the bribes they have to pay are lower, and when they are
arrested, the leader, who often knows the police well, can get them out.
• from clients: pimps will go after them if they don’t pay
• sleeping place: place to entertain men & to sleep, are provided by the owner
amma
• medical help: both in terms of anti-conception & common illnesses.
• Three girls said they were part of a group of girls who did sex for money.
The negative part about being in a group is that it is very difficult to leave it; because
they threaten to hurt you. Other activities of gangs: Trafficking and buying little girls, to
raise them to become part of the gang.
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The N1MHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Support
Generally, when girls talk about support, they talk about food, money & clothes.
A person is supportive when he/she satisfies one or more of these needs. Emotional
needs are seldom mentioned or met.
Family
Most of the girls say the reason for them having sex for money is the lack of support
from their parents. These girls have the least support. Half of them sleep in open
spaces, not with their family. This category has the highest number of alcoholic or dead
parents.
. .If my parents start showing common sense, I will stop this, but now I have to look
after them".
Half of them live with one or both parents. The other half with a relative, friend or
someone who is not related but who looks after them for some time, mostly in return for
work or money.
Fathers are absent in most of the girls' lives. They die at an early age, often as a result
of alcoholism. If they are alive, they are mostly alcoholics & no support at all to the
family.
Nearly a quarter of the mothers are dead, some are absent, and half don’t give
support.
20 % of the girls have run away from home, as a result
Reasons for not staying with the parents:
one or both are dead (diseases, alcohol, suicide, murder)
alcoholics
mother is a prostitute
trouble with stepparent
physical abuse
ran away with lover
no support
forced to work
The 50% who stay with the parents often don't sleep with them and if they do support
is not guaranteed
"... When my mother was alive, my brother & me had to sleep outside the house,
because men would come to the house. They would cover themselves with a blanket &
do bad things. One day when it was raining, I went inside, my mother gave me plastic
& told me to stay out", says a nine year old
Several mothers didn’t react when the girl asked for help during or after an assault. The
mothers’ reactions included: scolding because she woke her up; no reaction at all;
dismissed as a joke. Sometimes their mothers themselves force them into sex for
money. Directly, where the mother gets her clients and even takes the money, or
indirectly, where the mother tells her: “do whatever you have to, but bring me so much
money by the end of the day, or get out", knowing very-well that the only way she can
get this amount is through sex.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
When we asked in a group discussion what makes them so vulnerable, compared to
“house girls”, this is what they say:
"... For home children their nature is good, parents and relatives use common sense,
give good advice, show the right way, and be supportive. For whatever they want there
is someone in the family to provide, they are having all facilities and they know what is
good and what is bad. But street girls don't have parents, relatives or educators. They
can cheat them easily. If the street girls can get whatever they want then they will do
whatever they're told. For street children money is very important for food, snacks and
clothes - that's why they will cheat us easily". Says a girl in the shelter
Brothers are mostly considered more painful than helpful. Most girls have bad
experiences with brothers, when they are around. The experiences vary from not
contributing to the family, being addicted, domineering, scolding, beating (a lot of it), to
forcing sex with them. Some are dead or in jail. As with their fathers, nothing much is
expected from them.
Sisters are more liked, especially when they are younger. They look after them as their
own children. Elder sisters give support when they fall ill.
Friends
Friends play an important role in each one’s life. Most of them say that they can
confide their personal matters and receive support from their friends. Some girls sleep
in friends’ houses, and can stay there as long as they pay.
Friends also teach them about sex.
Community
One of the biggest concerns of children, who have sex, is not to be seen. Boys use this
fear as a threat to have sex with them; they say they’ll tell their lovers or that no one
would marry them.
The role of the community is very important in this complicated web of mixed
messages- sex with multiple partners is tolerated, as long as it is secret.
Several girls gave examples of social control, the way people talked had an adverse
effect, and so they actually started having sex because people were talking anyway
Initiation
Sexual activity among street girls begins very early, 55.7 % were under the age of 12,
37% under 9. And contrary to what we believed, they are mostly NOT forced: 75%
liked their first sexual experience 29% were forced; some were forced, but liked it
anyway.
Among the categories, girls who have sex for money are the youngest, 18 (72 %) are
under 12, these also enjoyed it the most
Most girls have sex for the first time with someone they know: boyfriends (43 %) or
mamas (25 %) (Mother’s brother or nephew & very common in S Indian society),
others with a random boy from the neighbourhood, who they’ve seen a few times
before. Mostly out of their own free will, often forced, blackmailed. The men mostly took
the initiative. Most times, the girls are approached; they don’t go looking for it. Some
girls initially resist these ‘advances’ but then give in later. The girls were reluctant,
scared, felt a little pain, but also liked it & wanted more.
65% have multiple partners, but mostly call only a few of them their boyfriends/ lovers.
They hope to marry them. Some run away with their lovers, but are left all the time.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Many want to marry their mamas, or other relatives. This is often committed by their
parents, at a very young age & gives these boys "a free ticket”, no questions are
asked, because anyway they have “ marriage-relation”
There are also several examples of sex within the family - with elder brothers,
brothers-in-law, and fathers...
Violence
Girls witness a lot of violence. They are witness to parents being killed by each other,
or by others, friends being killed, poisoned, their babies being drowned, suicides and
rapes.
They say violence is often alcohol induced.
41 % girls have been forced into sex at least once. Most of them are from the sex for
money category. They also experience the most violence.
Among them, 8 were gang raped, 2 of them by lovers & their friends.
Many girls know of girls being raped & killed. Boys also use these things to threaten
them & force them into sex. People & the police are scared of these boys/men; the girl
gets no protection at all.
People also blackmail them: “If you don’t love me I will die”.
Another form of blackmail, which is very commonly used by boys, is the promise of
marriage, to convince the girl to have sex. Lured by these promises, girls get into
affairs, which lead to sexual encounters & sometimes elopement.
All these are very confusing for the girls, since the perpetrators are often boys they
know, like, and love
The general feeling is that you, as a girl should try to take as much violence as you can
bear. If it becomes too much, if you really can’t take it anymore, Even if you have tried
to make him feel good, cooked for him, stayed with your neighbours until he cooled
down, you could either leave him or commit suicide.
Suicide seems to be considered as an option to solve problems, to cope with violence.
Some say they would do it if they were raped, got pregnant, things that are not
accepted by society. It would anyway make their lives miserable.
Only 4 girls say they actually tried it, even though many more do match the above
criteria.
Marriage
Even though they have hardly seen good examples, for most girls marriage is their
most important future plan.
Why marriage is important:
“We can escape from this prostitute work, our life may change & our name also”
“Boys can live alone, girls can’t"
“If I have a thali around my neck, they’ll think she’s someone’s wife & not do
anything. ’’
“It is respectable if we have a husband with us when we go to our village”
“How many days will our parents look after us”?
“Secured life, afterwards boys won’t touch you”
Their attitude towards marriage:
“If he drinks also it is no problem, as long as he doesn't leave me”
“It is respectable, however big the problems you face"
“Only prostitutes don’t wear thalis”
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
“My child needs a father”
Most girls who are (or have been married) have had negative experiences. Several had
a few failed marriages, but they continue to feel marriage is important, for the same
reasons as mentioned above
Many girls say that boys promise to marry them, have sex & leave them
Many boys (& probably society) have double standards
“...she slept with me, she might have slept with others too” is a reason one lover gives,
not to marry his girlfriend
This is how most of the girls see boys’ expectations: “We should not roam around
being dressed up. Other boys shouldn’t touch us and we shouldn't talk and laugh with
boys. Whatever boys may do It’s all right but we should obey them and do whatever
they ask us to do. If he says “go” we must obey him and are supposed to go, if he
says, “come” we are supposed to go with him, if he say "sleep" we are supposed to
sleep with him”.
Even though they are sexually very active, and don’t use contraceptives, only 12 say
they have conceived.
Most of them want to have 2 children, one boy and one girl. But they don’t expect much
of the boy. He will drink; make the life of girls miserable. The girl will look after them
Urge
The general feeling, for the three different categories is that urge is a need that has to
be satisfied, just like hunger.
It is something you can’t control. One girl calls it ‘body hunger’; one calls it ‘thirst’.
Some say they get very angry, get body pain, and can’t concentrate, if their need can’t
be satisfied.
Most of them go in search of one of their boyfriends or previous sexual partners. If they
can’t find them, some take whoever they can get, few stand on the roadside, sleep in
prostitutes’ houses others have sex with their girlfriends but very few reported
masturbating.
Small girls seem to be able to handle it better. They just sit, go and play, sleep. Several
girls mention that it becomes uncontrollable, after maturity.
Triggers are most often media: film & TV - love scenes & memories of past
experiences
At Navajeevana, girls try to forget it, have sex with others or make plans to run away.
Urge is an important reason for them (together with money) to have sex for money or
do prostitution. It is also an important reason why they can’t leave this ‘job’.
Conclusion
Street girls are initiated at a very young age, mostly by someone they know,
and they mostly like the initiation.
Parents are generally expected to take care of their children. Here it is the other
way around. Many of these children have to provide for their families.
Girls who do sex for money are the most at risk. They are very young. Were
initiated at an early age. They have less support, earn less even though they
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual lielurviour
have multiple jobs. The ones who got pregnant had abortions. They don’t
consider themselves prostitutes, but practically act the same. They feel they
are less at risk of getting AIDS. They experience more force and violence.
Have very painful initiations. But they also enjoy it the most.
Having sex is not such a big thing for them, not a big step or decision. A normal
way of life - you eat, sleep, and have sex. They live a life that is unusual for
most of us, where they have a different morality. The environment they live is
conducive to this kind of life.
On the other hand, this society tries very hard to conform with 'normal societal
values’. They aspire to conform, but cannot. The whole community is involved
in this type of struggle to keep up with the norms of the ideal society, to cover
up their own values. This leads to very confused messages to the children living
in it.
“... We don’t know it’s wrong, we did it for money. Now many people are doing
like this & with that money, they are taking care of their children & they are
leading a life’’.
We saw her as a victim, but now the data shows that sexuality is experienced
more affirmatively, than we expected; that she often liked it, even though it was
sometimes forced; that she sees these relationships as beneficial, both in terms
of physical attention, as well as material: money, food and clothes.
A problem is abuse of power. Girls are often forced, threatened/ manipulated.
When 2 kids of the same age decide to experiment, it's more acceptable than
when an adult manipulates her into it - though she might like it.
What about a 10 year old who has sex that she considers non-threatening, not
painful, not forced, in a stimulating environment, with an adult?
Generally, most of the girls seem to be able to remain positive - positive
feelings towards sex, men and themselves. They seem to manage quite well,
considering all they went through.
How do we make a girl aware of her right to protection, without traumatising
her?
Urge is an important reason why it is difficult to stop having sex for money or do
prostitution.
Ambiguity: their experiences are very complex, their feelings often unclear.
7 liked it but I was scared ”
“He raped me but I liked it. ”
“He poured acid in my vagina - he loves me. ”
“I am scared of him but love him”
Double standards for men &women, which are often, clearly articulated for e.g.,
when talking about confidentiality, they say that this is no problem for boys, only
for girls
A woman gets caught either way, if she has sex; she is called a prostitute & her
chances of getting married decrease. When she doesn’t want to have sex, she
gets manipulated, threatened & forced into it.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Recommendations
Try to listen to children, without being judgemental.
Be sensitive to the fact that girls who have sex for money don’t want to be
called prostitutes
Address the issue of urge, when working with girls in sex work and HIV/AIDS
awareness.
Initiate discourse on appropriate age and context of sexual initiation.
When promoting child rights, sex education, make sure you don’t make
sexuality problematic in trying to protect the child.
Health education is very important; girls have a lot of misconceptions.
Network with government and NGOs to improve their knowledge of health and
make health services accessible.
Interventions
Staff training
Staff training was very important, to make us feel comfortable with our own sexuality, to
find a language to talk about sexuality, to create an open mind, to come to know that
sex is not bad, to learn about different practices, to learn to be non-judgmental so that
children would open up to us.
We saw also that as we got more comfortable, the children were giving us more
detailed information. They were ready, and even waiting to talk. But we were not ready
to listen.
This is one of the main accomplishments of the research. Now the girls trust us and
talk freely about their most intimate problems and feelings.
Workbook
Activity book for Treatment Strategies for Abused Children, from Victim to Survivor:
Cheryl L. Karp & Trice L. Butler was used with 10 girls. The book uses narratives & art
as a tool to deal with self, feelings, boundaries, trauma, and becoming future oriented.
We had 3 sessions with each girl.
It made them look at their positive, as well as negative sides. Made them think about
how they see themselves, what they would like to change, what their boundaries are,
the fact that you can set boundaries for yourself and others and how to guard them.
How feelings are easier to handle when shared with a safe person, in a safe
environment.
To do away with guilt feelings, and to make plans for the future, how to deal with
different, disturbing situations and feelings.
A workbook like this is very intense. It needs very close contact with the girl and
constant follow up, to help her evaluate situations that made her feel sad, angry,
happy, confused, to listen to her when she has tried out different ways of coping and to
encourage her to deal with them in a healthy way.
Arts therapies
We explored different types of arts therapies like art, dance and drama, as intervention
strategies
The staff was trained in these techniques by specialists and all the therapies were used
with groups of children of different localities and different ages. The children were given
the option of participating. Evaluation was done through a group discussion at the end
of each session.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
We know that, to become more effective, we will need constant training of the staff.
We’ll also have to compare the effectiveness of the different methods.
We want to keep using arts therapies as a tool to offer the girls an alternative form of
communication to express the feelings, when words are inadequate or unavailable
through drama, art, and dance.
The children enjoyed all of it
We hope to create a space in Navajeevana, where the girls can be on their own, use
material, which they feel, helps them express their feelings in a constructive way.
Dance and movement
Dance is very good to release a lot of physical energy. It also diverts the mind. We are
using it more as a preventive method at the moment. As we get more training we can
probably start using it in a more therapeutic way.
Art
Since this was the first contact for most of us, to work freely with different materials, it
took a lot of getting used to. Because of this, we stuck to the activities we had
experienced ourselves. We were amazed to see how creative the children were and
what they managed to make, even though they had never touched these materials
before.
Drama
Even though we had just an initiation into playback theatre, we found it a very powerful
tool, since it is direct. It can give immediate introspection in the feeling & the
consequences of it. It can create alternatives, which come from the girls themselves or
from others. It creates a dialogue, which makes starting a discussion much easier. It
creates an open atmosphere where sharing is encouraged.
Life skills
We had staff training on a few main themes: self esteem communication,
assertiveness,
stress handling, decision-making, leadership, time management, boundaries, and
feelings
This again was a starting point, for the staff, to comprehend the different life skills.
We experienced these sessions as very positive, because we had the feeling we were
really teaching them something and the children had the feeling they were really
learning something.
But ideally, it shouldn’t be alienated; life skills are a part of daily life.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Rehavionr
We thank
Dr Shekhar Seshadri for his guidance, for constantly reminding us about the purpose of
our study;
Dr Jayashree for her patience with people who had no idea about how to start the
research in the first place.
Dr. Pelto for his long distance guidance.
Manjiri, Akhila, and the rest of the team for very valuable help.
Tamara Leeuwerik for her analytical assistance.
Sr. Anna Chacko who first pushed us to it
Sr. Bridget Kavalam, the directress of Navajeevana
Mamatha, the transcriber.
Jhansi, Vimala, Viji, Ruth, Kavitha, the street educators, who worked really very hard
and did an excellent job.
Finally, and most importantly, all the girls who trusted us and shared with us their
stories.
31
and
Young Men's Peer Groups:
Gender, Violence and Sexual Behaviour
Akhila vasan
Foundation for Research in Health Systems
(draft - please do not cite)
Foundation for Research in Health Systems
NO. 356, 1st - E Cross
6th Block, llnd Phase, Banashankari lllrd stage
Bangalore 560 085
Email: frhs@vsnl.com
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual behaviour
Understanding Young Men’s Peer Groups and Friendship Relations
Akhila Vasan
Foundation for Research in Health Systems
Rationale for the study
The need for the present research study arose out of an earlier study that explored
concepts of sexuality and sexual behavior among young men and women in the age
group of 17 -24 years. This study was carried out by Foundation for Research in Health
Systems in three sites- Bangalore, a large city in Karnataka; Nagar, a small town in
Maharashtra; and Ahmedabad, a medium sized city in Gujarat.
In this research we found that young men's construction of sexuality and their
understanding of sexual behaviors were heavily mediated by influence of peers in which
all- male group activity played an extremely important role. It also identified groups as
initiators of certain other behaviors like alcohol use, teasing and coerced sex. This study
stressed the need to understand the organization/ composition of peer groups and the
processes that mediate to influence young men's concepts of sexuality and sexual
practices. This was critical not only for preventing sexual risk but also for preventing
gender -related violence, exposure to pornography, alcohol use and other such group
initiated behaviors.
Objectives of the study
The objectives of the present study is to explore and understand:
■
■
■
The nature and composition of young men's peer groups
The interactions within and among groups and the dynamics therein
Group mediation of young men's understanding of sexuality, gender identity and
their collective influence on sexual practices, interaction with girls particularly
gender- related violence.
Sample of the study
The sample of young men for the study came from four locations in the city- two colleges
and the two associated hostels. Both colleges were co- educational such that it offered
an opportunity to observe interaction between boys and girls. Both had a sizable
proportion of students from rural areas - both commuting everyday and staying in
hostels. This not only ensured that we got a sample of students from the hostel but also
ensured that the colleges selected were less "cosmopolitan" and more rooted in "local
culture" in terms of their student profile. The sample for the study was further restricted
to BCom stream so that differences due to stream of study can be kept to a minimum.
And the focus was only on 1st and 2nd year students so as to keep the age- range to a
minimum.
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Of the two colleges one was a government college had its own hostel for SC/ ST
students. The other was a private college and had no hostel. But the out of Bangalore
students were staying in charitable and community hostels. We selected one of the
charitable hostels for a sample of hostel students from this college.
Description of the sites of the study
The two colleges and associated hostels were broadly similar in that they were all "non
cosmopolitan and attracted a sizable proportion of students from out of Bangalore some
of whom were daily commuters while others were staying in hostels. Neither college was
known for academic excellence. But there were certain critical differences in terms of the
facilities they offered, the discipline enforced and opportunities for extra- curricular
development.
While the government college had better facilities like a large play ground, wellequipped sports room, a computer lab and well- maintained campus, the private college
was rather run- down and had neither a sports ground nor was its sports room wellequipped. In terms of discipline too, the government college was better in that it kept
track of student attendance and conducted periodic tests both of which was lacking in
the private college. While the government had its students participating in many inter
college activities both in sports and cultural events, the private college did not even have
a college team for any sport. The interaction between students and teachers in the
government was much closer and positive as compared to the private hostel.
In contrast to the students in the government hostel, all those in the private hostel were
non- SC/ ST and many of them were pursuing professional courses like medicine,
engineering and law. The government and private hostels were a contrast in terms of
facilities as well. The government hostel seemed much more comfortable with cots/
mattresses, attached bathrooms, coils for hot water and TV with cable connection. In the
private hostel the students had to bring their own mattresses and even cutlery and had
neither TV nor even a radio. They also were responsible for much of maintenance
activities, including cleaning toilet and bathroom. The environment in the government
hostel was fraught with a lot of politics and rivalry and many respondents complained of
not having the right atmosphere" to study. In the private hostel, students did not flout
hostel rules nor were they hostile with each other. In fact they were proud of the their
and lts tradition and said they were “fortunate to have such a good atmosphere to
Methods of data collection
Before beginning data collection, investigators met principals / wardens of the colleges /
hostels with formal letters requesting permission to conduct the study. They explained
the rationale and objectives of the study as also the criteria for selecting their colleges /
hostels. College and hostel managements were quite supportive to the idea. However,
hostel insisted that the investigators' photos be attached to the permission
Data was collected using three tools:
■
■
Key Informant interviews
Mapping
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviom
In-depth interviews
The whole process of data collection took ten months including a gap of three- month
summer vacation. During this period investigators also conducted awareness sessions in
college and prepared a hand- out answering some of their queries on personal problems
and distributed it among students.
Investigators explained the study to all participants and stressed on the following issues:
Participation is entirely voluntary
They will need to share information about peer groups and their activities
❖ They can drop -out of the study anytime they choose
❖ Those who want to enroll have the option of giving their consent either verbally or in
writing.
(For the key informants) They would have to meet with the investigator about six
times during the course of the study.
♦:*
Key informant interviews
Data collection began with the process of enrolling key informants for the study. A total
of 19 key informants were enrolled from the four locations. Three sessions with the key
informants were structured and about an hour long each. In these structured sessions KI
listed different groups on campus/ hostel, described inter- group relationships and
interaction and described their own group's structure and activities. They used three
concentric circles to describe their group's structure, activities and interaction. They
placed different members of the group in these three circles based on how close or
distant they were to the group. In the innermost circle were those who formed the core of
the group and with each expanding circle the members became distant.
There were many unstructured interactions with the KI to obtain an update on various
events in campus/ hostel and to clarify missing information. Even though the level of
involvement varied, KI provided continuity to the study, helped to build rapport with the
groups and helped to capture much of the campus/hostel dynamics.
Mapping sessions
Mappings were done with 18 of the 19 groups that the KIs helped to identify. Of these 10
groups required more than one session and ranged from one to four. Each session
lasted on an average about an hour and a half. At the beginning of each mapping
session, the investigators gave the group a cue to begin the exercise:
"Begin from the time at least some of you meet first in the morning and start by
identifying the different locations you visit and the different activities you do...."
With the help of this cue boys would begin the mapping exercise. One person took the
initiative to draw locations on paper while the others gave descriptions. Mapping
sessions provided a good opportunity to observe group interaction and helped to
establish rapport with the group as a whole and was an opportunity to observe group
interaction to get a sense of who was dominant and influential in the group and who was
not. These observations were later validated and clarified with the KI and other members
of the group.
The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
In- depth interviews
Because one of the study objectives was to link individual behavior to group orientation,
it was decided to select respondents from each group based on their position in the
group structure. Investigators selected one respondent randomly from each of the three
levels in the group structure. This way there were three respondents from each group.
They interviewed a total of 60 respondents who belonged to 19 groups. While there were
shortfalls from some groups in both colleges, the numbers were in excess in the two
hostels.
In-depth interviews explored respondents' peer network, the types of groups they belong
to, their activities with these different groups and their relative closeness to different
members in their peer network. Against this backdrop of peer network, we probed their
participation in certain activities that were reported in the mapping sessions. Each
interview took two to four sessions. And each session lasted one and a half hours.
Types of groups
We recognized three broad types of groups among the 18 groups with whom we had
done mapping exercises:
<♦ All male violent group
All male studious group
Mixed gender group
These three types of groups were different in terms of their image on campus, their
participation in campus activities like sports and cultural events, interaction with teachers
and class behavior, interaction among the members in the group, their own group's
activities and their interaction with girls.
All- male violent / tarle group
There were a total of eight groups that belonged to this category from three of the four
locations. The private hostel did not have any group that belonged to this category. The
total number of members in these groups ranged from seven to 15. Urban boys
dominated five of the eight groups in this category. The groups in this category were
known by various names such as tarlegalu, teasers, bad boys and rowdies both among
students and teachers. Five of these groups were particularly known for beating up
people or getting into trouble with other groups both on campus and outside.
A member from one of the groups in this category had been suspended for hitting a
teacher. Describing how they deal with insults, member from another group in this
category said,
If somebody insults any one of us we do not see anything. IVe just go and bash him up.
We have had two - three big hodadatas (fights). So people do not come to our tante (do
not meddle with us).
The other three were not involved in fights, but were known on campus for teasing not
only students but also teachers. Hence the term, tarlegalu, which means trouble-
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual behaviour
makers. Two of these groups had good relations with the violent group. Describing what
they do in class, a member from one of these groups said,
She (the teacher) is always talking about equal rights for women. So we say that with
33% reservation they have taken over our pants and if they get 50% then they will get
ours (penis) and we have to make do with theirs. Then everyone laughs and she has no
answer.
Not surprisingly their relationship with teachers was mostly negative. They typically
roamed around in the corridors or spent most of the time on campus in the sports room
But most of these groups were active in sports like cricket, basketball and volleyball. But
participation in cultural activities was not as high as that for sports. In terms of academic
performance, three-fourths of the respondents from this category reported having failed
the most recent examination. More than three-fourths reported drinking alcohol and
around 60% of them reported smoking.
Most girls feared these groups because they were known to tease rather crudely making
vulgar comments. For example, when girls refused to go for a picnic a member from one
of these groups is supposed to have said,
Don't worry, we have not planned any rape scene. You can come with us.
But girls nevertheless tried to maintain civil relations because they could not afford to be
in their bad books. And boys from these groups quite enjoyed such "respect" that they
got from the girls and boys.
Interaction within 7 of the 8 groups in this category was quite hierarchical in that
members looked up to the leader to decide on where to go and what to do. In fact when
invited for the mapping session, the “leader" was very patronizing:
They are all our boys. You talk to them. They have all the information. X knows
everything about our group.
There were a few core members in these groups who controlled a lot of the other's
behavior, be it attending class, interacting with girls or anything else that they thought
was not appropriate. One respondent reported that his friends in the group did kindal
(made fun of him) after he broke up with his girlfriend:
They used to say, “What is the use of being a man. You cannot even patayiso (hook)
one girl”. I used to feel very hurt.
Another hostel respondent in reported how he and a few “soft fellows” in the group faced
harassment from these friends:
When anyone from our family comes to meet us in the hostel, they stick naked poses in
our rooms or throw cigarette/ beedi stubs on the floor or kept empty drinks bottle in the
room, just to get us into trouble. They did that once when my father came. I had a tough
time convincing him.
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Many of these groups also seemed unscrupulous when it came to sharing money when
they went out to drink or for movies. Five of the 8 groups reported that they "put blade”
(made one person pay for everyone’s expense) to a few members in the group.
They use me for their purpose. If they want to watch sex movies in my house or they
want to drink, then they call me so that I pay for it. Otherwise they go on their own.
Two of them said that they do roll call. Roll call was a term used when boys extorted
money from juniors or gandhis for their expenses. It could be for cigarettes, snacks or
even alcohol.
X and Y do roll call for their expenses. They ask the juniors or soft boys and they cannot
say no.
Thus we see that the groups in this category were involved in fights in and outside
campus targeting both students and teachers. They actively participated in sports
activities but not so in cultural events on campus. Interaction within these groups was
dominated by a few core members who controlled the behaviors of others. And their
relationship with girls was largely negative typically characterized by crude teasing.
All male studious and sports group
All male studious and sports group: Seven groups from three locations (there was no
representation from the government hostel in this category) belonged to this category.
The size of the groups ranged from five to 13 members. Of the total seven, four groups
had an even mix of urban, hostel and commuting boys. One had only urban boys while
the other two had only hostel boys.
These groups were known on campus to be "studious" and were popular among
teachers and had good rapport with the sports instructor. More than 80% of the boys in
these groups reported playing some game or the other. One of them was known as NCC
group because nearly all the members were part of the National Cadet Corps (NCC).
Only 30% of them reported participating in cultural events on campus. A few reported
having "stage fear". The other major reason could be because these groups had much
fewer non- urban boys as compared to the other two types. And some non- urban boys
reported being frequently targeted by the urban boys when they participated in any
cultural event. As one hostel boy reported.
They all prefer western dance and songs. And if we put up something, they pass
comments and laugh. So why should we invite insult? That is why we don’t do anything.
They were mostly regular to class and most of them were quiet. When they were bored,
they did not pay attention but did not disturb the class.
We pay attention in problematic classes like Accounts and Costing, Management
Accounting and Income Tax. We murmur among ourselves in theoretical classes. We
don’t disturb the class even though we are not interested.
Consequently their relationship with teachers was good.
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I am regular to all the classes. Rarely, I bunk. As I am regular, studious and don't disturb
the class, I have good personal relationship with lecturers.
Only 6% of those in these groups had failed. Many of them had also got a first class.
Most of the boys from these groups had no interaction with girls.
There are no girls in our group. But we just talk to girls in our class. We don’t go out with
them or anything. Whatever it is it is only hi- bye level.
Those who interacted with girls were often selective about the girls they interacted with
I talk only to------------- and two of her friends. We sit in the campus and chat. I go with
them to 4th block. We also went to lagaan together. I had bought tickets for everyone
then. We also go for a round to X bazaar.
There were no influential members in these groups and they as a unit also seemed to be
rather amorphous and not as cohesive. For instance, they did not wait for each other to
go to class, nor did they decide to bunk classes together. Out of seven groups, only two
reported having ever gone on a picnic together while the others said that their out of
campus activities were restricted to watching movies.
Mixed gender group
There were only three groups in this category and all of them were in the government
college campus. All of them were urban dominated and had no hostel boys among them.
Their sizes ranged from 7 to 17 and the number of girls ranged from 3 to 6. The three
mixed groups in this category had many similarities in that none of them had poor
academic performance, had a similar attitude to girls and enjoyed a positive image
among them. All three groups were regular to class and were all noisy. Yet their
relationship with teachers was positive.
But they differed in the kind of image they had on campus among students. One of the
mixed -gender groups was known as the "all- rounder" group. The key informants said
that most of the boys in this group were good in nearly all activities- in sports, cultural
events, organized various events in college like the rajyotsava (State formation) day
college day and others. At the same time, they were not "gandhis" for they also smoked
drank and "did not spare anyone who meddled with them". In that sense this group was
what the key informants described as the "ideal" type of group. They had a positive
image among girls and teachers at the same time did not shy away from doing the more
rebellious manly things like smoking, drinking and engaging in violent activities. In that
sense from the key informants' perspective this group seemed to have straddled both
these kinds of roles well.
The second mixed gender group was called choolist. The word chool in Kannada is
associated with something that is “addictive" in nature. Because the boys in this group
were seen to be "sticking to girls" all the time, as one KI put it, the group was called
choolist group. That is, the boys were seen to have chool for girls and vice versa And
they were frequently teased on campus so much so that they avoided certain places in
and outside campus like cafe because it was the regular hang- out of groups that teased
them. This group was not particularly active in sports or cultural events on campus
except for one who was in NCC.
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The N1MHANS Small Grunts Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Rehaviour
The third mixed group was called five- star group because there were five girls in the
group. The interaction between boys and girls differed from the choolist group in that
their interaction did not extend beyond the campus. Even within the campus, there were
certain areas that were out of bounds for the girls.
We sit together in the classroom, bench kallu (stone bench), near the throwball court and
in front of the college entrance. Girls don't sit with us on the stage and they don't come
with us to the sports room.
As a result and unlike the choolist group, they were not targets for teasing. In fact they
had good relations with one violent group and they got together with them to tease girls
and other boys. So this group represented something that was in- between all- rounders
on one hand and choolist on the other.
Group’s activities
The groups’ activities themselves were broadly categorized into four categories:
■
■
■
■
Interaction with girls
Violence/ discipline -related activities
Sex- related activities
Activities outside campus
And we decided to examine themes corresponding to the first three categories of
activities in greater detail.
Theme 1: Interaction with girls
One of the most important themes to emerge from the data was the nature of
respondents' interaction with girls. Respondents across the three types of groups shared
similar attitudes about girls but differed in their level of interest in girls and the way they
overtly interacted with them but.
Attitude to girls: Conceptual dichotomies
Much of respondents’ general interaction with girls including teasing was largely guided
by whether the girl was from their class or other class; was from their college or other
college; was a “city” girl or not; wore western clothes or Indian clothes. And these
conceptual dichotomies, riddled with stereotyped notions of how a girl should be,
decided who “deserved” good treatment and who did not.
X behaves like a lover with me and so I am like a lover to her. Y behaves like a dagar
(sex worker) but I don't treat her badly. But I know what her level is. Our behavior
depends on how the girls behave.
Respondents believed that girls in their college were “decent” as compared to girls from
other colleges with whom they had contact. While girls in their college were not “dodda
figures" (good- looking girls), they were their “well- wishers” and “advisors" who took a lot
of “personal care” about them.
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With girls in college, we chat on campus and go out to movies, parks, exhibitions and
trips. I have gone to their homes. Before exams, we sit together to do group study on
campus. X, Y and Z know everything about me. They advise me a lot on all these things.
But the other college girls were chai- chai (of lose morals) because they had a lot of
chool and allowed physical touch. They were fit only for timepass and not someone one
would want to marry.
These girls liked the fact that I came by bike. Whenever they sit on the bike they hug me.
They are really chal-chal girls. If I get married to such girls, I am done. They are fit only
for timepass.
Similarly respondents also had strong stereotypes notions about “city girls” that they
looked only for money and cared little about everything else. Also they were bold and
“cunning”.
Here the girls have a criminal brain- chatrigalu (cunning). kVe are dadda nanna makkalu
(stupid fellows). At the first instance I would say I am in the hostel. And the girls would
not even sniff at me. They would not even say kya re (pay-any attention) to me.
Respondent, Hostel violent group
Similarly they held that rural girls were “innocent" and one easily “impress’ them by
merely talking in English.
We try to attract attention of any new girl. To impress a rural girl, we talk in English. Or
we talk about study matters very seriously to impress that we are intelligent.
Respondent, mixed group, urban
A respondent from a studious group felt he did not have many female friends not only
because he was shy but also because he was not willing to spend money on them:
I don't have any female friends because I am shy. But, one more thing, these girls need
a lot of money. I am not ready to spend money on them.
Respondent, Studious group
Teasing: Dominant mode of interaction with girls
While respondents from mixed and violent group spent a lot of time and effort in making
friends with girls, those from studious groups were quite distinct by their much -subdued
interest in girls.
There are no girls in our group. But we just talk to girls in our class. We don't go out with
them or anything. Whatever it is it is only hi- bye level.
There are only a few girls in our class. I interact with all of them. But X is the one, who is
somewhat close. Even with X, I discuss topics related to subject matters and we
exchange our notes.
But respondents from both mixed and violent groups were unrelenting in their efforts in
attracting girls’ attention, be it in bus stops, in the bus, on campus and elsewhere.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
We have bets to touch and talk to any beautiful figures (girls). If a girl is walking past, we
suddenly go and say 'hi, shalini' and touch her on the shoulder and when the girl turns
around we say 'sorry' and run away. Some girls abuse us calling us loafers. But we
laugh at them loudly. They then just decide to keep away from us.
Whatever their level of interest in girls, a favorite entertainment for respondents from all
groups was to stare at girls and pass comments about them.
Verbal teasing
Staring and passing comments on girls and boys was a major form of entertainment.
Making fun of girls and boys and its timing was an art and respondents were very
appreciative of those who had the gift of the gab:
X is a punter (expert) in teasing. He has got that art. He can immediately think of
something to say. We really enjoy when he is with us on the stage.
Comments could be about their physical appearances particularly breasts and buttocks,
about the way they dressed, the way they walked and so on. Respondents from violent
groups reported being “rough” and their comments could be quite crude and ugly. And if
the girl retorted or was “rash", then it could be even worse:
In the bus if a girl is very rash with us, then we tell her, "God knows which man is going
to manage you. I only tried to talk. I don't know what you would have done if I had asked
for it (sex)”.
Once one girl got angry with X and abused him. Even after we apologized and requested
her to keep quiet, she did not. We are waiting to wait to decrease her tika -ganchali
(mildly put, "her arrogance”). We have not found her yet.
Respondents from the mixed group used some discretion in how they teased depending
on whether the girls were “good figures" or “scrap figures". If they were “good figures”,
they pursued them to try and make friends with them. Or they praised their looks by
saying, “She looks like Madhuri". For “scrap figures", they only passed comments on
their looks and did not bother to pursue further.
Respondents from the studious groups passed comments only among themselves and
ensured that the girls did not hear what they said. And usually it was something quite
innocuous and even when the girls retorted they seemed to only laugh it off:
One day B’e saw three girls walking ahead of us and we said, "How much was the beauty
parlor bill?" And the girls turned around and retorted, 'Why will you reimburse me? I
will take you also ifyou want". IVe just laughed and came away.
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The N1MHANS Snnill Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Physical teasing
Apart from verbal teasing, respondents from violent and mixed groups reported "testing
girls" by falling on them in buses and touching them on some pretext or the other
Crowded buses were what most respondents reported looking forward to:
We stand in front near the girls. If there is a lot of rush, then we wait for the driver to put
brake and we push around and rub against the girls. We put out hand to their buttocks,
breasts and waist.
Respondents reported that there were some girls with chool who deliberately stood at
the back of the bus. And these activities helped them to "test” and identify such girls:
Some girls with chool deliberately come and stand at the back near the fourth seat. We
also stand next to them and test them to see how they are. Suppose she is OK, then we
start tana na na....'
Most respondents reported teasing only with their friends not only because it was safer
but also because it was much more “enjoyment".
I don’t tease when I am alone because if they retaliate there will be no one to support
me.
We tease only for our enjoyment. I don’t tease when Tm alone because I can’t enjoy.
While not everybody took an active part in actually teasing girls, most others “took maja
out of it". There were some who “gave ideas" which others executed.
I don't tease girls. I just watch and stare at girls. Among my friends X, Y and 7. tease
girls. I take maja out of it.
I don t tease anybody on my own, only in the group. That too, I only give others ideas
and laugh at whatever they say. I don’t tease directly myself.
I never tease girls on my own. When I am with X and others I support them.
There were only two respondents who expressed distress at the way their friends or
“bad boys” teased girls:
X and his friends keep teasing girls. Like slum people they whistle when any good
looking figure comes by. I don’t like it when they tease so cheaply. But I don’t go to
advise them. It is their wish. But I try to avoid them.
We don't tease girls. This is done by ketta hudugaru (bad boys). We become cheap
when we do that and lose respect from girls. We only tease these girls whom we know
and that too not badly.
Of these the one from a violent group felt that he had to do certain things because he
had to fit in:
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Fhe NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality ami Sexual Behaviour
When I am with A, B and C we do not shout or scream. But when I am with X, I have to
do it with them. They run behind girls asking for chumma or shout so loudly that the girls
get scared and run away.
Who is to be teased?
Respondents from both mixed and violent groups reported teasing girls when they felt
that girls were over- shooting their limits. This could be in the way they dressed, the way
they walked or the way they talked. One respondent explained why they picked on this
particular girl to tease:
There is this girl who comes to the same bus stop. We tease her because she is very
fast. She smiles at boys for no reason. Esto jana hudgurge chamak kottu tale kedsiddale
(She has ditched a number of boys and ruined them). She shakes her Tika (buttocks)
and cash (breast) when she walks. She wears mod dresses like tight jeans, tight chudi to
expose her items. She doesn’t care what anyone says.
If girls ignored them then again it was reason enough to target them for teasing. For
example, BCom boys frequently targeted BBM girls because these girls ignored them
and preferred BBM boys.
We sit behind BBM girls during the program, write vulgar things on a chit of paper and
put it in their hair without their knowledge. They think they are standard and do not give
us any importance because we are Bcom.
Teasing BBM girls was also a way of expressing their power against the BBM boys:
We tease BBM girls and the BBM boys get angry with us. But they have no meter (guts)
We ask them to just shut up and go (muchkondu hogo ley).
If the girls realized their mistake and “requested” then the respondents reported that
they stopped teasing:
We had named one girl bonda because she was fat and shout bonda whenever she was
passing by. After a week, she and her friends came and said sorry. After that we have
decreased our teasing.
Respondents from mixed group reported that they did not tease girls when girls from
their own groups were present with them. In that sense girls being with boys did act as a
deterrent to teasing:
During I BCom we were not teasing girls because the girls in our group were always with
us. But this year we tease all the girls -juniors, seniors, lovers, classmates other
college.
At bus stop if our friends are not there then we tease girls, stare at them, comment on
their dresses.
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The N1MHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
But being with girls was also burdensome because they could not do what “enjoy” the
way the other boys did. In fact after the boys in the choolist group distanced themselves
from the girls, they almost sounded relieved:
Last year, these girls were there with us most of the times. That is why we couldn't tease
other girls when we went out. But this year we don’t have such a problem. All of us tease
girls.
Respondents from another mixed group agreed that one should not be seen as being
too close to girls. They had their masculine image to protect failing which one had to
face ridicule:
I talk to all the girls. Whatever it is it is only in class and about the subject. There is no
particular girl or group of girls I talk to. Boys tease those who are close are girls. They
call them hen-sanhga or channapatna (to mean eunuch). If a boy is thin, then they say,
"You have melted because of their heat”.
Even when they felt closer to girls they could not afford to show it. One respondent from
a mixed group who was advised by his female friends in the group to give up his violent
ways said:
When they advise I feel what they say is right. But when I am with the boys, I just cannot
avoid. If I do what they say, then boys will start condemning me. I can't be the way I am
now. Others will start seeing me cheaply. So all this is important in college life. Once I
am out of college I can avoid all these things.
The respondents in the choolist group reported distancing themselves from the girls
because they had missed out on a lot of fun:
This year we felt that if we get stuck to these two girls, then how could we enjoy in
college. So we spend less time with them.
Last year as we were always with them we missed the other friends both boys and girls.
We were not involving in any activities like sports, cultural, chatting with boys, teasing
girls or watching girls.
In that sense they had departed from the norms of a male student’s college life- of being
with other boys, teasing and watching girls.
In conclusion, what seems to emerge is that irrespective of the type of group,
respondents shared a stereotyped dichotomized understanding of gender norms. Girls
who dressed, talked and walked in way that did not attract attention were “decent” girls
and therefore deserved good treatment. Anyone who crossed these limits would only
invite trouble. On the other hand, boys who had “meter” to talk or tease girls and
“patayiso” them, who knew how to “use them” were appreciated as “all- rounders”.
Those who became too close to them were either “choolist” or ‘channapatna” and
deserved only ridicule.
While respondents from all groups subscribed to these norms, only mixed and violent
groups acted out them out in their interactions with girls and that seems to be the main
difference.
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The N1MHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Theme 2: Group -mediation of sex - related activities
There were a number of groups’ activities that were sexual in nature. Certain activities
were more indirect in that they involved reading sex books, watching sex movies,
browsing sex sites on the internet, commenting on each other’s genitals, showing
genitals to friends and masturbating. There were other behaviors that involved actually
engaging in sexual activities with various kinds of partners- sex workers, “girls”, aunties
and non- sex workers. In the following sections we see how the three types of groups
vary by these two categories of sexual activities.
Indirect sexual activities
Respondents from all groups reported reading sex books, watching sex movies and
browsing sex sites on the internet. But there was striking difference in the way the
studious groups mediated these behaviors and the violent and mixed groups mediated
them. While respondents from mixed and violent groups were blase about doing it,
respondents from the studious group reported being discreet because they basically felt
that it was wrong.
They (sex books) affect one s studies and lose our concentration. One can get addicted
h°
WG Wil1 Start thinkin9 on'y about 9irls and tale kedisikollutteve (spoil our
A respondent from a violent group described how they read sex books:
One of us reads the sex book and there are volunteers who act it out. For example, if the
fellow reads out, ‘they sat next to each other and removed their clothes’ two other
fellows actually do it. The rest of us pass comments and laugh. If somebody asks what
we were doing, we say, “we were reading the Bhagvad Gita and had organized a
bhajane for that”.
Similarly, respondents from violent and mixed groups reported other activities like
drinking, showing genitals, passing comments on the movie and about each other’s
genitals and masturbation while watching sex movies while none of the respondents
from the studious groups reported these activities.
Respondents from mixed and violent groups reported that drinking alcohol was a “must”
before they went to watch sex movies:
Before going (to watch sex movies in theater) we always drink and go. We get a lot of
maja (enjoyment) after drinking. But we are not completely out (drunk) but just for zoom
(equivalent of high ).
Respondent, violent group
I take my CD player to
5 house to watch sex movies. We also carry drinks. His
house is like a mini adda. We go and spend the night there watching sex movies on the
CD and drinking.
Respondent, mixed group
Passing lewd comments sometimes in very crude language was something that was
common to both mixed and violent groups:
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While watching, we pass comments like Kuttidde kuttiddu / Kuttu kuttu (he is just
hammering, go on, hammer) or we pass comments on the samaanu (‘thing’ for penis),
uNan maga, katte tarad saamanu itkondavne (he has a penis like that of a donkey) or
say, “Avaldu idyo illo, hardu-girdu hoyteno nodro” (Hey, see if she still has it or it is torn
apart).
Respondent, violent group
There were some who stripped and masturbated when they watch sex movies.
We used to hire a VCR in a friends’ house when parents were not there. And boys used
to
feel very free to remove their underwear and walk around. They used to get yeno kushi
(some happiness). Some used to automatically come out.
Respondent, violent group in hostel
Boys keep checking on each other's size. Sometimes
,
or I go hit
someone’s samaanu (penis) with our finger to check. Then they get bugged and strip
and say, "nodi kolro" (see whatever you want).
Respondent, mixed
group
Respondents from violent groups used sex books and sex movies to harass particularly
Gandhis (English equivalent of nerd) and sometimes girls. A respondent reported how
he was teased because he did not like reading sex books.
Whenever they used to get a book, they used to hold it to my face deliberately and force
me to see. Or read passages from the book loudly. They used to have fun at my
expense.
Direct sexual activities
None of the respondents from the studious groups reported engaging in sexual activities
with any kind of partner. To questions about their or their group’s involvement with sex
workers or others, most respondents from the studious group were unequivocal in their
denial that they or anyone else in their group had been to sex workers.
I have never visited them, as I don’t like it. I have never thought of doing it. None of my
friends have. I don’t have any idea about them.
Some other respondents admitted that they heard other boys talk about it and their own
knowledge was limited to what they heard these other boys tell them.
/ have heard of chittegalu (butterflies). But I don’t know any details. All these activities
and I are very far apart.
While respondents from studious groups were clear that they did not want to engage in
sexual activities, respondents from violent and mixed groups were not as unequivocal
about it. Only those few who were planning to marry their girlfriends reported wanting to
wait until after marriage.
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I want to be pure till my marriage. I don’t want to have sex with anybody other than my
girl friend who is going to be my life partner.
I want to be fresh till I get married. I am not interested in it now. There is thrill to do it
after marriage.
The respondents from mixed and violent groups viewed sexual experience as increasing
their status among friends. While some were successful in having some sexual
experience others were not for various reasons. Some were yet to get an opportunity, a
few could not afford it. Some were scared of diseases like AIDS. There were others who
feared that having sex was addictive, much in the same vein as masturbation. Some
respondents reported having aase (desire) to go but could not muster enough dhirya
(courage) for the same.
No, I have never gone to a dagar (sex worker) so far.
times. But I am scared.
has called me many
One respondent who succumbed to his friends’ “force” and mustered enough dhirya to
use such an opportunity bitterly regretted his decision:
They asked me if I wanted to try. I agreed and went in. I removed my trousers and stood
in my underwear. She was sitting on the bed. She got up and took a condom and when
she tried to put it on, I out aade (“got out” or “ejaculated”). I was very tense and before I
could do any kelasa (literally “work” which is often used to mean sex), I had come out.
She laughed and said that it happened because I was very tense.
His sense of failure and humiliation was compounded by the fear that if his friends came
to know about it, they would make fun of him.
If I had gone out immediately they would have known and teased me. So I waited for 15
minutes, kayyi bitte and talked to her. I told her not to tell the others what happened.
Punyakke (mercifully), she had not said anything. I then decided never to go again.
This respondent was perhaps fortunate to escape his friends’ notice. But in another case
the boy was not as lucky as one respondent from a mixed group described:
You know what
did? He went and put it between the girls thighs and came out.
Then he was bragging to us that he did this and that. When the other fellow went in the
girl said, “Look what that fellow did” and showed him the mess he had made outside.
After that we teased him for the rest of the trip.
Respondents who had refused their friends’ offer to go with them to sex workers
reported being made fun of and victimized because it was seen as a sign of sexual
weakness”.
They tease me when we are watching sex movies- “You are fit only to salivate. You
cannot act”. In the beginning I used to feel bad. But now I don’t.
They call me but I have never gone. They say that I don't have dhirya and that I am a
"jataka player" and fit to do it only in the bathroom.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Further, sexual prowess was associated with engaging in a sexual act for a long time
without ejaculating. So those who did not meet this criterion were also made fun of. A
key informant described how they teased one of their friends who “came out" easily:
You know what X did? He went and put it between the girls' thighs and came out. Then
he was bragging to us that he did this and that. When the other fellow went in, the
girl said, "look what that fellow did" and showed him the mess he had made outside.
Thus both these groups viewed sexual experience as a marker of masculinity. In the
study half the respondents from violent groups (14) and nearly two - thirds of them from
mixed groups (6) reported engaging in sexual activities with different kinds of partners“girls”, sex workers, older married women and “lovers”. Of the total 21 respondents with
any sexual experience, 16 reported penetrative sexual experiences.
Transactions with sexual partners
While there was not much difference in the way the violent and mixed groups mediated
sexual behaviors per se, there was variation in the way the respondents transacted with
different kinds of sexual partners. From the narratives one could identify four main types
of sexual partners:
■
■
■
■
Women and girls who did sex work and available near theaters, dhabas, bus
stands and discos.
Girls who were available for sex and who had been introduced to respondents by
their friends.
Older married women
Girlfriends or lovers
The difference lay in the respondents’ perception of these sexual partners, extent of
group mediation, violence perpetrated against each of these partners and the type of
sexual activities practiced.
I
49
e
HA
Sv
Gn
Pr
uni
or j
.'arc
Perception
Women in sex work
Urban well- off
Good -looking,
like college
girls, clean.
Give a lot of
maja.
i Se
.lih,
d St. .al b
,viou.
Group mediation
Sexual
activities
Condom
use
Violence
Alcohol
Low. Respondent
reported having only
one other friend with
him
Only vaginal
intercourse. No
touching
breasts or lip
kiss or “doing it
hard”
Both
respondents
reported
that the sex
worker
insisted on
condom use
Erratic. If
they had
carried it
with them.
Sex worker
had not
initiated it.
Neither reported
any violence or
coercion with
these kinds of
partners.
Consumed only
for zoom not for
getting drunk.
Couple of times,
the girl became
unconscious
because we had
planned for three
but others got
wind of it and we
could not say no.
None reported
any violence with
these women.
Respondents
drank and got
the sex worker
also drunk
Rural & poor
Akkaidiru,
public gaadi.
“Carry disease”.
Do not give
maja. Do it for
money
High. One cannot say
I do it from
how many will be there. behind, I get
Even if we take her in
them to do
the middle of the night, jataka for me,
word spreads and at
put it in their
least 7- 8 people are
mouth. I do it in
there.
different angles.
Brothel- based
Treat badly if
you are a first
timer. But will
give good
service if you tip
them or have
contacts.
Medium. About 4-5 and
not more.
All forms of
penetrative sex.
But each has a
separate price.
Condoms
are
available in
the adda
and the
respondents
reported
using them.
Alcohol also
available at the
adda but have
to pay for it.
Usually drink
outside and go.
50
?A
.HZ
St.
Gr
Pi
uni
)r K
arc
Se.
lity
ISe
I Be
ioih
Perception
Group mediation
Girls available for
sex
They are not
sex workers. My
friends’ friends.
They don’t do it
for money. Do it
for chool.
Get to know about
these girls through
friends but not more
than two at a time.
Older women
They don’t have
satisfaction
from their
husbands. Do it
for chool.
Sex only after
marriage
Girlfriends
Serious
Non- serious
Tried but was
not successful.
Sexual
activities
Vaginal sex,
caressing
breast, kissing
Condom
use______
Erratic
because the
girls take
tablets
None. The respondents
reported not sharing
these experiences with
friends
Lip kiss, vaginal
and oral. But no
anal sex.
Do not use
condoms
because
she has got
operated.
Many had not
introduced them to
their friends._____
In twos.
Only holding
hands, hugging
& kissing_____
Everything
except that
intercourse
Violence
Alcohol
None. The
respondents were
quite considerate
to them.
None.
Two respondents
reported coercive
sex.
None
While all three groups seemed to be reading and watching pornographic material, either discreetly or openly, there seemed to be a
clear divide on the issue of actually engaging in sex. While the studious groups disapproved of it, the mixed and violent groups were
clearly believed that sexual experience was a marker of masculinity. Further, they measured their sexual prowess by the size of
one s genitals, the duration of the sexual act and the number of sexual partners. While masturbation weakened one’s capacity to
have sex, engaging in intercourse enhanced one’s “future capacity”. These notions of sexuality coupled with their perceptions of
various sexual partners had serious implications for not only safer sex practices but also for violence against women, particularly
those in sex work.
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
Theme 3: Violence for dominance
The environment in three of the four study locations was very adversarial and charged
with inter- group rivalry be it with other student groups on and outside campus, with
rowdy groups outside campus or with the college/ hostel management itself. Dominant
groups frequently competed with each other for girls' attention, for more resources as
in the case of hostel boys and for "respect" from other students on campus. Fights
erupted if boys felt that they were slighted in front of girls.
X was chosen as a class representative. He began giving show in front of girls and told
them all kinds of lies about us and created a bad impression among girls about us. So
we caught hold of him in the college park and thrashed him.
In some cases, threats and beatings were a way of trying to dissuade boys from
making girlfriends. The other reason was related to cricket or football matches. Fights
frequently broke out on the sports ground. One respondent described how one of team
members got angry and broke the wicket because the umpire did not give out. In case
of hostel, rivalries arose because the hostel in charge was seen as being corrupt and
"having bought" a group of students. The other main reason for fights was what
respondents reported to be "insults". A member from a first year group described what
an "insult" from a II year group led to.
X from our group once went to play. But Y in Z's group insulted him and did not allow
him to play. We went again and asked him, he called us 'sadenan makkala' (rotten
fellows). We got angry and hit Y. We would have hit him more but by then the principal
came and we ran away to the canteen.
Such "insults" resulted in more or less permanent enmity and groups baited each other
by teasing and insulting, which led to more fights. It was difficult to define "insult". It
could be something verbal, just the way one looked or the way one blew smoke out of
one's cigarette. Those not aligned with any dominant group had to watch their behavior
so as not to cross these limits. One such respondent reported being roughed up twice
for what he believed was non-offensive behavior.
I was standing near the canteen and smoking. I was only looking at one fellow across
and blowing out smoke. He took offense and came and hit me. Then SS who was there
came and helped me out.
In the above narrative, KV and SS were leaders of the dominant groups who came to
the respondent's support. What this perhaps illustrates is that both boys and girls had
to manipulate their relations with the various dominant groups on campus and hostel
so to buy one’s "protection" against teasing, harassment and violence, which seemed
to be the main function of these groups. For those seeking "protection", it was
frequently a trade- off between "protection" that such a group provided and their
individual preferences, be it academic achievements or good relations with girls. One
such respondent said,
The first year I had a lot ofjosh to be with them because that way I had a lot of respect
and others would be scared of me. The effect of being with them was seen in my
results. But this year I have restricted my contact with them to the campus. But I cannot
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour
altogether stop talking to them. They keep calling me to go with them outside but I give
some excuse and escape.
Even if one did not belong to a group that could afford such protection, one had to
ensure that one had good relations with such groups.
Political contact and respondents' participation in violence
One reason for such an antagonistic atmosphere in the campus could be that some
respondents from the violent groups also had political contacts, which helped these
groups to maintain dominance.
Weu Cf1feeJ tfle influence of political leaders in the college also. There is an old student
called X who has a lot of political support and he backs Y which is why he has so much
meter (could mean leverage or power or guts).
Of the total 16 respondents who reported engaging in physical violence, 14 reported
having political contacts while of the 44 who did not report engaging in violence only
nine reported political contacts. Respondents’ narratives indicate that political leaders
frequently used young men in campuses and hostels to mobilize large groups of them
to engage in either violent activities or to add numbers in political rallies:
When I was in the hostel, they used to come and take a large gang of boys and we
used to go and give awaaz or beat up people. But we would never know what the
problem was, who we were beating up or why we were doing that. Our job was only to
follow what they said. Gumpalli jai jai annodu (be part of the group).
Apart from engaging in violent activities some respondents also reported campaigning
for certain candidates during elections:
During the last MLA election A, B and I had gone with C to canvas for a contestant We
arranged for autos (for publicity), distributed pamphlets, tied banners and gave proxy
votes. In return we got good food, drinks and money.
One respondent was on the regular rolls of a local corporator and led a “gang” of local
young men for what he called “dealings'’ which in this case was a form of extortion. He
reported collecting money from illegal petty shop owners and pavement vendors:
We can make compru or go and beat up somebody. The dealings may be between
peffy s/rop owners on footpath. Sometimes there is a fight for footpath space. And we
get them into a compru and ask them to pay. But whatever happens we must report to
These contacts with local politicians emboldened them to engage not only in violence:
We help them in getting forgery votes. In return we get money, food, drinks, and
political support. Later if we are involved in any kireek (a situation usually involvinq
violence), we can get their help.
Without political support, those engaging in violence were very vulnerable as one
respondent found out:
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The NIMHANS Small Grants Programme for Research on Sexuality and Sexual Rehaviour
He was involved in some galate with fellows from X (an area in the city) and they are
asking him 5000 rupees to become compru. But he has not yet paid. That is why he is
on the run. If he does not pay up they will come in search of him.
This respondent approached some of his friends' friends who had political contacts and
through their intervention, he was able to effect a compru (shortened version of the
English "compromise") for only Rs. 1000. If the respondents used political support for
freebies and pull strings in times of trouble, the political leaders also needed the
respondents' muscle power to manage their affairs:
The councilor has a finance network. He gives and collects loan on a daily basis. And
he needs people like me to go and collect money.
Respondents who did not engage in violence also had political contacts. They reported
worked for them during elections but not for beating up people. But they viewed these
contacts as a useful investment for long- term benefits and were not so keen on the
immediate rewards of food, money and liquor.
Summary
The environment in two colleges and a hostel was confrontationist and fraught with
inter- group rivalry where various groups frequently clashed physically and baited each
other verbally for dominance and power.
Among the three types of groups, the ones that seemed to be at the fore- front of this
struggle for dominance were the mixed and violent groups. The studious groups
expressed neither interest nor inclination to be part of this struggle.
And one’s success in this struggle seemed to be determined essentially by the extent
to which they could act out their notion of being “masculine". There were many
dimensions to their notion of masculinity. One of them was negotiating their interaction
with girls. They had to aggressively try and make friends with girls because girls were a
status symbol. And this is where the violent groups lost out to the mixed groups
because the latter had been able to build a positive image among the girls. And this
was a one irritant, which led these two types of groups to clash. While having a positive
image among girls was important one could not afford to align one’s group with the
girls. One’s primary allegiance was to one’s male peers. Else the groups risked being
ridiculed as channapatna or choolist. They also had to demonstrate their art of baiting
girls because that also required meter (guts). The other dimension of masculinity was
their sexual experience and prowess. Reading sex books, watching sex movies and
sex sites was passe and one had to progress to more “manly” pursuits of engaging in
sexual activities with multiple partners. Added to this, if groups could actually engage in
physical violence and bring in outside political influence, then their dominance seemed
complete.
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