THE TRADITIONAL MIDWIFE AND ANTENATAL SERVICES IN ZAMBIA

Item

Title
THE TRADITIONAL MIDWIFE AND ANTENATAL SERVICES IN ZAMBIA
extracted text
THE

TRADITIONAL

MIDWIFE

AND

IN

ZAMBIA

ANTENATAL

SERVICES

by

B.Nurse (Manchester)

Gill

Tremlett

S.R.N.

S.C.M.

H.V. Cert

A Dissertation submitted to

The Institute of Child Health
University of London

In part fulfilment for the Degree

of M.Sc. in Mother and Child Health
December 1983

N.D.N. Cert

ABSTRACT

A study was carried out to evaluate the effect of the training of
traditional midwives in Zambia.

Itiis dissertation presents »ne part

of that study.

It focusses on the process of providing antenatal care in both the

official and traditional maternity care services in a rural district

of Zambia.

It relates the care given to the local customs, beliefs and practices

relating to pregnancy and childbirth, and to the resources of the
health services.

In particular it examines the changes in the practice

of antenatal care brought about by the training of traditional midwives.

It does not relate the provision of antenatal care to the outcome.

Barriers to the effectiveness of the offical and traditional services

in providing adequate care for the high risk mother are examined.

I argue that barriers to the effectiveness of the official services

and the service of the trained traditional midwives often arise from
the exportation of Western procedures and knowledge (many of which are

being questioned in our own culture).

Instead I maintain that for any

health intervention to be effective one must treat both indigenous
and Western practices as cultural systems which require mutual
understanding and accommodation.

Finally suggestions are made as to how some of these barriers may be

overcome.

VOICES

On care in pregnancy
"We do not do it as you in the hospital
We notice the texture of the hair changes, months before the swelling
Her ears become pale, her face becomes pale

She gets lazy
- So we sit with her - we are not direct as you people

but we start far, far away - (she draws a big circle in the air)
We do not touch her

We just talk about how she feels, and married life

Eventually she will volunteer that she has not attended for one

or two months

(had a period)

Then we advise her in the traditional way"
Traditional midwife
Chikowa

On care in labour

"I heard a traditional midwife address a woman thus
"Come in my daughter, you were born in that corner many years ago
- of course you cried and urinated on me

- but I smacked your bottom hard"
The woman laughed and for a while forgot the pangs of childbirth

Kargbo (135)

On training

"We are proud of our women, our children and those who help our
women in childbirth.

We are proud of our tradition
Even our president does not discourage our tradition.
With our traditional ways we help and protect each other.

But do not let this training make them business women.
They too must keep the tradition.
They must not refuse any gift
- What I have must be enough"

Bwana Banda
Chikowa

ii

'l'

photo 1

Singing praises of the traditional midwives and local women

Mrs Kamanga sings a song of praise to the traditional midwives
either side of her. She encourages them to continue in their good
work and encourages women to follow their advices.

i

Acknowledgements

I must express my gratitude for all the help, advice and hospitality
I received while on attachment to the Ministry of Health in Zambia.
Without this I could not have done the study.

I would like to thank:-

-Dr. G. K. Bolla, Assistant Director of Medical Services

- Mrs. K. Sikota, Officer in Charge, Traditional Medicine
- Mr. Lwando, Dr. R. Patel and Carrie Osborne in the

Primary Health Care Secretariat
- The Overseas Development Administration for sponsoring my project
- My tutor, Hermione Lovel and
- My friends Ruth Hope and David Hughs

I owe thanks also to the many people who devoted time to discuss with
me and look after me; the rural people; traditional midwives; staff

of health centres; and the staff of Petauke Hospital.

Especial thanks are due to Mrs. F. Kamanga (Senior ZEN/ZEM Petauke
Hospital) for the enormous amount of time she spent helpingme.

My final thanks are for Mrs. Charity Zulu (Provincial Senior Nursing

Officer) from whom I learnt so much, particularly the importance

of praising people.

iv

CONTENTS

Page
ABSTRACT

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

iii

LIST OF FIGURES

xii

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHIC ILLUSTRATIONS

xiii

LIST OF APPENDICES

xlv

SECTION ONE:

i

INTRODUCTION

Introduction:

The aims of training traditional midwives in
antenatal care and
Aims of the study

SECTION TWO: METHODS

15

Methods used in the study to investigate:
:Customs beliefs and practices in pregnancy and
childbirth

■.Barriers to the effectiveness of traditional
midwives in antenatal care

SECTION THREE; RESULTS

52

Results: Customs beliefs and practices in pregnancy
and childbirth
:Barriers to the effectiveness of traditional
midwives in antenatal care

SECTION FOUR: DISCUSSION

98

Discussion: Opportunities for improving antenatal care
and screening procedures for the high risk
mother.

IMPLICATIONS
REFERENCES
APPENDICES

124

V

<
*

Page

1.0.

INTRODUCTION

1

1.1.

Definitions

1

1.2.

The international interest in traditional midwives
and programmes for training them

2

1.2.1.

Health for all by the year 2000

2

1.2.2.

Inadequacy of some previous evaluations
of training programmes

3

1.2.3.

Unrecognised barriers to the effectiveness
of training programmes for traditional
midwives

4

1.3.

Zambia's interest in training traditional midwives

6

1.3.1.

Benefits expected from traditional midwife
training

6

1.3.2.

Training programmes for traditional midwives
in Zambia

7

The National Programme

7

The "village based" training of
traditional midwives in Eastern Province

8

1.3.3.

The problem of evaluation of training
programmes for traditional midwives in Zambia

11

1.3.4.

Evaluation of the effectiveness of traditional
midwives at high risk screening of pregnant
women

12

1.4.1.

Aim of the study

13

1.4.2.

Objectives of the study

14

t
>

VI

Page
2.0.

METHODS

15

2.1.

Limitations of previous approaches to studying
traditional midwives

15

2.2.

Sources of information used in the study

16

2.3.

The choice of country, the study area and a short
description of the people

16

q '?

2.3.1

Characteristics of Petauke District

18

2.3.2.

The physical characteristics

18

2.3.3.

The peoples

18

2.4.

Definitions

19

2.4.2.

Definitions of risk

20

2.4.3.

Components of an effective traditional
midwife screening programme for high risk

21

*1
2,5,

The study population

22

2.5.1.

The interpreters/co-workers

22

2.5.2.

Sampling of the traditional midwives

23

2.5.3.

Discussions with other women on their
experience of traditional midwives and
official maternity services

24

2.5.4.

Health staff interviewed

25

2.6.

Methods used to find out about traditional
midwives
Who they are and what they do

27

2.6.1.1.

Semi structured open ended questionnaire
with traditional midwives

27

2.6.1.2.

General discussions

27

2.6.1.3.

Observation of group discussions

28

2.6.1.4.

Role play

28

2.6.1.5.

Refinement of the questionnaire

28

2.6.1.6.

Application of the questionnaire

29

2.6.2.

2.6.2.1.

The pilot study:
Traditional midwives' dissatisfaction with
previous research

31
32

vii

Page

2.6.2.2.

Ten key features of the data collection
process

33

2.6.3.

Response to group interviews

36

2.7.

Methods of studying the effectiveness of traditional
midwives in providing antenatal screening for high
risk

i

38

2.7.1.

Previous approaches to the problem

38

2.7.2.

Limitations of previous approaches

38

2.7.3.

Methods used

40

<
!

2.7.3.1.

Methods for studying the major local causes
of maternal and perinatal mortality

40

2.7.3.2.

Methods to find out knowledge and use of
risk factors

42

2.7.3.3.

The questionnaires

43

2.7.3.4

Methods of studying womens preferences for
use and choice of antenatal and delivery
care services

44

2.7.3.5.

Records study of all perinatal and maternal
deaths in Chipata District Hospital in the
last year

44

2.8,

Limitations of the methods used

46

2.9.

Benefits of the methods

50

a
W

viii

Page

3.0.

52

RESULTS

Who becomes a traditional midwife? What do they do?
3.1.

Interviewed traditional midwives personal
characteristics

52

3.1.1.

Who becomes a traditional midwife?

52

3.1.2.

What does a traditional midwife do?

54

3.1.3.

Concepts of health and disease in pregnancy
and child birth

64

3.2.1.0.

The teaching and practice of care of the
high risk mother by the traditional midwife

73

3.2.1.1.

The teaching on high risk care as part of
the training of traditional midwives

73

3.2.1.2.

What risk factors have traditional
midwives been taught?

73

3.2.1.3.

Are the risk factors traditional midwives
learn relevant to the local causes of
maternal and perinatal mortality?

75

3.2.1.4.

What risk factors do traditional
midwives know and use?

79

3.2.1.5.

What change in care of the high risk mother
has taken place after training?

79

3.2.1.6.

Conclusion on the teaching and practice
of care of the high risk mother by the
traditional midwife

81

3.2.2.0.

Barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional
midwives in screening for high risk mothers

82

3.2.2.1.

Barriers to traditional midwives effectiveness arising from the community

82

A)

Beliefs concerning the causation of
disease and obstetric complications

83

B)

Concepts of health and disease

83

C)

Conclusion

86

Further barriers to traditional
midwives effectiveness in antenatal
screening for high risk
- arising from the community

86

ix

Page

3.2,2.2.

3.2.2.3.

3.2.2.4.

D)

Traditions relating to the place of birth

86

E)

The perceived benefits of staying at home

87

Barriers to traditional midwives effectiveness
arising from the traditional midwives themselves.

87

a)

Traditional midwives concept of their
role in antenatal care

87

b)

Traditional midwives and the communities
concept of disease or'problem'causation

88

c)

Inappropriateness of the antenatal
teaching of traditional midwives

88

d)

Inappropriateness of the criteria for
high risk

89

Barriers to the effectivness of the traditional
midwives screening for high risk arising from
the official maternity services

90

A)

provision of maternity services in petauke

90

B)

Utilisation of maternity services in
Petauke

91

C)

Barriers to effective screening

91

a)

Unavailability of trained maternity
staff

92

b)

Lack of finance

92

c)

poor organisation of antenatal
clinics in the hospital

92

d)

Midwives do not see the importance of
the concept of high risk screening

93

e)

Womens perception of midwives
attitudes to them

96

f)

Womens beliefs regarding the function
of the antenatal clinic

96

Barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional
midwives screening for high risk arising from
the trainers

97

a)

Lack of support

97

b)

Lack of supplies

97

c)

Future trainers' attitudes

97

X

Page

4.0.

98

DISCUSSION
What can be done about the problems identified?

1'
4.1.

4.1.1.

Opportunities for improving the care of the high
risk mother

- in the hospital

99


99

4.1.1.1.

Integrated MCH Clinics

100

4.1.1.2.

Afternoon antental clinics

100

Identifying the high risk woman

101

4.1.2.

4.1.2.1.

Redefining the criteria for high risk

103

4.1.2.2.

Are all primigravidae at risk?

103

4.1.2.3.

Are all grand multips high risk?

106

4.1.2.4.

A summary of the criteria for high risk

107

4.1.2.5.

Using the criteria for high risk

108

i) An action orientated antenatal
record card

109

ii) The information collection stamp

110

Benefits of a new screening system for
high risk

110

Opportunities for improving the care of the
high risk mother in the district

113

4.1.2.6.

4.1.2.

List of risk factors

113

4.1.2.2.

Training "Female indoor servants"

113

4.1.2.3.

Saving Petrol

114

4.1.2.4.

Improving the mothers shelter

114

Implications for staff training

'

1

4.1.2.1.

4.2.

’)

i

114

4.2.1.

In-service training - Bwino Magazine

115

4.2.2.

Training in Primary Health Care

115

4.2.3.

Training in statistics

115

1

Page

4.3.

Opportunities for improving the care of the high
risk mother by working with traditional midwives

117

4.3.1.

Using appropriate criteria for high risk

117

4.3.2.

Involve all practising traditional midwives
in the community

117

4.3.3.

Introduce new ideas slowly

120

4.3.4.

Involve the pregnant women in the community

120

4.3.5.

Involve traditional midwives and women in the
community in the planning

121

4.3.6.

Involve traditional midwives and women in the
selection of traditional midwives

122

5.0.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY

124

List

of

Figures
Page

To show the people involved in the study.

17

Summary chart of Sources of Information for studying Risk.
To show the discrepancies in reporting of statistics
To show the relationship of the woman in labour to the
traditional midwife.

41
47
54

To show the criteria taught to traditional midwives for high
risk and referral.

74

Priority Health problems in maternal and perinatal health in
Eastern Province

76

(a)

-

Causes of maternal mortality )

(b)

-

Causes of perinatal mortality)

notes

77

Traditional midwives' priority tasks and learning objectives
required to decrease maternal and perinatal mortality
developed from Figs. 5a and 5b.

78

To show the number of high risk women attending one antenatal
booking clinic

95

To show present high risk selection

102

xiii

List

of

Photographs
Page

Photo 1

Singing p/aises of the traditional midwives and local
women.

ii

Photo 2

Olongolongo - an example of the need to find. out about
local diseases

30

Photo 3
Photo 4

Demonstration of one woman pretending to be in labour
Other labour positions demonstrated
Delivery of the placenta

56
57
58

Photo 5

Assisting a placenta out

60

photo 6

A protected child

62

Photo 7

An inappropriate record card

94

Photo 8

A well prepared mother with an antenatal card in a plastic
bag and a new razor in readiness

118

xi v

Appendices

Appendix 1

Traditional midwives questionnaire

Traditional midwives training in risk concept
Trained traditional midwives Supervisor Interview

Appendix 2

Health Personnels knowledge of the risk concept

Appendix 3

Causes of Maternal Death at Chipata General Hospital

Appendix 4

Checklist for antenatal card analysis

Appendix 5

Records study for reasons for fresh still birth

Appendix 6

Antenatal Mothers Questionnaire
Questionnaire for mothers in rural health centre/
hospital/mothers shelter

Appendix 7

Observation of physical facilities and basic equipment

for antenatal screening and delivery
Appendix 8

Checklist for antenatal care by Midwives

Appendix 9

Checklist for antenatal care by trained traditional

midwives
Appendix 10

Checklist of traditional midwives equipment

Appendix 11

The temporary "antenatal record" used in Petauke Hospital

Appendix 12

Action orientated record cards for antenatal screening

1

INTRODUCTION

1.0.

Over two thirds of the babies in the world are delivered by traditional

midwives.

These midwives are not trained in Western medicine but

rather in the traditional system of birth (1).
they deliver over 90% of the births (2).

In some rural areas,

In Kenya despite three

generations of Western style medicine only 15% of women deliver under

'modern' medical supervision (3) and in the more urbanised country
of Zambia 60% of births still occur at home (4).

1.1.

Definitions

The World Health Organisation use the term "traditional birth attendant"

or TBA to define such a person who assists the mother at childbirth
and who initially acquired her skills delivering babies by herself

or

by working with other traditional birth attendants (5).

However recent studies show (6,7,8) this definition to be narrow,
understating her actual functions in both mother and child health.

The function of these attendants is not just to assist at the birth.
Many are healers.

Many care for and advise women right through

their reproductive years, not just helping them physically during

pregnancy, birth andihepuerperium.

They also advise on child care,

infertility and traditional forms of child spacing (9,10,11,12,13).

In some societies women in labour are assisted by women who specialise
in childbirth and have many years of experience.

In other societies

women are assisted by older female relatives who have relatively less
experience in assisting at deliveries but have a vital role in such

2

other areas as psychological support and passing on the traditional
customs, beliefs and practices of the culture to the younger women

(14).

Their importance in the passing on of traditional beliefs and

customs is shown for example by the name given to the traditional

midwife among the Bemba people "nacimbusa" or "mistress of the
matters of tradition" (15).

Thus in this study the term traditional midwife will be used in order
to emphasise that she is not just a birth attendant.

Also in its

original sense the term midwife comes from the middle english mid-wif.
This means "with women".

It is a more appropriate term for a society

where pregnancy and childbirth are "women's business".

The term traditional midwife should be distinguished from midwife and
trained traditional midwife which are defined in section 2.4.1.

1.2.

The international interest in traditional midwives and programmes

for training them and the inadequacy of previous evaluations

1.2.1.

Health for all by the year 2000

The present international interest in traditional healers and
particularly traditional midwives derives from the goal of attaining
"Health for all by the year 2000".

This goal can only be achieved

through the implementation of primary health care, where;

"Primary health care is essential health care made

universally accessible to individuals and families
in the community by means acceptable to them,

through their full participation and at a cost

3

that the community and country can afford"

(Alma Ata Clause 6) (16).

and where health is defined as:

"a state of physical, mental and social well being"

(Alma Ata Clause 1).

Within the Alma Ata Declaration itself the importance of working
with traditional healers and traditional midwives as allies in

improving the health of the community is recognised (17).

This is

especially so for the traditional midwife who is seen as a link with
women of reproductive age who might not otherwise be reached by the
usual health services.

Some member states of the World Health Organisation (WHO) have
therefore developed programmes for training traditional midwives in
order to bring more appropriate maternity care to as wide a
population as possible, especially the rural majority.

Tills dissertation will examine one outcome of training programmes for
traditional midwives in one part of Zambia.
courses is adapted from the guidelines of the

The content of these
World Health

Organisation (18).

1-2.2.

Inadequacy of previous evaluations of training programmes

Very few countries have attempted to evaluate the efficiency of their

training programmes and even fewer to determine the effects of training
on traditional midwives' practice (19).

A high proportion of the

evaluations carried out concentrate only on the aspect of "family

planning" (20).

A few countries such as Sierra Leone (21), Burma (22), and Bangladesh
(23) are studying the effectiveness of traditional midwives in providing

health care and specific tasks in screening 'high risk' mothers.
Studies .in India (24) have tried to determine the impact of training
traditional midwives on the utilisation of antenatal clinic services.

However a number of these studies have produced highly variable results.
A controlled study in Bangladesh (25) showed that training traditional

midwives in the 'at risk' concept and hygiene resulted in a reduction

in the peri-natal mortality rate from 85.2/1000 to 23.8/1000.

(However

there are worrying omissions in the published baseline data).

In

contrast figures from a study in Andhra Pradesh (26) India indicate

that the peri-natal mortality rate for births attended by trained

traditional midwives is twice that of untrained traditional midwives.
Unfortunately the causes for this are not even discussed.

1.2.3.

Unrecognised barriers to the effectiveness of training
programmes for traditional midwives

It is beginning to be recognised that many training programmes for

traditional midwives have difficulty in achieving their goals (27).
Two major barriers to the success of such programmes are now
becoming evident.

a) "Health personnel pay little attention to the cultural aspects of
childbirth and dismiss the traditional beliefs and practices as

5

being primitive, ignorant and superstitious" (28)

and thus

b) Training is usually uni-directional with an emphasis on "upgrading"
the indigenous practices rather than exploring the possibilities of

reciprocal teaching and building on the traditional practices (29).

This disregard of such indigenous beliefs, values and practices
creates midunderstanding and tension between the traditional midwives,

their clients and the Ministry of Health (30).

It may for example

create a situation described in India where some traditional midwives
found that after training they were no longer acceptable to the local

people.

In order to overcome this rejection by the community the

traditional midwives rejected all their training.

They even used

the worse practices that perhaps they did not use before training
(31) thereby increasing the mortality rates.

Thus it is necessary to go beyond the attitudes of many medical
personnel who see only the need to "minimise hazards by a process of

educating

traditional midwives on the areas of defects in their

practice" (32).

Such approaches will destroy their confidence gained

through experience, and the public's faith in them that has led to
their justified self pride (33).

In seeking to train traditional

midwives attempts should be made to understand, build on and incorporate
traditional practices (such as local social support mechanisms) and

"upgrade" the Western-based obstetrical system rather than simply
attempting to eradicate or change the traditional one (34).

6

Zambia's interest in

1.3.

1.3.1.

training traditional midwives

Benefits expected from traditional midwife training

In Zambia training programmes for traditional midwives have been
organised by the Ministry of Health with some funding from UNICEF
since 1973 (35).

Four main benefits were anticipated from their training

A.

Providing more obstetrically appropriate services

There is recognition that more than 90% of hospital and rural health

centre deliveries are normal and could be cared for at home by
traditional midwives (36).

B.

Providing more culturally appropriate services

There is increasing recognition of the importance of the many diverse

traditional practitioners, which include spiritualists, herbalists,
faith healers and traditional midwives in providing services which

are "more firmly embedded in the social environment of the patient

and

C.

more personalised". (37)

Overcoming staff shortages in rural areas

There is a national shortage of midwives.

Rural areas especially

have few qualified female staff available for mother and child health.

In a society where pregnancy and childbirth are strictly 'women's
business' there is often little or no appropriate maternity care

provided to 'scattered rural population^. (38)

7

D.

Overcoming staff shortages in urban areas

There is also an interest in training traditional midwives in urban

areas.

The present financial constraints with concomitant decreasing

staffing levels and increasing workloads appear to be associated with
perinatal and maternal mortality rates that have been increasing for

the last ten years.

A large proportion of this mortality may possibly

have been avoided by: 1) identification and referral of "high risk"

women and 2) by decreasing the hospital workloads through increasing

the numbers of appropriately selected home deliveries (39,40,41,42).

1.3.2.

Training programmes for traditional midwives in Zambia

Two different approaches have developed in the training of traditional
midwives in Zambia.

Both programmes have an overall aim to reduce

maternal and perinatal mortality, but each seeks to achieve this
through quite different means.

(A)

The "National Programme"
The National programme aims to produce a few very highly trained

traditional midwives in each district.

These are trained to function

as "community midwives" providing antenatal, delivery and postnatal
care to many women.

For the first two years, 1973-75, short experimental

programmes were organised.

Now traditional midwives are required to

attend a six week course which is usually residential and based at a
hospital.

During this time they receive lectures on antenatal;

delivery and postnatal care, care of the newborn, family spacing and
health education (43).

They also participate in field visits,

antenatal clinics and deliveries in the labour ward.

After six weeks

successful attendance they receive a certificate and may receive a

delivery kit.

8

The stated objectives of the programme are:

(a)

To select and train traditional midwives with a view to improve
their knowledge and proficiency of the maternity care services

offered to the communities where they practise.

(b)

To encourage and re-inforce the positive and beneficial cultural
beliefs and practices whilst discouraging and eliminating the

influence of harmful practices about pregnancy and maternity.

(c)

To improve the collaboration between traditional midwives and

centrally organised system of maternity and child care.

(d)

To develop traditional midwives as a multi-disciplinary group
within the integrated health team.

(e)

To inculcate basic health practices related to personal
cleanliness.

Their major functions are to recognise abnormalities and make

appropriate referrals and undertake

safe delivery of normal cases

in homes (43).

(. B) The 'Village based" training of traditional midwives in Eastern Province

In contrast to the national programme, the village based training
programme aims to work with all practising traditional midwives in

one area in their home environment.

This programme aims to reach all

the traditional midwives and make small changes to the practices of
all those involved.

By doing this it is hoped that the programme

9

will have an appreciable effect on maternal and child health.

The person behind this change is Mrs C A Zulu, Provincial Nursing

Officer for Eastern Province who has had experience of working with
traditional midwives since 1970.

Her methods of working with women in the community developed from a
recognition that:

1.

Traditional midwives have as much if not more to offer rural
communities than trained midwives.

2.

They are experienced and competent within their own social

framework and fulfil the expectations of the community.

3.

Women want to be delivered by someone they know and trust, usually

from their own family, not an outsider.

4.

Women have many family and agricultural commitments which must
be recognised.

5.

Women are comfortable learning in their home environment, a
classroom approach is alien.

6.

programmes must centre on what the traditional midwives already
do, give them confidence in their practical abilities and aim

to change only those practices which are harmful.

10

The main features of the programmes in Eastern Province since
Mrs Zulu transferred there in 1979 are that:

1.

A focus is made on areas with specific problems e.g. a very
remote area or a place with a high maternal or perinatal death

rate.

2.

A relationship is slowly built up with all practising traditional
midwives in the village or group of villages.

3.

A programme is then developed to suit the women and the resources
of the Health Service.

This may consist of weekly or monthly

visits in conjunction with immunisation or MCH teams, or it may

involve one midwife living in a village for 1-2 weeks up to a
period of 6 weeks.

4.

Hie emphasis is on:
(a)

Working with all practising traditional midwives in their

home environment.
(b)

Finding out what they already do.

(c)

Encouraging and praising them for this.

(d)

Midwives' and traditional midwives' sharing ideas and
learning from each other.

(e)

Improving a few of their techniques but changing little in

the way they practise.
(f)

Hygiene.

Thus the aim is to make traditional midwives safer in what they

already do with recognition of their value as traditional midwives

Officially both trained and untrained traditional midwives should
be registered with the District Public Health Nurse and/or staff of
the rural health centre.

Licenses have been granted by the Ministry

of Health since 1978.
After training the community is expected to continue giving the
traditional midwife the customary gifts of thanks for their help.

No government remuneration is given.

1.3.3.

The problem of evaluation of training programmes jfor

traditional midwives in Zambia
Despite the positive policies to support and improve the work of
traditional midwives in Zambia, personnel from both the Ministry of

Health and UNICEF have recently noted "a great dearth of information"
(44) existing "on work of traditional birth attendants".

In

particular their strengths and weaknesses, the duration of after­

care which they provide to their clients and the inducements or
rewards which sustain their service to the community etc." (45).

Recently it has also been recognised that "the Ministry needs to

formalise its policy with respect to the nature of the support which

the Government Health Service can and should give to traditional birth
attendants within the overall framework of primary Health Care " (46).

An evaluation exercise has been carried out by Mrs K Sikota

in-Charge, Traditional Medicine in 1982.

Officer­

Her study was very broad,

covering four provinces in a short period of time(47)

Her main findings were that:

1.

Members of the community do not understand the role of the trained
traditional birth attendant. In addition they assume that after
training the TBA is on the government pay role and no loneer
requires the traditional gifts.
6

2.

TBAs get inadequate support, supervision and further training.

3.

There are inadequate supplies of TBA kits and some of the
instruments could be excluded.

12

A study was devised within the framework of (the above) expressed
needs and a request to concentrate on remote rural areas (48).
However rather than repeat the broad evaluation exercise by
Mrs. Sikota.

The study aimed to supplement the

previous study by producing in-depth information about what is

happening within the maternity care system in one district.

1.3.4.

Evaluation of the effectiveness of traditional midwives at
"high risk" screening of pregnant women

This dissertation presents only one part of the research carried out
and focusses on an assessment of the effectiveness of the trained

traditional midwives in antenatal screening for "high risk".

The aim of training traditional midwives in "high risk" screening
The aim of any maternity care programme should be to provide adequate

pregnancy care in order to ensure the safe delivery of the mother,
and a healthy child.

Similarly one of the aims in training traditional

midwives should be to minimise the hazards which could be faced by

any woman for whom the traditional midwife provides care.

Although

the majority of women can be expected to deliver safely at home
some of them are more likely to develop problems which put the health
of their babies or themselves at risk.

Thus the training programmes

for traditional midwives in Zambia aim to teach them certain criteria
or "risk factors" which enable them to identify which women are most
likely to develop problems which require referral to a hospital or
rural health centre.

13

1.4 ,L Aim of the Study

The broad aim of this study is to assess how effective this

high

risk" screening procedure is; to discover any barriers to its
effectiveness, and to suggest ways in which these may be overcome.

The antenatal care is assessed not only in terms of
provision of a service, but also in terms of its cultural

appropriateness.

The objectives of the study included a detailed analysis of
customs, beliefs and practices associated with pregnancy, childbirth

and the puerperium.

Thus this study would seek qualitative data rather than quantative

data; to find out what happened in the past as well as what is
happening now; to identify trends in thinking and behaviour and to

analyse the conceptual framework of the local people in order to give
reasons for the observed behaviour patterns.

The aim of seeking this data was to analyse the dynamics of what is

happening in the traditional and official maternity care services.
Only when an understanding has been gained on what is going on both
in traditional and official maternity care can a useful analysis be
made of the effectiveness of the antenatal care and screening for

the high risk mothers.

14

1-4.2.

Objectives of the Study

1.

To identify who becomes a traditional midwife and what they do.

2.

To identify the teaching and the practice of care for the high
risk mother.

Specifically:

2.1.

What risk factors have traditional midwives been taught?

2.2.

Are the risk factors traditional midwives learn relevant?

2.3.

What risk factors do traditional midwives know?

2.4.

What change in care of high risk mothers has taken place after

the training?

3.

To identify some of the barriers to the effectiveness of the
antenatal care provided to the high risk mother

4.

(a)

from the traditional raidwife

(b)

from the community

(c)

from the health services.

(d)

from the trainers of traditional midwives

To identify some opportunities for improving the care of the
high risk mother.

15

2.0.

2.1.

METHODS

Limitations of previous approaches to studying traditional
midwives

Two main approaches have been used by others to study traditional

midwives and the effect of training.

The anthropological approach

of some workers towards the work and role of traditional midwives
has been positive and constructive (49,50,51), but this is countered

by the results of enquiries (often done by medical personnel) which
seek to assess the level of technical knowledge of traditional
midwives who may or may not have had some training.

These studies

often denigrate, trivialise or sensationalise traditional practices,

judging them only in terms of western 'scientific' obstetric or medical
practice (52,53,54,55,56,57) without looking objectively at the

benefits of their practice or the reasons behind their actions.

Some evaluators have even accused traditional midwives of being
"professionally conceited" when they express no interest in seeking

aid from official health services (58).

Neither of these type of approaches has allowed interation with the

traditional midwives in such a way that the traditional midwives are

asked to make any direct contribution to the methods used or the
propositions that purport to be about them or for them.

I felt it was vital to involve them both in decisions on the methods
used and in formulating proposals out of our discussions.

16

2.2.

Sources of information used in the study

Most of the information for this study was obtained from interviews

and general discussions with trained and untrained traditional
midwives.

Further information was obtained from the sources indicated in
Fig-1 overleaf and Fig.2 . p.

2,3.

The choice of country for the study area, and a short description
of the people

The study was undertaken in Zambia for two reasons: Firstly the
importance of traditional health practitioners in Zambia in providing
health care is officially recognised and supported in the primary

health care policies (37).

Secondly there had been an interest

for
expressed by the Ministry of Health/furtherevaluation of the training
of traditional midwives.

The study was carried out in Eastern Province as this was the only
area which had been involved in hospital and village based traditional

However it was decided to focus most of the study
of petauke
on the particular district/for the following reasons:

midwife training.

1)

Limiting most of the study to one district facilitated an analysis
of how official maternity care services interrelated with the
traditional services.

2)

Six training programmes had been organised in the district since
1978.

Three of these followed the national guidelines for the

17

NATIONAL
Officer in charge
Traditional Medicine

Assistant Director
Medical Services

P.H.C.
Secretariat

PROVINCIAL
Provincial S.N.O.
(Trainer of
traditional
midwives)

Provincial
Health Education
Officer

Medical Superintendent
Provincial Hospital

Provincial
Medical
Assistant

DISTRICT

1 trained trainer
of traditional
midwives

District Health
Education Officer
and Public Health
Nurse

District Medical
Officer

1 untrained trainer
of traditional
midwives

6 Public Health
Nurses
(1 trained and 5
student family
health nurses)
1 BSc. Student

2 Registered Nurse Midwives
8 Enrolled Nurse Midwives

4 male traditional
healers in district
organisation

3 Medical Assistants

3 "Female Indoor Servants"
or "Cleaners" who also
do deliveries in RHC

83 women attending antenatal
follow up clinic
28 women attending antenatal
booking clinic

16 women staying in the hospitals
mothers shelter aaaiing labcur

LOCAL
32 untrained
traditional
midwives

Fig-1 •

58 trained
traditional
midwives

70 women in villages between
4 hours and3 days walk
from district HQ

To show the people involved in discussions on the study

18

training of traditional midwives and three were village based.

3)

One midwife, Mrs. F. Kamanga , had been involved to some extent

in each of these programmes.

This would tend to minimise

variations in outcome due to differences in the personnel teaching.

4)

I would have an opportunity to attend a two week training

programme in the remote village of Luwembe.

2.3.1.

Characteristics of petauke District: Eastern Province

2.3.2.

The physical characteristics

The Eastern Province of Zambia is relatively isolated from the rest

of Zambia by the deep rift valley of the Luangwa.

To the east of the

valley, the land forms a plateau at 4000 ft which is mainly suitable

for shifting agriculture although there are some belts of fertile
soil.

Outside the few towns the population is scattered and lives by

farming.

Villages are often very small and more frequently depending

upon soil fertility.

People in the valley live by hunting, fishing

and farming.

Hie rainy season from November to April cuts off many people from

services.

2.3.3.

Few roads are made of tarmac.

The Peoples

The peoples of petatke District and Eastern Province are the Nsenga,
Chikunda, Nyanga, Chewa and Ngoni.

These matrilineal

peoples have a

19

common history originating in what is now Zaire.

As migration has

only occurred over the last 5~6 centuries, ethnic differentiation is
rather recent.
Thus anthropologists have written

The Ngoni, originally cattle herders have been so absorbed by the

Chewa that "the Ngoni-Chewa might be considered only variants of one
continuous culture" (59) and further that "the Chewa differ little
from the Nsenga, Chikunda, Nyanga" (60).

Consequently differences in

their customs and practices would be expected to be small.

2.4.

Definitions

It is necessary to define a number of the terms used in this study.

2.4.1.

Definition of traditional midwife

This is defined in the introduction section 1.1.

2.4.2.

p.

Definition of midwife

The term midwife is used to denote a person with formal medical

education who is officially registered and licensed.

2.4.3.

Definition of trained traditional midwife

The term trained traditional midwife is used to denote a traditional

midwife who has received some form of training from the official
health services.

2.4.4.

Definition of untrained traditional midwife

The term untrained traditional midwife is used to denote a traditional
midwife who has learnt her skills from other traditional midwives
through an apprenticeship.

However she has not had an additional

training through the official health services.

21

frequent pregnancies (62).

In certain situations culture and customs may act as risk factors
by limiting the education or status of women or withholding food in
pregnancy or perpetuating unhygienic practices, or as is more common

in developed countries - unnecessary intervention in pregnancy or
labour (63).

2.4.3.

Components of an effective traditional midwife "screening"

programme for "high risk"

The effectiveness of traditional midwives in screening for women of
"high risk” was evaluated by matching traditional midwives' knowledge

and practice with the components necessary to make the procedure
effective.

These components were developed from World Health

Organisation guidelines contained in "Risk Approach in Maternal and
Child Health Care (62) and are listed below:

(a)

Traditional midwives learn "risk factors" which are appropriate

to their locality and which correlate with the major causes of

maternal and perinatal mortality.

(b)

Traditional midwives use these "risk factors" to identify "high

risk" women in their community who require referral to the
hospital or rural health centre for assessment or delivery.

(c)

"High risk" women follow the traditional midwives' advice and

attend hospital or rural health centre.

(d)

For the traditional midwives' work to be effective it must be
supported by an efficient service in hospitals or rural health

22

centres for providing "high risk” screening and adequate care

for those who develop problems.

This support system should

comprise the following components

use of criteria for "high risk" which correlate with the

i)

major causes of maternal and perinatal mortality;
use of criteria which do not classify more women as "high

ii)

risk" than can be adequately cared for by the services;

iii)

accurate assessment of a womens' risk status;

iv)

clear explanations by midwives to women of "high risk" on

where they should deliver and why;

a clear indication on the antenatal card if a "high risk"

v)

woman should deliver in hospital;

vi)

early self referral by "high risk" women in accordance

with midwives instructions;
vii)

2.5.

a useable transport system.

The Study population

2.5.1.

The Interpreters/Co-workers

In order for this study to be of benefit to the trainers of traditional
midwives

it was important to work together with them.

I was

extremely fortunate that Mrs. C A Zulu, Provincial Nursing Officer

and Mrs. F Kamanga, Senior ZEN/ZEM at Petauke Hospital could spare
the time to work with me and they became not just colleagues and co­

research workers, but good friends from whom I learnt a great deal.

23

2.5.2.

Sampling of the traditional midwives

After discussions with the traditional midwife trainers it was

decided that any form of sampling was inappropriate for the following

reasons:

1)

One of the main research tools was group discussion and it would
be unrealistic to try and define who should be in those groups

2)

The traditional midwife trainer who helped as my interpreter had
not been able to visit the traditional midwives living in remoter

areas for three years.

Many traditional midwives would feel

offended if they were excluded.

It was important to maintain

morale by visiting all of them and praising them for their work.

Thus the study aimed to contact as many as possible of the traditional
midwives who had been trained in Petauke district since the training

programmes started in 1978.

In addition discussions were held with 32 untrained traditional

midwives, 10 of whom were outside Petauke District.

A particular effort was made to visit traditional midwives situated

far from the district boma

(headquarters), especially those in the

Luwangwa valley about 100 kms away along difficult and infrequently

used roads.

In total, discussions were held with 90 traditional midwives between

22 July and 30 August 1983.

24

Fifty eight of these traditional midwives had received some training,
they included:

1)

33 traditional midwives trained for only the first two weeks of

a proposed 6 week village based training programme in 1976.
22 were from Mwape and 11 at Chikowa.

2)

4 traditional midwives trained for 6 weeks atSinda rural health
centre in 1981

3)

16 trained for 6 weeks in hospitals at Minga and Petauke in

1978 and 1979

4)

5 trained for 6 weeks at Sinde-misale in 1981.

In order to widen the perspective of the study six traditional

midwives in another district (some 300 kins away) were visited.
These had been trained in a village based programme which was closely
associated with the rural health centre.

Unfortunately due to lack

of time and transport I was unable to visit more programmes in other
districts.

The fifty eight trained traditional midwives visited represented
50% of all those trained in the areas visited who were still living.

2.5.3.

Discussions with other women on their experience of traditional
midwives and the official maternity services

Discussions were held with three other groups of women.

1.

Discussions with village women

Discussion was only possible at 4 villages; Luwembe , Chikowa, and 2

25

small villages 20 kms from the hospital.

It included 70 women.

No attempt at random sampling was made.

All willing women were

included.

2.

In one case all women of child bearing age came.

Discussions with antenatal clinic attenders

All 28 women attending one antenatal booking clinic were interviewed.
Brief discussions were held with 83 women in the antenatal follow-up

clinic.

More detailed discussions were held with another 25 women

who were selected by taking them in groups of five, leaving intervals

of 20 women between each group selected.

3.

Discussions with mothers in the mothers'shelter

All 16 pregnant women staying in the mothers' shelter at the hospital

awaiting the onset of labour were interviewed.

2.5.4.

Health Staff interviewed

Discussions were held with the health staff indicated in Fig.-l.

In addition it was planned to hold structured interviews on "Health
personnel's knowledge of the risk concept"with: the traditional

midwife trainers; all midwives in the district hospital and some in

the provincial hospital; midwives and medical assistants in the rural
health centres and other personnel assisting at deliveries e.g. the

"female indoor servants" or "cleaners" at the rural health centres.
However these interviews were limited by time and transport
availability.

Five health centre staff were not interviewed as they

were attending funerals.

Due to the huge distances between the

hospital and rural health centre it was not possible to randomly

select these people.

I went where there was transport.

26

In all structured interviews on the risk concept were held with 2
traditional midwife trainers, 5 of the 7 midwives working in the

district hospital, 5 midwives at provincial level, 3 medical
assistants and 3 "cleaners" from rural health centres. The one
in the district
rural health centre midwife/was unavailable on the day of our visit.

For questionnaires see Appendix 2.

2.6.

Methods used to find out about traditional midwives;

Who they are and what they do

The methods used to find out about both trained and untrained
traditional midwives developed from discussions held with the
traditional midwife trainers and the traditional midwives themselves.
The implementation of these methods is presented in the following
section.

2.6.1.1.

Semi structured open ended questionnairewith traditional
midwives: entitled "Traditional midwives questionnaire"

A semi structured open ended questionnaire was used to gather

information on the customs, beliefs and practices associated with
pregnancy, childbirth and the puerperium.

It was developed from a

questionnaire designed by Dr Ruth Hope and myself in a similar study
in Newcastle (64).

It was revised with the help of the traditional

midwife trainer and 5 community nurse-midwives and then pre-tested
on 10 untrained traditional midwives.

This was done as part of a

community diagnosis in order to gather much wider information on

food, water, sanitation, etc.

2.6.1.2.

General Discussions

Open unstructured discussions were held with other people in order to
get a wider understanding of customs, beliefs and practices and the

role of the traditional midwife.

These people included: the

traditional midwife trainers, 197 women in antenatal clinics and in

the community, 4 male traditional healers, some community leaders and

47 health personnel.

29

"(If yes) what happened?"

"What usually causes a woman to bleed in pregnancy?"
"Is it a problem?"

"Can anything be done about it?"
"Who do they usually go to for help?"

"What did you used to do about it?"

A second refinement was the introduction of questions on diseases not
recognised by "Western medicine".

For example, in Luangwa valley

(but not in all other places) olongolongo is described by traditional
midwives as a disease of the baby's cord, identified by red or black

nodules (see photo overleaf).

These nodules are only irregularities

in the blood vessels but are locally thought to be signs of a severe
and sometimes fatal illness.

If a child had olonglongo a number of

things may be applied to prevent death, e.g. herbs, ash, rat faeces
and sooty cobwebs
.
*

It was thus important to ask specifically about

this disease as generally traditional midwives did not apply anything

to the cord.

♦(These sooty cobwebs are reputed to have beneficial antibacterial

and haemostatic effects) (65).

2.6.1.6.

Application of the questionnaire

The revised questionnaires are shown in Appendix 1.

Interviews were conducted through the interpreter/co-research worker
who would translate each question and answer in turn, rather than

repeating questions in a fixed order with standardised wording.
Thus questions asked followed the trends in the conversation.

This

Gave a much more personal
approach which
=n
r
wiuun is
is especially
important where

30

Photo 2:

An example of the need to find out about local diseases

In some areas the dark nodules on this cord are thought

to be a sign of a severe and sometimes fatal illness called
olongolongo.

To prevent this, the cord is treated with

preparations which may include herbs, ash, rat faeces and

sooty cobwebs.

Normally the cord is kept dry and clean.

31

people need to assess the interviewer before deciding whether to
trust them.

This freedom of translation was particularly necessary

as the co-worker used two different languages and tried where possible

to use the local idiom.

In order to overcome the criticism that a trainer of traditional
midwives or a midwife would be biased in the way she gave or translated
sometimes
answers, two interpreters were/Used. Mrs Kamanga, the traditional

midwife trainer, would translate my questions as she was able to
phrase things in a way that made the women feel very free and relaxed.

The second interpreter would then translate the answers.

After the

interview I would then correlate the answers with Mrs Kamanga's

interpretation.

I found the answers given appeared to be honest translations.

In

addition my working knowledge of Swahili (a related language) permitted
me to follow much of the conversation.

2.6,2,.

The pilot study

A pilot study was carried out in Petauke District with the aims of:
a)

identifying key problem areas requiring study

b)

orientating myself in the community

c)

orientating myself to the current health situation

The pilot study involved group discussions with a total of 13 trained
traditional midwives at their homes and 14 local women who were
called upon by the traditional midwives to participate.

32

2,6.2.1.

Traditional midwives' dissatisfaction with previous research

From this study it was evident that the traditional midwives were
dissatisfied with the approach of a previous group of evaluaters.
The 9 main reasons for the traditional midwives' reaction to the
previous evaluation were:

i)

The traditional midwives were most unhappy that there had been
no feedback to them on either the opinions of the evaluation

team or what their own communities said about them;

ii)

They did not like members of the community being interviewed

privately on their assessment of the traditional midwives'

work after training;

iii)

They themselves did not feel comfortable with individual

interviews;

iv)

v)

Problems raised by the traditional midwives were not discussed;

The traditional midwives felt the questions asked by the
very
evaluaters were not/relevant to their problems, work and
experience;

vi)

They felt they were being tested ; "They tested what I could

remember, not what I do";

vii)

Some did not like to be interviewed by men - "Men should not
ask about women's business"

viii)

Some did not like to discuss their level of literacy or other
personal details with strangers ; "Why should I be shamed by

strangers?";

33

ix)

The traditional midwives were not warned in advance that
visitors were coming.

Thus not all managed to participate and

a few senior traditional healers/traditional midwives felt
particularly that they had not been respected - "We were not
warned and had no time to prepare food".

Thus many felt these interviews

had created mistrust and had

contributed to one traditional midwife refusing more deliveries and

moving to another village.

In order to prevent a recurrence of

such resentment the following set of research tools and techniques

were adopted.

2.6.2.2 .

i)

Ten key features of the data collection process

Overcaning mistrust by working with traditional midwife trainers
In order to overcome traditional midwives' mistrust of a

foreigner it was important to be introduced to them by people
who already had established a good relationship with them.

It was thus most fortunate that two traditional midwife trainers
could assist me in this way.

ii)

Notification of visit:

Where possible the appropriate village leaders or chief and

the traditional midwives were notified of our coming.

iii)

General discussion on community problems:

At the beginning of the discussion, considerable time was

allowed to discuss the problems of the community.

Such

problems ranged from lack of contraceptive services within

three days' walk to lack of food.

34

This open beginning also allowed an assessment of how
interested the traditional midwives and/or community were in

mother and child health and changing practices.

iv)

Individual interviews minimised
Most interviews were conducted as group discussions with
traditional midwives or local women.

If the discussion was

to include the communities' opinion of the traditional
midwives' work, it would be conducted in the presence of the
traditional midwives so that discussion could be open, mistrust

minimised and some problems ironed out.

v)

Explanation of the aims of the discussions:
Considerable time was normally spent with leaders and traditional
midwives explaining our aims and in particular my interest in

the study.

It was made clear that people did not have to

participate and that we would value their criticisms of any of

the questions or the way we expressed ®urselves or behaved.

vi)

Emphasis on sharing ideas:

It was also clearly stated that we believed that traditional
beliefs and practices have as much if not more to offer than

Western medicine and that our approach should be one of sharing

ideas and knowledge.

On this basis we were able to discover the disparities between
what the women had learnt and what they did in practice and

what from their training they liked and found useful and what

was difficult or unacceptable.

35

vii)

Interviews are not examinations:

It was made clear that we were not testing their knowledge
from the training programme.

viii)

Panel Discussion:
At the end, time would be allowed for a panel discussion

with the traditional midwives and other women in the community
followed by the trainer going over areas of their knowledge

on which she was concerned if necessary.

ix)

Praise and encouragement:
Finally, time would be spent publicly praising the traditional
midwives, to encourage them in their work and make the
community realise how much they and their services were valued
by us.

x)

Women Only:

Men were not involved in these discussions, despite the strong
desire of some male healers to be involved.

Separate

discussions were held with them as they rather dominated the

women.

2-6.3

Response to Group Interviews

Group interviews with traditional midwives

Discussion with traditional midwives and village women was normally

carried out in groups.

These groups ranged in size from 2 to 36.

I

Where very large groups were encountered, they would be split up
into groups of 5-6.

Discussions with traditional midwives were normally

conducted sitting on the ground outside in the shade of a tree.

On

several occasions women were posted to keep away young men and children
who showed too much interest in "women's business".

The anticipated

benefits of group discussions were that the participants would feel

less threatened and that personal idiosyncracies in the working

methods of traditional midwives would be put into perspective.
However far more than this was gained.

Only when the traditional

midwives talked in a group did the relationships between traditional
midwives become apparent; we saw;-



- who the leaders were;
who the traditional midwives turned to for the answer to a specialist

in r

.

|( u n n H

36

question;

who the senior traditional midwives were and who they were training;
who worked alone;
traditional midwives themselves would point out differences in their

i:
practices and give explanations as to the reasons.

In addition the praise given to some traditional midwives indicated
their high standing within the community.

37

Also certain disagreement became apparent: for example, in one village
one traditional midwife was attempting to discredit another.

Only

by meeting in a group did the misinformation given us become apparent.

Group interviews with local women

The value of group discussions with local women was shown by the
differing answers obtained to questions given in a group or
individual situation.

Individually interviewed women said they chose

to deliver in hospital 'because its best to be in hospital'.
Interviewed as a group 75% of the women said they came because they
were afraid of "ufwiti". (p.

)

In contrast some somen would not talk in a group as certain rules
of kinship forbid speaking in the presence of ones mother-in-law etc.

38

Methods of studying the effectiveness of traditional midwives

2.7.

in providing antenatal screening for high risk factors

2.7.1.

Previous approaches to the problem

Previous studies attempting to assess the effectiveness of traditional
midwives in referring women in need of special care have either

1)

used structured interviews with traditional midwives on who

they would refer(66); or

2)

assessed the increasing coverage of antenatal care provided by

the traditional midwives themselves, or by referral to an

antenatal clinic.

2.7.2.

(21,24)

Limitations of previous approaches

Usually it is assumed, e.g. Ghana IDS Study (64) that the major

causes of maternal mortality rate and perinatal mortality rate in
developing countries are now well enough known to be able to plan
an effective health programme.

However from my experience of working

with traditional midwives previously it was suspected that local
factors might

be important also, e.g. drinking of oxytocic herbal

infusions in labour, beliefs concerning causation of obstructed

labour, etc.

Ihe study clearly showed they were and it is suggested that traditional

midwives' antenatal and delivery care may well be greatly improved
if organisers of programmes first identify the local risk factors

for maternal and perinatal mortality.

41

FIG 2
SUMMARY CHART OF SOURCES OF INFORMATION FOR STUDYING RISK

(TMW = Traditional Midwife)
Traditional customs

and practices in pregnancy and chjIdbirth
Mothers' knowledge of risk factors

Untrained TMWs understanding of
risk factors
--Trained TMWs understanding
of .isk factors____ --____— ■ ,
TMWs practice of antenatal
care

Mothers' choice of place for
previous delivery in relation
to risk status

Village

Mothers' choice of birth attendant

TMWs referrals to antenatal
clinic and the proportion who
refuse to comply
(antenatally or in labour)

TMW trainers
teaching of
'criteria' for high
risk
staffing
facilities

staff knowledge of
risk factors

The percentage of high
risk women delivering in
the village

-^Population coverage

Rural Health
Centres

Percentage of stillbirths
or neonatal deaths

Organisation of
clinic services
referrals to hospital
(antenatally or in labour)
staffing
midwives knowledge
high risk factors
antenatal clinic
facilities

Mothers' knowledge of their
risk status as related to
that indicated in the card

Hospital
Antenatal
Clinic

>opulation coverage

provision of antenatal
record cards

perinatal mortality rate

midwives marking of the antenatal
card to denote a high risk mother

mothers' reasons for
refusing to deliver in hospital

organisation of clinic services

effectiveness of the screening
procedure in antenatal clinic

mothers' reasons for
choosing to deliver in hospital

^mothers' reasons for
choosing to come to the
Low birth weight' mothers' shelter to await

Delivery Ward
Population coverage
for deliveries
Delivery
records

Causes of <Maternal
Mortality

Perinatal mortality
rate

rate

International
and
Provincial
Level

International
and
National Level

Percentage of 'high risk'
women delivered in hospital

-^Causes of Perinatal
Mortality

42

2.7.3.2.

Methods to find out knowledge and use of risk factors.
Sources of information on the knowledge and, use of risk factors by

traditional Midwives and health personnel are summarised opposite in Fig.2.
Information on the knowledge and use of risk factors was to have been

obtained from ten sources but was in fact only obtained from six.

(a)

Discussions with ten midwives, 90 trained and untrained traditional
midwives and 3 medical assistants.

(b)

Discussions with 83 pregnant or breastfeeding mothers from: the

antenatal clinic; mothers' shelter and villages between four hours
and three day's walk from the nearest maternity unit.

(c)

Analysis of 300 antenatal records of mothers attending the

antenatal clinic in order to identify whether the card is marked
appropriately to indicate a mother at risk (a red cross or star

on the top of the card or written explanation in the same place).
(d)

Interviews with 51 mothers in their villages and 28 mothers
attending antenatal clinic on whether they had been informed where

they should deliver.

This was then compared with the information

on the antenatal record, or the obstetric history would be
verified by the traditional midwife. (Appendix 6)

(e)

Analysis of 130 of the most recent delivery records to identify
whether the records of those choosing to deliver in hospital show

a preponderance of women at risk.

(f)

Observation of the facilities and functioning of 4 antenatal clinics

at the district hospital.
(g)

(Appendix ?)

Analysis of delivery records in the district hospital over the
last three years to identify the proportion of low birthweight
babies.

(h)

An observational study of the antenatal care provided by midwives
in hospital was planned but due to lack of space could not be
done.

(i)

(Check list in Appendix 8)

Ar observation'’.! study of the antenatal care provided by traditional
midwives was planned but became unappropriate as it would have

created mistrust.

(Appendix 9)

43

(j)

An observational study of the traditional midwives' delivery kit

was planned but only two had been provided with them 5 years
previously and the kits were no longer used.

2.7.3.3.

(Appendix 10)

The Questionnaires.
a)

Traditional Midwives Questionnaire.
All 90 trained and untrained midwives interviewed were interviewed

to ascertain their knowledge and use of the risk concept.

The

questions relating to this were included in the semi structured open
ended questionnaire entitled "Traditional Midwives Questionnaire"

described in section 2.6.1.1.

b)

Health Personnel: Questionnaire.

Health personnel involved in antenatal care and/or delivery were
interviewed to ascertain their knowledge and use of the risk concept,
using a questionnaire entitled "Health personnels' knowledge and use

of risk concept" (see Appendix 2).

The questionnaire was pre tested on

midwives working in the provincial hospital with the help of the mid­

wifery tutor.

Very little change was made to the original questionnaire.

This questionnaire was to have been used with all district hospital

and RHC midwives.

However of the 17 RHCs only one had a resident

midwife who was unavailable on the day we visited.

Thus this interview

was carried out with 5 of the 7 midwives based in the hospital and 5
working at provincial level.

In addition 3 medical assistants and 3

female indoor servants were interviewed.
The questionnaires were developed from those of Amegavie (1982) (136)

c)

Methods of studying community knowledge of risk factors.
Community knowledge of risk factors in pregnancy was studied

through semi structured open ended interviews with women in the ante­
natal clinics and in the villages.

These questionnaires are presented in

Appendices 2 and 6.

The women interviewed included:one

i

All 28 women attending/antenatal booking clinic.

ii

All 16 women staying in the mothers' shelter on

iii

25 of the 166 women attending antenatal follow up clinic.

iv

51 recently delivered women in two villages 4 hours walk from the

v

8 women 3 days walk from the nearest hospital.

hospital.

August 1983.

Each village had a trained traditional midwife.

44

2.7.3.4.

Methods for studying women's preferences for use and choice of

antenatal and delivery care services.

a)

District records of the number of antenatals registered in the

hospitals and RHGs.
t>)

District records of the number of deliveries in hospitals and
RHGs.

c)

A study of midwives preference for the place of delivery of
mothers (included in the questionnaire on high risk)

d)

A study of 83 antenatal follow-up clinic attenders on their
choice of place of delivery for their last pregnancy.

choice was then correlated with their risk

the antenatal card.

Their

status obtained from

They were also asked who assisted in their

delivery and whether they were a relative.

Finally they were

asked for their reasons for choosing that place for delivery.

e)

A study of all 51 women in two villages who had delivered in

the previous 18 months.

Their choice was then correlated with

their stated risk status and verified by the traditional midwife.
They were also asked who assisted in their delivery and whether

they were a relative.

Finally they were asked for their

reasons for choosing that place for delivery.

The questionnaires for d) and e) are presented in Appendix 6.

2.7.3.5.

Records study of all perinatal and maternal deaths in Chipata District

Hospital in the last year.
The records of all perinatal and maternal deaths in the last year
were to be studied and a questionnaire on cause of death and

indicators of high risk
was
*

to be filled in for each of these records,

(estimated 'To. 130)

The data was then to be transferred to a summary

sheet and analysed.

(Appendix 4b)

*The criteria for high risk were those used in the midwifery school.

45

The indicators of high risk to be used ares-

2.1.

Place of residence.

2.2.

Marital Status.

2.3.

Age: mothers under 18 years and above 35 years are to be
regarded as 'at risk' while those between 18 and 34 years
to be considered as normal.

A.
2.
2.5.

Height: Any woman less than 150

cms to be considered at risk.

Parity: first pregnancy and fifth or later pregnancy are to

be regarded as 'at risk'.

2.6.

Income or employment: or occupation.

2.7.

Chronic diseases;

known to affect outcome of pregnancy and

therefore regarded as putting women at risk were -

2.8.

-

diabetes mellitus

-

hypertension

-

renal disease

-

sickle cell

-

malnutrition

Previous Obstetric history:

any woman who has had any of the

following are to be regarded as 'at risk':-

previous antenatal problems; pre-eclampsia or antepartum

haemorrhage or anaemia.
-

previous problems in labour or puerperium; e.g. caesarian

section or other abdominal or perineal operation, ruptured

uterus, nost-nartum haemorrhage, retained placenta.
-

previous still birth, early neonatal death or baby weighing

less than 2.5 kgs.
2.9.

Present antenatal history:

any woman having previous obstetric

history, anaemia or abnormal presentation is to be regarded
as being at risk for the next pregnancy

deformities - physical
mental illness

46

2.8.

Limitations of the methods used to study:

2-8.1.

"Causes of maternal and perinatal mortality?

2.8.2.

"The screening of high risk women"

I had been requested to present reommendations on the content of
future training for traditional midwives.

From previous experience

I considered it important to identify whatever local causes of

maternal and perinatal mortality (and associated high risk factors)
it was possible to discover.

The limitations can be divided into 3 groups:-

a)

Limitations of the statistics available:-

i)

Urban hospital bias in data on mortality
The studies of maternal and perinatal mortality are derived

from hospital data from urban areas where for example there

is a much higher incidence of pre eclampsia and sexually
transmitted disease (39)(40)(68)

ii)

Errors in recording data and confusion of definitions
Some of the problems of statistical data analysis have

already been presented in a review of the implementation of

primary health care in Zambia;-

"Although there is diligent data recording and
consolidation at all levels of the health system,

this effort lacks purpose beyond a fulfilment of
instructions from 'above
.
*

There is a general

lack of epidemiological approach to the health

activities.

There is also a lack of well trained

47

statistical officers to work in the information

system down to the district .

(69)

This problem is apparent at all levels from RHC to national

level and can be illustrated by studying Petauke District
Hospital's delivery statistics for 1982.

These statistics

were traced (by GT) from the ward delivery book totals to
provincial level and then cross checked by a personal study

of each entry in the ward delivery book.
Table 3

To show the discrepancies in reporting of statistics

Total
Deliveries

Total
Still births

Neonatal
Deaths

Personal cross check

845

35

13

District hospital
record (71)

829

40

7

Provincial record (70)

834

39

10

petauke District Hospital Delivery Records 1982
to show the discrepancies in reporting statistics

The discrepancies between the ward totals and the cross checking are

accounted for by:
1)

A confusion of definitions.

Neonatal deaths are frequently

counted as still births and not as live births which die.

This

is epitomised by one entry which reads "Still birth at home baby
came in gasping”.

2)

Multiple pregnancies are often entered as only one single birth.

Data at provincial and National level are based on such statistics and

are thus limited in accuracy.

However as. can be seen from Tabl? 3 above, errors also occur in addition
and also in the transfer of figures from one record to another.

48

However, where statistics were needed in this study it was decided

to concentrate on the corrected and updated statistics given me by

the previous Provincial Medical Officer (72) rather than the published
Provincial Annual Report (70).

For national data,figures were taken from the as yet unpublished
1980 Country Health profile (4).

b)

Limitations of interview methods for risk

i)

Verbal reports of the care provided should be validated
by observation
Validation of verbal reports by observation was
inappropriate for studying traditional midwives' attitude

to and use of "risk factors" in petauke.

A situation where

traditional midwives felt they were being tested would not
allow them the freedom to be honest about what actions they

really took.

Similarly midwives' assessment of a woman's

"risk status" should be validated.

This was attempted.

However only the obstetric history could be validated and
accuracy of
not the/palpation,due to lack of space, time and staff in

the antenatal clinic.

ii)

Study of health personnel includes few rural health

centre staff
The study is restricted as observations were limited to
district and provincial hospitals, as the only rural health
centre based midwife was unavailable when visited.
small numbers of health personnel were interviewed

Only

49

iii)

Verbal reports of referral should be validated
Validation of verbal reports of referrals could not be

done as hospital, rural health centre and traditional

midwives' records were incomplete.

These limitations were to some extent overcome by using many different
sources of information.

2.8.3.

Limitations of the methods used to study traditional midwives'

customs, beliefs and practices

i)

Limitations of interviews on customs and practices

Asking questions is simple but is open to errors.

The quality

of material is greatly dependent upon the interviewing technique,
structure of questions and translation.

There may be reluctance to share such information with someone
from an alien culture especially where it concerns subjects

that are considered taboo or alien.

Reluctance may also be found among those who normally make

earnings from such information.

Conversely the desire to give answers to please the interviewer

can distort the outcome especially where the interviewer is
obviously working with the Ministry of Health.

The optimum as shown by Claquin Et.al (66) would be to validate

verbal reports by observations of customs, especially of delivery.

50

It was hoped to achieve this during a 2 week stay in one

village while attending a training course for traditional

midwives.

Unfortunately this was disrupted for 8 days by

funerals.

ii)

Lack of background information

The lack of relevant anthropological literature made it difficult

to quickly orientate myself to the culture and peoples conceptual
framework of health and disease.

A review of such literature in the School of Oriental and African

Studies and at the University of Lusaka revealed only passing
references to this district, although material was available on

neighbouring ethnic groups (8,59,73,74,75,76,77).
Material from studies sponsored by the Ministry of Health in
Zambia such as the national workshop on traditional medicine

(49), Sikota (47) and Edlrisooriya (78) do not detail
customs, beliefs and practices in pregnancy and childbirth

according to locality.

Thus they only provide a very general

basis for attempting to understand the local conceptual framework

for health, disease and problems in pregnancy.

2.9.

Benefits of the methods used

The aim of the study was to provide practical information and
suggestions for improving the training of traditional midwives.

I went to Zambia with no set programme of where to go, what to do or

what problems to investigate.

Initial discussions with senior health

personnel suggested certain areas for investigation, namely antenatal
care and an evaluation of different types of traditional midwife

51

training programme.

It was thus necessary to attempt a broad overview of a wide range of
issues.

An in depth approach in one small area would have been

inappropriate.

A composite approach was used, utilising analysis of

statistics, interviews, observation, group discussion, role play and

most important, learning the indigenous technical knowledge.

Individually each of these methods has weaknesses but used together
they provide a composite picture.

uniformity.

This picture does not however seek

Information from one source may validate or contradict

information from another.

In this way a dynamic picture is developed

of what is happening.

Methods were devised and used which appeared to be the best to
investigate the problems seen and needs recognised within the resources

available.

Ihe very broad and open framework allowed an understanding

to be developed of the conceptual framework behind people's beliefs
and practices and the importance of these in people's actions.

52

3.0.

3•1•

RESULTS

Who becomes a traditional midwife and what do they do?

This brief summary is a composite picture compiled from discussions
with 90 traditional midwives, their trainers and over 200 women in
Petairke District.

Interviewed traditional midwives' personal characteristics

Range: 40-85.

Age:

Average 54 *
.
years

(Women's average life expectancy 54 years) (80)

Number of children:

Range: 2-15

Average 8.9

Number of years practised as traditional midwife: 2-50
*

Literacy: However village traditional midwives are almost

illiterate.

Traditional midwives selected for government training

were often secretaries or chair persons to womens clubs or
UNIP*
** and many were selected for their literacy.

3.1.1.

Who becomes a traditional midwife?

Almost every grandmother becomes a traditional midwife and so
the relationship between the majority of traditional midwives

and pregnant women is one of kinship, rather than "professional to
client".

Other studies in central Africa report similar

kinship ties.

(15) (7 )

♦This question was not asked of all traditional midwives
** United National Independence Party

53

These findings contrast to much literature which depicts

traditional midwives as a relatively small number of women with

specialist skills.

Women among the matrilineal Nsenga, Chikunda and Chewa look to

own
their/mothers and grandmothers for help in pregnancy and labour.

If the girl moves to live with the husband's family she may turn

to the mother-in-law.

Ihus in each family there is a traditional

midwife who will pass on her skills to responsible daughters.

"I learnt from my mother who was getting old and
going to die.

I had 4 children by then"

"My grandmother taught me when I had my first saying -

"Look you tie the cord like this ... remember because
my eyes are not good for long ... watch because you

will need to help others.

That was in 1949"

Over her years of apprenticeship some traditional midwives may
also learn specialist herbal skills.

Other women in the

community, recognising these skills, may call on her abilities

and knowledge.
respected.

By her success she will become "known" and

Some traditional midwives develop skills as herbal

and spiritual, healers.

The ’known"traditional midwife is called to assist women outside her
own family and may as she becomes more senior, begin to teach and
supervise 4-5 juniors who operate together. This group.may deliver

women outside their own families.

Traditional midwives rarely work alone as solitary people are feared-

as is shown by such phrases as:

54

"You eat alone like a sorcerer"
"You move and live alone like a sorcerer"
Pregnancy, childbirth and infancy are considered very vulnerable and

dangerous states and so women and infants must be protected by the
close supervision of a trusted relative.

Thus a delivery attended by

a non-relative traditional midwife must be supervised and witnessed
by the pregnant woman's mother or grandmother.

The mother or grandmother

can ensure that necessary customs and rituals are adhered to and
Only in this way can traditional midwives

"witchcraft" prevented.

avoid blame if problems occur.
Only a very small number of women outside hospital are delivered by a

non-relative as shown in Fig.4 below.

Birth attended by

Sample population

Hospital

Grand Mother Other
Non
Alone
Mother
Relative relative
TBA

83 births to ante­
natal clinic
attenders

28%

30%

12%

*
1%

6%

24%

51 births to village
women 20 kms from
hospital

27%

47%

14%

0

12% ,

0%

1%

6%

38%

Study among the
Shona in Zimbabwe (7

k
56%

___________
Fig.4. To show the relationship of the woman in labour to the
traditional midwife.

* One mother-in-law

3.1.2.

What does a traditional midwife do?

Responsibilities of the grandmother/traditional midwife
As a grandmother, traditional midwives are responsible for guiding

55

the younger women through puberty, initiation, pregnancy and child
birth.

Theyimplicitly transmit the values and beliefs of the

society and give psychological support.
During the initiation period at puberty the girl is given

moral

lessons related to her future life as a wife and mother.

Now however

this period of initiation has been shortened from 1 year to 2 weeks
„ state, .
to comply with the demands of/education.

First pregnancy

During a girl's first pregnancy the traditional midwife recognising
the changes in her complexion will delicately discuss the pregnancy
with her.

Little information is given for fear of frightening her.

Indeed a girl with her first pregnancy is dressed with a special white
cloth or white beads to signify to others that she must be well

protected and not disturbed or worried by 'foolish talk'.

She will be

given the traditional advice on diet and cleanliness (both moral and
physical). The traditional midwifes do not palpate her but may

inspect the abdomen and will ask if the baby is kicking well.

Women

are encouraged to work hard in pregnancy so neither they nor the baby
are lazy in childbirth.

Herbs
Herbal preparations in the form of an infusion or pounded with

porridge may be used to "stabilise" the pregnancy at about 5 months;
term herbs
or to treat some of the problems in pregnancy; At/may be given to

stimulate or speed labour.

They do not appear to use the intra vaginal

preparations used by the Luvale in Western Province who have a

(8)
concomittant extremely low fertility rate.
Herbal preparations are
said to be given more often as treatments than as a preventive.

56

"In labour" - a demonstration by 5 traditional midwives, to show:
i)

Sitting position

ii)

One senior traditional midwife kneeling to receive
the baby and at the same time encouraging the mother
saying: "come out, come out, come and see your
mother"

iii)

One traditional midwife supporting each leg

iv)

A fourth traditional midwife wiping the woman's face

v)

White chitenge round the woman's back to support her
(normally held firmly)

vi)

Ring of cloth to sit on

(the women have moved slightly to allow me to take the photo)

58

Photo 4

Waiting for the placenta to deliver

Now the baby doll has been delivered.
The mother moves to a squatting and then a
kneeling position for the delivery of the
placenta.

The senior traditional midwife hold the
baby doll, waiting for the placenta to be
delivered before cutting the cord.

59

Traditionally women in early labour walk round and continue with
household chores, closely observed by a traditional midwife.

As

contractions get stronger she adopts a sitting position leaning
against a wall or in to the arms of another traditional midwife (p.57).

Birth
Traditional midwives' demonstrations of positions in labour show women
to use sitting, squatting and kneeling positions (see photos 2,3 and

p.57).

They believe these are natural positions to help the baby come

downwards.

A ring of cloth underneath the woman contains the faeces

and the baby is born on to the bare earth or a cloth.

Several

older women or traditional midwives may be involved in supporting the
woman in labour; one to support her from behind, either by holding her

or by holding a cloth round her back (photo 2 p.57).

Two others may

support her knees and another woman usually covers her face to

prevent her seeing blood.

It is believed that the sight of blood

may cause her death if she or her husband have been unfaithful.

Labour is not necessarily private.

In additional to the traditional

midwife's assistants, others may come to observe.

Some of these come

to give support, but others may be looking for signs of fear or lack
of control so as to make gossip.

Labour is said by 18 traditional midwives to be more painful when the
membranes rupture early producing a "dry labour".

Women in labour are careful to suppress cries of pain and may be taken
away from the house into the bush if they are not controlled so that

the noise cannot be heard by men.

As the baby comes the traditional

midwife talks to the child to encourage it out, saying "Come out,
come out, come and see your mother".

Delivery of the placenta
The placenta is usually delivered with woman in a kneeling or squatting

position (see photo 3,4).

The whole process is physiological, The cord

is not cut until the placenta is delivered.

No traction is applied

to the cord although herbal infusions may be given if the process is slow.

60

Photo

5

The traditional midwife is assisting a slow placenta
out by applying abdominal pressure
The baby doll is wrapped up but the cord is still attached
to the placenta.

61

Cutting the cord

The cord is not usually cut until after the delivery of the placenta.
Traditionally the cord was tied with a piece of cloth torn from the
woman’s skirt-like wrapper of chitenge) and cut with a piece of sugar

cane, sharp grass or metal blade.

Now razors are often used, usually

bought by the women in pregnancy.

Post partum

The traditional midwife will draw and heat water to wash the woman and
cook munhoyo (a sweet root beer) or porridge to increase her milk. The
baby is also given a ritual bath containing herbs and eg baobab bark

to make the baby fat like the tree.

This care may continue until the

cord falls off when it is considered safe to allow the baby outside.

The Placenta
Correct care and burial of the placenta is so important in preventing
infertility and misuse in "witchcraft" that the matter was debated
nationally in the 60s and midwives in hospitals are supposed to give

women the option to take the placenta home with them.

At home the

placenta and cloths are buried in the floor of the house and smeared

over so no-one can tell where they are.

The placenta and cord are

specially positioned to indicate a symbolic unity with the mother and

ensure her continued fertility.

The newborn child

Certain herbal baths, rituals and charms are used to protect the child
against disease and disease induced by the immoral behaviour of other

people.

Traditional midwives also treat diseases of young children

with herbs.

Bracelets are also put on the child's wrists so increase

in size can be easily seen (photo 6).

A special charm cord is sometimes

put round a girl-child's hips to ensure that her hips are big enough

for her future childbearing.

62

Photo

6

This child is well protected.

She was delivered by

Aida (above), a very experienced trained traditional
midwife.

The tightening bracelet on her left hand

indicates that she is putting on weight and the amulet
around her neck will help protect her from diarrhoea.

But Aida also knows to give her more to drink when she
has diarrhoea.

63

The responsibility of the traditional midwife
Traditional midwives said that helping a woman in labour was a moral
duty and they would not refuse.

They emphasised the need for moral

purity of traditional midwives to protect the health of the mother

and child.

In some places this extended to traditional midwives'

abstension from sleeping with her husband until the parents of the
new baby came with a gift of thanks to announce that the child was

healthy and strong, and was no longer at risk if the traditional midwife

had sex with her husband.
The rewards of being a traditional midwife

Once the mother and child are strong, about 2 weeks to 3 months after
delivery, the mother will bring a gift for the traditional midwife.

In some areas this gift was quite valuable, including the mother's
pregnancy clothes, the cloths used at the delivery, the bowl the

baby was washed in, full with pounded maize meal etc, and the husband

may contribute some money, usually about IK (5Cp), and some vaseline.
In other areas the gifts were more modest, but maintain a very strong
symbolic importance.

A successful traditional midwife gains respect and has high status, but
does not make a living through this.
Variations in the care given

The traditional midwives varied considerably in the amount of care
they gave.

Some only attended for the delivery, while others

considered their responsibility continued from a girl child's birth

to her initiation and beyond.

Traditional midwives who delivered

non-family members appeared to provide less care pre and post natal.

64

3.1.3.

Concepts of Health and Disease in pregnancy and Childbirth

Initially in trying to understand women's concepts of health and

disease in relation to pregnancy and childbirth I had no framework

within which to work.

It was only after I had completed my interviews

with traditional midwives that I met Mrs. Jane Mutambirwa, a lecturer

in health education at the University of Zimbabwe, who is carrying

out similar studies among the Shona peoples.
I will thus present my findings and then show how these relate to

those of Mrs. Mutambirwa.

Keeping Healthy

In answering the question "how should women keep healthy in pregnancy?"
the women gave 6 distinct types of answer.

A. "She must keep herself clean"
The first answer usually given was that a woman must keep herself

clean to remain healthy in pregnancy.

The word clean and the concept

of cleanliness have many meanings, those identified include;
i)

physical cleanliness of the whole body by washing

ii)

Cleanliness of the pubic area both through washing and keeping

the pubic hair cut, plucked or shaved
iii)

Moral cleanliness in terms of only sleeping with the spouse.

This applies to both the husband and wife.

One story given was of a woman, daughter in law to one

of the traditional midwives, who had an APH and
continued bleeding.

Traditional medicine was given

(to purify the woman from misdemenours) but it did
not work.
Eventually she gave birth to a stillborn baby "with skin

that came off stinking".

The traditional midwives

listening shook their heads

saymg "she must have been
very, very unfaithful".

65

Most other stories however described the unfaithfulness of
the man.

iv)

Cleanliness in terms of social relations.

Ihis was a difficult subject to talk about.

However the women

in the mothers shelter were the most open.

Some found it easier to speak in the mothers shelter as there
were no neighbours nearby.

10 of the 16 pregnant women had

come to the mothers shelter to deliver in hospital specifically

because they believed that they were likely to have problems

in labour due to other people's "interference".
Cleanliness in terms of social relations was described as

"not making anyone wish anything bad onto you", and "not
making them feel "bitter" or "jealous"'.
Thus pregnant women feel obliged to maintain harmonious social
relations in order to protect themselves from other peoples
conscious or unconscious ill wishes (called "ufwiti" in the

Nsenga language).

v)

"Cleanliness" was also used by 2 traditional midwives to imply

a clean relationship with ones ancestors, but unfortunately I
did not discuss this in depth.

Thus the idea of cleanliness expressed here is much wider than that
used in medical practice and involves elements of physical, moral,
social and spiritual cleanliness.

Other ways to keep healthy in pregnancy and prevent childbirth problems

In addition to keeping "clean", pregnant women tried to prevent
problems or harm occurring to themselves or the baby through certain

other actions:

3.

Avoiding certain actions

Certain activities and actions are curtailed in pregnancy to prevent
difficulties in labour.

Thus pregnant women should not:

66

: sit or stand in doorways

: start a journey and turn back part way
: stand at cross roads
: sit on a chair

: step over somebody's legs

These things are thought to be associated with prolonged labour,
transverse lie or breech.

Obviously some are simple idea

associations e.g. turning back before completing a journey has

a simpler parallel in prolonged labour.

However others have

deeper meanings e.g. It is believed that certain witchcraft is

carried out at crossroads.

As pregnant women are more

"vulnerable" they are told not to stand at crossroads.

C.

Avoiding certain foods

Certain foods are avoided as they are thought either to affect the
progress of labour or the development of the child e.g.

Two types of rats are avoided.

One is very fat and "may

make the baby big so it can't come out".

The other is

avoided as it is known for its habit of just peeping out

of tunnels and then disappearing.

Mothers fear that this

may happen also to the baby in second stage.

Similarly eggs are said to be avoided as "eggs have no
doors, so how could the baby come out?"

Some also

believe that it can cause the baby to be bald.

In each area other quite different food taboos were mentioned,
the above were the most common.

D.

participating in certain activities

Pregnant women are advised to keep working and not become lazy to

prevent the baby becoming lazy during labour.

E.

Eating more

Pregnant women are advised to eat more to avoid becoming weak herself

and the baby being born with arms "as thin as my fingers".

67

F•

Avoiding "things which will disturb her"

Pregnant women were described as "ill" and "weak" and as such were
described as "able to catch things easily" or "she can easily get

disturbance".

This "disturbance" could affect the pregnant woman herself or be
passed on to the baby.

The "disturbances" described included anger, unhappiness, seeing a
deformed or ugly person or a bad accident or other unpleasant incident.

Where possible precautions are taken.

Disturbance is avoided by e.g.:

instructing husbands to be "more gentle” with the wife so

as not to make her angry, etc.
perhaps the special white cloth and beads worn by women with

a first pregnancy serve the same purpose, that of avoiding

frightening the girl with stories of other peoples bad

labours.
Other precautions against "disturbances" were described e.g.:

on passing an ugly or deformed person the pregnant woman

should hold her breath, look away and empty her mouth of
saliva by spitting to prevent the baby being affected by

a similar deformity.
This action was observed on visiting a couple who had recently given

birth to a child with a hare lip and cleft palate.

On being asked

why the visitor who accompanied me spat she said she "did not want
to catch that" and not once looked directly at the child.

(This

visitor had had primary and secondary school education).

Traditional midwives recognition of normal pregnancy
Traditional midwives seem to recognise a new pregnancy early, but do

not discuss it publicly, especially if they are not a member of the
family.

68

Ulis lack of discussion can be interpreted as a form of protection.
The pregnancy is "hidden" until it is quite obvious when
susceptible to outside influences.

Outsiders do not discuss a

pregnancy for fear of being accused of harming a pregnancy.

Older women recognise pregnancy in several ways:

"We notice the texture of the hair changes months before
the swelling.

Her ears become pale and translucent, her face becomes
pale, she gets lazy

"

"Her breasts change"
"Her belly grows larger”
Other signs of normal pregnancy described were early nausea and

vomiting, swelling of the legs, backache, fatigue, palpitations,
mild headache, dizziness, craving for certain things to eat and

kicking of the baby.

Excessive swelling of the legs was associated with twins and
occasionally severe paleness.

Excessive backache was associated with possible abortion or miscarriage

Thus there are also certain changes in pregnancy which the traditional

midwives consider normal, but in Western obstetric practice are
considered pathological e.g. paleness and swelling of the legs.

Unfortunately due to lack of time I was unable to explore these

concepts of health and disease further, in particular in relation to
non-pregnancy states, in order to develop a clear framework of the

main concepts.

Ulis requires much further study

69

I was thus most excited to meet Mrs. Jane Mutambirwa who has done

similar work among the Shona in Zimbabwe and who describes very
similar beliefs, values and concepts of health, but sets it in a

much broader conceptual framework (51) (7).

She starts from the way in which health is defined differently in

Western and Traditional Shona society and then relates this to the

different means used to treat disease and problems in childbirth.

"in Western psychology it is believed that a person's growth

and development is influenced by interaction with his or

her physical and social environments.

Thus scientific

medicine which is built on western psychology emphasises
the promotion of bodily or physical health".

"By comparison in traditional psychology it is believed

that a person's growth and development is influenced by his

or her interaction with the physical, the social and
spiritual environments.

Thus traditional psychology

investigates the spiritual, social and physical

environments for the causes of a disease", (p.2)

"Thus health problems associated with pregnancy are

diagnosed and treated according to their source of origin.

However, because it is essential for a person to be moral

before they can have eternal spiritual life, moral
behaviour is considered to be of paramount importance".

Jane Mutambirwa describes four main causes of pathology in pregnancy
and childbirth.

70

"Momhepo" or bad environmental air

It is believed that environmental air contains good and bad elements
and that if these are in balance good health and prosperity will
result.

However, if "bad air" dominates, susceptibility to illness is increased.

This "bad air" can originate from two sources:

i)

Physical bad air.

This originates from the physical environment,

e.g. decaying matter or seasonal change.

Ttiese sources are

considered natural, causing coughs, colds and fevers.

They have

no spiritual significance.

ii)

"Bad air" originating from an immoral or unhygienic social
environment or spiritual environment.

This results in a lowered

immunity or resistance to health problems.
According to Shona beliefs deficiencies in the social environment
or maternal ancestor protection increases susceptibility to such

health problems as jinxing, sour relationships, accidents,
problems of fertility, epilepsy, etc.

In contrast, deficiencies in the spiritual environment or paternal
ancestors protection are associated with life threatening health
problems e.g. Tb, cancer, all health problems to do with bleeding.

In addition in pregnancy two further causes of pathology are described
iii)

"Unhealthy" body vapours or odours "mulcumbari". e.g. A deformed

person's "mulcumbari" can be picked up by a passing pregnant

woman causing distortion or deformity of the unborn baby.

This is countered by the pregnant woman spitting out the
"mulcumbari" (as I found one of my interpreters doing in Zambia).

iv)

Unhealthy or unhygienic emotional or moral situations.

It is

considered that a woman who is angry or in any moral conflict
including unfaithfulness will not deliver normally until her
mind is free of unclean or immoral thoughts.

71

Comparison of the findings

In comparing the findings of Mrs. Mutambirwa and myself, several
parallels become very clear.

The most important of these is the

emphasis on social and moral causes of pathology.

My interpreters

used the word cleanliness, while Mrs. Mutambirwa uses hygiene to
describe social and moral environments conducive to good health

and prosperity.

Another parallel is between Mrs. Mutambirwa's terms "unhygienic

emotional or moral situations" and "mulcumbari" and my interpreter's
phrase "things which will disturb her".

Both studies emphasise the importance of moral and social health

and hygiene not only for the present mortal body, but also the

future life.

This has major implications for the treatments given for problems

in pregnancy and child birth.

Moral solutions e.g. confession to

infidelity or holding a grudge may be sought before recourse to the
official health services.

Ihese implications are expanded in sections 4 and 5 of the study.

72

Discussion

Thus relationships described between the traditional midwife and her
client are usually personal, informal, supportive and holistic.

The

care provided centres not just on the physical birth process, but
social, spiritual and
also on the woman's emotions, family,/and sexual relationships.

It may

extend to helping with such household chores as cooking and drawing
water and also ritually protective actions such as bathing the baby
in herbal preparations.

Within the care given are many very positive and beneficial elements,
some of which are physical, others are social or psychological.

If traditional midwives are to be trained these positive elements must

be acknowledged and built upon in the training programme.

Previous

investigations have suggested classifying birth practices into

beneficial, neutral, uncertain and harmful (49) in order to define

what should be built on and what should be modified.

Such a

classification poses certain problems as practices may be denounced

by the medical establishment without an evaluation of their actual

effects.

Such judgements are made despite the fact that many western

obstetrical practices are not supported by conclusive evidence of

their positive effects (82,63).

There is a need to develop a wider set of evaluation criteria which
include scientific as well as traditional criteria.

73

3.2.1.

o. .The..teaching ana practice of care of the high risk mother by

the traditional midwife.

3.2.1.1.

The_ ^teaching on high risk care as part of the training of traditional

midwives.

The metnods of training vary considerably between those traditional
midwives trained in a hospital and those trained in a village.

On

both types of course three to four days out of the six weeks is spent
on antenatal care.

In the hospital based training there was one days

theory and two days practice in the antenatal clinic.

In the village

based training, three days were spent in discu.ssion, role play and

practice on local women and only one day was spent at the RHC.

Teachin,- methods in the hospital were fairly formal using posters,
blackboard, doll and pelvis, while methods used in the village were

much more informal and practical using demonstration, role play and
participation by local pregnant women.

3.2.1.2. What risk factors hove traditional mi dwiye s _ been _t aught ?

There is no set national curriculum or detailed guidelines for
traditional midwife teaching.

Thus risk factors taught to the

traditional midwives were identified from several points of view:

by interviewing the trainers using a structured, questionnaire; by
discussion with the traditional midwives and by examination of two

training curricula.

One of these was from a hospital programme and

the other from village based programme.

The criteria used varied according not only to the individual teaching,

but also according to the place of teaching.

Thus two groups of

hospital and village trained traditional midwives taught by the same
verson learnt slightly different criteria for high risk..

the village were taught fewer criteria as shown in Fig. 4.

Those in

--- 0 —14
Village training
petauke District

Hospital
Training

Only encourage
o
+
+
+
+
+
+

+
+
+
+
+

+

»

Village training
by Mrs Zulu

-'F •**

r i vj . v
TO SHOW THE CRITERIA TAUGHT TO TRADITIONAL MIDWIVES FOR
HIGH RISK AND REFERRAL

First baby (i.e. primip)
High parity (5th or 6th
*)
previous abdominal operation
*
Previous difficult labour
Previous PPH
Previous retained placenta
Deformity
Short stature
**

°
+
+

°

+
+
+(only severe)
+

+

+

+
+(only severe)
+

+
+
0

+
+
+
+
+
0
0
+

+
+
+
+
+
0
0
0

+
+
+
+
+
+
+
0

+



-

NOTES
* Any previous abdominal operation is used as a criterion.
♦ ♦ Shortness of stature is measured by observation only, not by reference to a standard
mark. In village based training shortness is usually taught by reference to a
specific part on the traditional midwife's own body at 145 cms. However hospital
trained traditional midwives used a point between 150 and 155 cms.

li__

pale conjunctiva
pale tongue and hands
Swelling of legs
Illness or weakness or vomiting
(as defined by client)
Abnormal lie
Multiple pregnancy
Headaches
Abdominal pain
Vaginal bleeding
"Sugar disease"
Fits
Sexually transmitted diseases

O

Examination

From this is is clear that traditional midwives taught in hospital learn the same as
student midwives.

Only in the village based training is a compromise reached and a more realistic set of high
risk criteria given i.e. not including all primips and para 5 or 6 as high risk.

75

In addition, the traditional midwives were taught to do:~

a simple obstetric history;
a simple history of past and present illness;
examination for anaemia and oedema;

abdominal palpation for number, lie and presentation of the

babies but not an accurate gestation.

Illis was either taught in the antenatal clinic or in the village.
Clearly both programmes were teaching recognition of certain risk
factors.

Were they the right ones?

3.2.1.3.

Are the risk factors traditional midwives learn relevant to
the local causes of maternal and perinatal mortality?

The relevance of the risk factors taught to traditional midwives were
assessed by comparing them with the major local causes of maternal
and perinatal mortality reported by trained and untrained traditional

midwives, and their trainers, medical assistants, midwives and the
provincial and national data described in section 2.7.3.1.

Unfortunately this district's data could not be used due to the lack
of data in the antenatal and delivery records.

The major causes of maternal and perinatal mortality found are

presented overleaf in Figs. 6a and 6b.

From these major causes using

the procedure developed in Ghana (1978) (67) (83) the priority tasks

and learning objectives which would be required to decrease the
maternal and perinatal mortality have been developed.

These are

presented in Fig.7.

Are the criteria the traditional midwife learns relevant?
By comparing Figs. 6a and 6b (Priority maternal and perinatal health

problems in Eastern Province) with Fig.5 (High risk criteria taught
to traditional midwives) it can be seen that the antenatal high risk

factors that traditional midwives learn are relevant for petauke
District.

There is a close correlation between the learning objectives required

and what is taught.
The main discrepancies are:-

1)

Young girls (under 16) having their first pregnancy are not
identified as a high risk group for traditional midwives.

76

FIG. 6
PRIORITY HEALTH PROBLEMS IN MATERNAL AND PERINATAL HEALTH IN EASTERN PROVINCE (10)

CAUSES OF MATERNAL MORTALITY

Contributing Conditions or
Risk Factors internationally

Contributing Conditions
locally in petauke

Ruptured Uterus (1)

Disporoportion
Malpresentation
Malposition
Previous Caesarian section

pushing on the uterus in
slow labour (3)
Transport difficulties due
to distance, fuel and
vehicles (4)
?possibly traditional
medicine (5)

Haemorrhage (1)
APH
PPH

Abortions
Placenta praevia

?Pushing from early 1st
stage (6)
Some women consider small
APH is normal (7)
Heavy bleeding after
delivery is sometimes
thought to be ’cleansing’(8)
Anaemia (white eye/paleness)
in pregnancy is thought to
be normal (7)

Multiparity
Anaemia
Complicated delivery
History of previous PPH
Previous APH

Puerperal Sepsis (1)

Unhygienic procedures
during delivery
Prolonged and obstructed
labour
Retained placenta
Complications of VVF RVF(l)

Pre-eclampsia and
Eclampsia (1) (2)

Aetiology unknown
Indications: oedema, weight
gain, increased Bp,
proteinuria

Traditional midwives using
the foot to support the
perineum as the mother
delivers (9)

Malaria (1)

CAUSES OF PERINATAL MORTALITY
Intra partum asphyxia
Low birth weight (1)

Sepsis
Tetanus (7)
?cold injury (hypothermia)

Antepartum causes
+VDRL positive
*
+Maternal illness and fever
esp. malaria
♦Abruptic placentae
♦Hypertension
*
Pre-eclampsia
+Premature rupture of
the membranes
+Placenta praevia
Twins
Primigravidae under 16
Grande multip
Previous SB or NND
Malnutrition in the past
and present
Intrapartum Causes
+Prolonged labour
♦Prolapsed cord
♦Malpresentation
♦Disproportion
♦Ruptured Uterus
postnatal Causes
Lack of asepsis in tying
and cutting the cord

Those marked ♦ are probably
not very relevant to
Petauke, especially in the
rural areas

Cord around the neck (2)
?Tonic contractions possibly
due to traditional
medicine (3)
Pushing from early first
stage (4)
Local applications to the
cord may include ash, maize
meal, rat faeces and sooty
cobwebs (5)
Babies are washed soon after
birth and then wrapped
without drying (5)

77

NOTES ON FIG.6
PRIORITY HEALTH PROBLEMS IN MATERNAL AND PERINATAL HEALTH IN
EASTERN PROVINCE (10)

CAUSES OF MATERNAL MORTALITY
1 Causes ol death at Chipata General Hospital 1979-1983 (Appendix 3)
Ruptured Uterus
Complications of VVF + RVF
Anaemia
Puerperal Sepsis
Haemorrhage (APH, PPH)
Eclampsia + Pre-Eclampsia
Malaria
Others

2

3
4

5
6
7
8
9
10

19%
17%
15%
15%
13%
8%
7%
6%

Pre-eclampsia and eclampsia are relatively uncommon in these rural
areas but are the most common cause of death in urban hospitals in
Zambia (Hickey and Kasonde 1977, Davis 1976) (133)
Information obtained from traditional midwives in Luwembe.
”If there are problems
how can we move
we can only look
for death". One traditional midwife.
Stated to be a contributory factor by five midwives.
Encouraged by one traditional midwife.
Obtained from all untrained traditional birth attendants.
Obtained from some untrained traditional birth attendants.
Observed in role play at Luwembe and Chikowa.
Adapted from IDS Research Reports 1978 p.19. (83)

CAUSES OF PERINATAL MORTALITY
+ Presented in order of frequency found at University Teaching Hospital
Lusaka (Watts and Harris 1982) (40)
1 In 1982 20% of the babies born at the District Hospital were less
than 2.5 kgs in weight. 20% of these were twins.
2 Reported as major cause of death by traditional birth attendants
and 'cleaners' and medical assistants.
3 lYie week of the study the MOH's servant had had a stillbirth after
4 hours of tonic contractions possibly precipitated by her taking
traditional medicine.
4 Reported by one traditional midwife.
5 Reported by untrained traditional midwives.
7 Only 10 cases of tetanus were reported in the province in 1982.

78

FIG.7

TRADITIONAL MIDWIVES PRIORITY TASKS AND LEARNING OBJECTIVES REQUIRED TO
DECREASE MATERNAL AND PERINATAL MORTALITY DEVELOPED FROM FIGS. 6A and 6B

Priority
Level
Top

Secondary
Priority

Antenatal Care

Delivery Care

Post-Natal Care

Recognise at risk and refer
for assessment

Clean delivery
technique

Cleanliness in
care of the
cord

Young primips (under 16)
Height under 145
Limp
Anaemia/pale mother
Previous abdominal operation
Previous stillbirth or
neo-natal death
Previous PPH
Grande multip (? 10+)
"Weak" mother
Abnormal lie

Hand and nail
washing
Sterilisation
of blade and
cord ties

Encourage
traditional
methods of
birth spacing
for healthy
children

Non interference Care of small
for dates or
in labour and
premature babies
delivery

Release or
cutting of the
cord if it is
round the baby’s
neck

Refer immediately
Bleeding during pregnancy
Severe headaches, fits,
giddiness
Swelling of feet
Abnormal severe vomiting
Malaria

Control of PPH

Immunisation needs

Resuscitation

Encourage
traditional
post-natal care
and fluids and
encourage
lactation

Referral of
bleeding
postnatally
Fever
Abdominal
tenderness
Offensive lochia
Breast and
nipple problems

Records

Pregnancies
Births
Stillbirths

79

2)

The cuu off point for shortness of stature varied from

3)

The village based training organised by Mrs. Zulu does not

145 - 155 cms.

This requires clearer guidelines.

classify every first pregnancy or woman of high priority as
high risk.

This difference arises from community opposition

to the use of these criteria and is discussed later.

(Section 4.1.2.1.
)
4.1.2.4.

In conclusion, the teaching provides almost all the relevant criteria
for antenatal at risk selection.

The effectiveness of traditional

midwives in using these criteria is now analysed, first by asking

what factors do traditional midwives know?

3.2.1.4.

What risk factors do traditional midwives know and use?

Traditional midwives were asked which women should be referred to or

delivered in hosnital.

All trained traditional midwives said they

would refer previous abdominal operations, multiple pregnancies,

abnormal lie, anaemia and swelling of the legs.

In addition those trained in the village emphasised that they would
refer those who had "general body weakness" or illness.

Those

trained in hospital said they would refer women with their first

or sixth plus pregnancies.

However neither traditional midwives trained

in the villages nor local women think first or sixth plus pregnancies
needed to be referred to hospital unless there are specific problems.

In contrast, untrained traditional midwives said they would only refer
those who were "ill" or for whom referral was an emergency, i.e.
hand and cord prolapse, prolonged labour and retained placenta.

3.2.1.5.

-Jhat change in care of the high risk mother has taken place after the
training of traditional midwives?

Desoite the trained traditional midwife’s knowledge of the risk factors,
their individual impact on the community was generally small as they

usually provide antenatal advice for their own families only.

80

Prior to training, their responsibility had been mainly to provide

antenatal and delivery care and advice to members of their own
families.

As shown in section 3.1 only 1% of women delivered at

home were delivered by a non relative.

After training, about 50%

of the midwives said they had assisted at the delivery of a non-

relative, but only eleven said that they had provided any antenatal
care or screening for high risk outside their own fa,milies.

These

eleven traditional midwives comprised of ten who were trained
together in Chikowa village.

One further traditional midwife who

had a hospital training said that she did not provide any specific

antenatal care.

However, when she knew of a woman who was high risk

she tried to get her to deliver in hospital, usually unsuccessfully.

Thus the majority of traditional midwives in antenatal care only had.
an impact on their own families, e.g.

"I refused to help deliver my daughter she was too pale"

"I took my daughter to hospital with a fit"

Traditional midwives' referral of non family members to hospital for

delivery seemed to have very little effect, e.g.

"In a survey of all 28 recently delivered women
from one village more than half of the women

would hove been classified as high risk: There were:
6

first pregnancies, 6 women with 6+ pregnancies,

1 twins, 1 breech and one woman with two previous

caesarian sections.

Yet all delivered at home,

despite all having attended antenatal care and

at least eight having been warned they should
deliver in hospital by the hospital trained
traditional midwife."

Traditional midwives greatest recorded impact on antenatal care was at

Chikowa, where since the training in 1979 a minimum estimate of 657.
of pregnant women have attended for antenatal care.

This antenatal

care has either been provided by a traditional midwife or by the
"Female Indoor Servant" of the RHC who joined the traditional midwife

81

training programme.
This vias the only RHC where a team spirit had been built up between

the traditional midwives and health staff.

It was also the only

one in Petauke District to keep records of deliveries done by
traditional midwives at home and have a friendly referral system

if problems should develop.

However, referral to the hospital

would have been difficult : - A 90 km journey along a very rocky road

requiring four wheel drive.

3.2.1.6.

Conclusion on the teaching and practice of care of the high risk
mother by the traditional midwife.

Prom this study of the teaching and the practice of the care of the
high risk mother by the traditional midwives, it is apparent that

there are barriers to their effectiveness.

explored

in the following section.

These barriers are

82

3.2.2.0. Barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional midwives in

screening for high risk mothers.

A Model System.

For traditional midwives to provide effective advice and care to
high risk mothers it is necessary for the tra.ditional midwife to

hold a consultation with the mother; to examine her, to advise her

correctly on where she should go for further advice or delivery.

Further, the place of referral should provide a parallel screening

procedure and adequate facilities for care of high risk women.
The women defined as high risk should understand and he ahle to
comply with advice given.

Finally, the traditional midwife should

be encouraged in her work by continuous support and further training

by the health staff.

This study identified barriers to the effectiveness of traditional
midwives at each of the eight points noted above.

Some of these

barriers arose from the traditional customs, beliefs and practices

and a failure to accept the new role of the traditional midwife by

both the traditional midwife and the community.

Other barriers arose

through a lack of support through the health services.

These

barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional midwife in care of
the high risk woman are described below.

3.2.2.1.

Barriers to traditional midwives' effectiveness arising from the
community.

The major barriers to the traditional midwives' effectiveness in
providing antenatal care arise from two sources
a)

or delivering
the unacceptability of advising/a non relative, and

b)

the unacceptability of many of the high risk criteria to women

in the community.

83

Why are there Carriers in the community?

A’

beliefs concerning the causation of disease and obstetric
complications.
As described in section 3.1.

The majority of traditional midwives and women interviewed have totally

different concepts of the causation of disease and problems in
pregnancy compared with health personnel trained in western medicine.

Through group discussions with trained and untrained traditional
midwives a picture was slowly built up of the conceptual framework of

these beliefs.

This was then correlated with the beliefs of some of

the local women in the village who were willing to talk about such
sensitive issues.
The conceptual framework developed is not rigid.

A continuum of

different beliefs was found, ranging from the very traditional to a
moderately "western" understanding.

Thus women living in remote,

rural areas who had little or no formal education held strongly to
traditional beliefs.

The few who were literate tended to have a more

"western understanding."

No attempt was made to quantify how many of

the traditional midwives held more strongly to traditional beliefs.
This would have been counter productive.

If the traditional midwives felt they were being tested they would
have given the answers they thought I wanted to hear.

B.

Concepts of health and disease.

In western psychology a person's health is dependent upon having a
healthy physical and social environment.

Scientific medicine, which

is built on western psychology, thus emphasises the promotion of
physical health.
In the traditional societies I visited health was a much broader concept

than this.

It involved not just physical health, but also social and

spiritual health.

These social and spiritual aspects of health involve

social relationships with the community and spiritual relationships
with ancestors and one's future children.

There is a belief that the

individuals' life goes beyond the physical death.

is invested in the children.

This continued life

However, health of the spirit, and ones

continued life after death, can only be maintained by conforming to

84

the norms of moral behaviour.

Thus "moral behaviour" or "social hygiene"

are considered of prime importance in maintaining hea,lth.

This is

especially so in relation to pregnancy and childbirth.
In order to gain an understanding of peoples behaviour and womens

choices in antenatal care and delivery an attempt was made to classify
the causes of disease.

However, in doing this I had no previous

framework to build on due to a dearth of literature on the subject.

Mothers and traditional midwives stated reasons for the causes of
disease or problems in pregnancy could be classified into five groups

i

"A natural disease or phenomen" i.e. something which is normal
and expected.

This includes paleness in pregnancy, swelling of

legs, early nausea and vomiting, backache, fatigue, palpitations,
mild headache, cravings and "Braxton Hicks" contractions.

ii

" Disturbance of Equilibrium"
Pregnant women are described as being "weak" or "ill" and in a

vulnerable state where they and the baby can be easily disturbed.
Such disturbance e.g. anger, unhappiness, seeing an ugly or

deformed person, are thought to affect the child.

Precautions

must be taken, e.g. on passing a deformed person the woman should
hold her breath, avert her eyes and empty the mouth of saliva

afterwards to prevent the foetus being "infected."
iii

Lack of "Social or Moral Hygiene''
Many of the problems in pregnancy and labour e.g. APH, prolonged
labour, PPH, stillbirth, are attributed to the unfaithfulness of

the couple - but most usually to the husband.

Transverse lie is

usually attributed to the wife misbehaving.

Rituals of protection and purification by confession can be

carried on only by trusted traditiona.1 midwives.

Hence the need

to be delivered at home by the grandmother or other close and
trusted relative.

iv

Ufwiti.

"Ufwiti is implicated in such serious problems as transverse lie,
breech, hand and cord prolapse and particularly obstructed labour.

It is sometimes also implicated in epilepsy and congenital
abnormalities.

The term 'ufwiti' comes from the nsenga language.

It is used to

describe a range of causes for which there is no adequate english

85

terminology.

Two types of ufwiti' are described.

The more

common and minor type of ufwiti' can be defined as an
unconscious, unintentional, malicious wish.

For example, a

woman who herself wishes to become pregnant may see a

pregnant neighbour.

Her feelings of jealousy in being trans­

mitted can affect the health of her neighbour or the outcome

of the pregnancy.

The second type of ufwiti is less common but more serious.
It can be defined as a conscious effort to cause harm.
described two ways in which this may be done.

Women

Four women

said that "something" may be sent to block the vagina in labour,
thus preventing delivery.

None of them had witnessed this.

However, ten of the sixteen women in the mothers’ shelter said
they had come to hospital because they knew that someone had

tied a knot in a chitenge (a cloth wrapper) while at the same
time wishing they themselves would not deliver.

These ten women had spent as much as K5 (£2.50) on bus fares or

walked as much as four days so that if the ’jinx’ did cause
obstruction they could have a caesarian section.
However, the traditional midwives and women said that a hospital
c
i
delivery was not necessary for the minor ufwiti, as confession

by the person having the ’bad wish’ would overcome the problem.

In addition a woman could be protected from these ’jinxes’ or

• pollution’ by talcing the preventitive measures prescribed
usually by a close relative.
v

Breaking of Taboos.
A number of taboos were described, most of which have some
inherent logic, e.g. don’t eat eggs as eggs have no doors and

the baby won’t come out.

Don’t eat the species of rat which is known for peening out and
retreating, or else the same will happen when the woman is in

labour, etc.
Taboos also exist in relation to certain physical activities which

will also obstruct labour, e.g. standing in a doorway, sitting on
a chair, etc.
Many food taboos exist but vary from area to area.

86

C.

Conclusion.

Obviously the concepts of health and disease presented here are
superficial.

An outsider such as myself is unlikely to gain a deep

understanding in so short a time.

It requires much deeper study.

However, from this summary it can be seen that many village women
and traditional midwives regard problems in pregnancy as being due

to failure to comply with certain concepts of moral health and
hygiene.

Thus they may seek moral solutions such as confession

of the husband or wife to infidelity.

These solutions to problems

may be in direct opposition to solutions proposed through an
'at risk' screening procedure which emphasises physical health and
hygiene and professional care during labour.

Further, outsiders, even traditional midwives, are at risk in

enquiring about a, woman's pregnancy.

They may be accused of putting

'ufwiti' on the pregnancy and will be blamed if anything goes wrong.

However this blame does not seem to extend to antenatal clinics.

This last point has very important implications for the working
of traditional midwives in antenatal care.
A knowledge of these beliefs is fundamental to understanding womens

choices in relation to participation in antenatal care by traditional
midwives and official health services, and their choice of place of
birth and choice of assistant.

Further barriers to traditions. 1 midwives ' effectiveness in antenatal

screening for high risk - arising from the community.

D.

Traditions relating to the place of birth:
First pregnancies should be delivered at home.

There are strong beliefs that all children, but especially a woman's
first child, should be born at the woman's parents' home.

*
an<

Mothers

uraciuional midwives explained that this was necessary for many

reasons

a)

the pregnant woman may need certain traditional medicines during
her pregnancy to safeguard herself and the child.

These should

only be given by well trusted people such as close relatives.

87

) During labour itself the woman’s mother or grandmother must be

there to instruct her:in the traditional ways of behaving if it is her first

i.

pregnancy,
to
ii.

perform the usual rituals to ensure a safe delivery,

iii.
to

witness that the person who actually delivers the baby

does no harm,
to
iv.

give medicine to hasten deliver, and

if
v.

problems arise (e.g. prolonged labour which is thought
to be due to infidelity) the traditional midwife can serve
as a trusted confessor who knows the rituals to relieve

obstruction arising from this cause.
Outsiders are not trusted to do this.

E•

The Perceived benefits of staying at home.

Reasons given for delivering at home despite advice to the contrary

i

its cheaper,

ii

the children need someone to look after them,

iii

its too far to the hospital,

iv

its too expensive to stay near the hospital until you go

into labour,
v

there are friends and relatives at home to support you,

vi

also, women who h've had six or more successful deliveries
at home see no need to go to hospital.

3.2.2.2.

Barriers to traditional midwives' effectiveness in antenatal care
arising from the traditional midwives themselves.

Traditional midwives reasons for not carrying out antenatal screening
for high risk as they were taught stemmed from four different factors.

a)

Traditional midwives' concept of their role in antenatal care.
i)

Traditional midwives antenatal care limited to close family.
Traditionally traditional midwives provide antenatal care and
advice to their family members.

Since their training this has

changed little although many of them say they now deliver
women who are not related to them.

The three traditional

88

midwives who said they had advised non-relatives to go »o . os.itc.l
for delivery found the women did not comply"

ii)

One of

women had two previous caesarian sections.
Antenatal screening should be done by the antenatal clinic
Traditional midwives who lived near (up to five hoUx s wal.v) from
a hospital or RHC said that antenatal care and screening should

be done by the clinic.

b)

They saw no need for them to do it

themselves.
Traditional midwives' and communities' concept of disease or
'problem' causation.
i)

Womens fear of examination.
17 traditional midwives said that they could not do antenatal
care at present, even though they would like to, because the
older women in the community did not understand what they

were doing.

They thought that e.g. examination of the

abdomen for palpation or the eyes for anaemia could cause harm

to the mother or baby.

Thus pregnant women would refuse

examination by the traditional midwife.

ii)

Traditional midwives' fear of blame.
These 17 traditional midwives said they were afraid they would

be accused of causing harm to the pregnancy
"How can we tell her about the foods

you tell us? The girl's mother would

come and say,

What magic are you

putting on my child ?"
c)

Inapnrooriateness of the antenatal teaching of traditional midwives.
Hospital trained traditional midwives said they were unable to provide
the type of antenatal care they were taught to do as they did
not have tne facilities required,

hor examples— a separate hut5 a

bed; a stethoscope, etc.

Village trained traditional midwives did not see the need to have
these things.

This difference in perceived recuirements is

probably due to the fact that hospital trained traditional midwives

only scent 4‘a of the 6 week course doing home visits, so it is
difficult for them to adapt, while those trained in villages are

already experienced in working at home.

89

IHa?prooriateness of the criteria for high risk.
anj traditional midwives implied that the criteria for high risk

were inappropriate:"Je would have nothing left to do if we
followed instructions" but "we do not

want women to die here."

Traditional midwives varied in what they felt was a criterium for
high risk:
Primigravidae

Only three traditional midwives said they would prefer to refer

primigravidae as:"they are very different, they have

do not know when to push.

makes them difficult.

problems, they

They are scared and that

Even we traditional midwives

are not happy to help them in the village."

However other traditional midwives said they were competent to
deliver most primigravidae.
High Parity .

The traditional midwives interviewed had themselves had an average
8.9 childr en and many had not yet completed their families.

Not

one of them admitted to having problems in their most recent
pregnancy that required hospitalization.

that high parity

Thus few of them felt

was a risk.

Further, they said that many women experienced in childbirth

preferred

to deliver alone.

Breech.
At least 23 traditional midwives felt that a breech delivery was
difficult

"the breech baby often pulls its mothers heart out
as it comes"

But three senior traditional midwives said that breech was not
a problem.

Twins.
All traditional midwives said that twins caused problems

"the mother is tired and weak"
"her legs swell and she cannot work"
Four said they had referred relatives to the hospital for delivery

but only two of them went.

too far from the hospital.

The others went into labour at home

90

3.2.2.3.

Barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional midwives screening

for hi ph risk arising from the offi ci aj^mat ernit^se^vic es^

High risk screening by traditional midwives cannot be effective unless

it is supported by an efficient screening system in the hospitals and
RHCs and adequate care for those high risk women who develop problems.
A brief study of the antenatal services provided by the district

hospital and RHCs indicate a number of areas where the screening

procedure in particular may be ineffective.
Constraints on the effectiveness of the screening procedure arise from

both the district organisation of services and the provision of these
services at hospital and RHC level.
Thus this section presents a brief outline of the maternity care
facilities in Petauke District and their utilisation.

This is followed

by an analysis of the barriers to their effectiveness focussing
particularly on the district hospital.

A)

Provision of maternity services in Petauke District:ig82.

Within the district of Petauke are four hospitals (two mission run,

two government) and 17 Rural Health Centres (RHCs)

Each hospital

provides antenatal and delivery services and is staffed by at least

one doctor.

However, Caesarian sections are normally only performed

at Minga Mission hospital or at the neighbouring district hospital

of St. Francis, 70 kms

away.

Hospital antenatal services are not normally integrated with child

health services and at Petauke are provided only on two days per week.
Only one of the 17 RHCs has a resident midwife and can provide care

to pregnant women every day.

Other RHCs are dependant upon visits by

the mobile Mother and Child Health team which concentrates particularly
on immunisation.

Mother and Child Health team visits to RHCs are

usually monthly but remote places may receive only three visits a
year or less.

13 (76‘/o) of the RHCs do some antenatal care and 12 (60)o) report
deliveries.

However, some of this care is carried out by the male

medical assistants who usually have only had three weeks obstetric
training.

By custom, however, males have little to do with "womens

business and so many deliveries are assisted by the "female indoor
servants" who are employed to clean the RHC.

91

Since 1980 an unofficial two to four week training programme at the

provincial hospital seeks to train these ’cleaners’ in basic
antenatal care,

’at risk', referral and. safe delivery.

However, only two have been trained in Petauke District, leaving

14 RHCs without any "trained" female to carry out antenatal care and
assist at deliveries.

B)

Utilisation of maternity services in Petauke District :1982.

Estimated antenatal coverage (total) 1982

75%

Estimated antenatal coverage 1977

8470

Percentage of antenatals seen at RHCs

31%

Percentage of total antenatals seen at district hospital

26%.

Average number of antenatal visits per woman per pregnancy

3

Estimated total coverage of deliveries by hospitals and RHCs

29%

Estimated number of home deliveries

71%

(Estimated by G.T. from sources described in section

2.8.

Barriers to the effectiveness of the screening procedure for high risk
arising from the organisation of maternity services.

A screening procedure for high risk cannot be effective unless every
antenatal woman is seen either by a trained traditional midwife or

by a midwife in the antenatal clinic.

In Petauke District antenatal

clinics are held at each of the four hospitals.

Some RHCs provide

antenatal coverage on a weekly or monthly basis and in addition the

mobile clinic provides antenatal facilities for remoter areas.
However, over the last five years the numbers of antenatal attenders
has not changed significantly and in real terms coverage may have dropped
9% from an estimated 84% to 75%-

92
Constraints on the effectiveness of the system arising from the
organisation may be due to:~

a)

Unavailability of trained maternity staff.
There is a national shortage of midwives.

Thus unavailability of

appropriately qualified staff in the RHCs is a big problem.

Despite policies laying down a minimum of three staff including
an enrolled nurse/midwife for each R’dG this has been achieved

in only one of the 17 RHCs.
Thus antenatal delivery care is left to Medical Assistants who

have only had three weeks training in obstetrics.

The three

interviewed had very limited knowledge of the risk factors and
their only involvement in maternity care was when women came to
them in an emergency.

Antenatal and delivery care was left to the "female indoor servants".

Three were interviewed.

Two of them were very young and had had

no maternitjr training.

The third was experienced and had

joined a training programme for traditional midwives.
b)

Lack of finance.
The current recession has affected Zambia severely and this was

clearly apparent in the supplies of drugs and resources for

transport, etc.

During the study period at least 20% of mobile team visits were
ca.ncelled due to lack of oetrol.
,



oi public confidence in the /

Unfortunately this leads to loss

function

of regular attendence at antenatal

clinics.

c)

Poor organisation of antenatal clinics in the hosnital.
The organisation of the services results in midwives being severely

overworked in a very overcrowded clinic, one day a week.

In this situation they are unlikely to identify

women at risk,

and even less likely to be able to have effective communication.

In 1982 the district hosnital registered 26% of all registered

antenatals in the district.

However,

there is

booking and one follow up clinic per week.

follow up clinic can be severely overloaded.

only one

As shown below, the

In ordei' to overcome

this the traditional midwives have developed a very task orientated
approach.

Average follow up clinic attendance in dry season

122

Average follow up clinic attendance (annual)

80

Antenatal clinic attendance

September 82 - Aumst dp

I

93

At the firs i, follow up clinic observed, three midwives processed

66 ante, ratals and three deliveries in four hours.
This gave an average total possible contact period between

midwife anu antenatal woman of 2.9 minutes.

However, this period

was split into at least five or six separate portions which

comprised weighing, blood pressure, "obstetric history", physical
examination; receiving iron, folic acid and chloroquin, receiving

teuanus.

Each of these procedures required a separate queue and

resulted in 166 women sitting on the floor of an already full
20 bedded maternity ward.
Such a situation, especially where three antenatals are examined

together, is not conducive to useful communication, health,
education or the giving of confidential information.

Despite this, some pregnant women are highly motivated to attend.

Some spent as much as K5 (£2.50) on transport.

About 3O)o had

walked for 4-6 hours and one woman had walked for four days.
A similar picture was obtained at the other three clinics observed.

d)

Kidwives do not see the importance of the concept of high risk

screening.
i)

Kidwives do not write complete obstetric histories.

Only six out of 300 completed antenatal record sheets examined

during antenatal clinic gave more information than the number

of children born.

Five records indicated history of previous

caesarian section but no reason was indicated.

Only one

woman’s record hac a detailed obstetric history.

This had

been completed by a visiting public health nurse.

Four of the

midwives said it took too long to ask a detailed history.

Two

others said the women were "ignorant and do not know' if they

have had problems anyway."

ii)

Kidwives do not identify the high risk woman’s record as instructed
during their training.

Kidwives are taught to mark the high risk woman’s record with a

red star or a cross.

Not one of the 300 antenatal records

observed during the antenatal clinics attended had this mark.

Six traditional midwives who reported examining womens antenatal
record cards had found no such high risk indication for the last
two years.

94

Photo

7

To show the problems of an inappropriate antenatal

record card

- no room to write an obstetric history
- time consuming to complete
- easily damaged
(Actual example in Appendix 11)
(Compare with those in the Appendix 12)

95

liicwives do not tell all high risk women where they should
deliver and why.
A small study was made of all 28 women attending an antenatal

booking clinic.

Only one of the antenatal women had been told

to deliver in hospital despite the fact that 20 of them (57/°)
should have been classified as high risk according to the
criteria given me during interviews with these midwives.

Number at high risk; 28 women at booking clinic

Primigravida

6

Gravida 5+

10

Height less than 155cms

2

Previous stillbirths

2

Previous caesarian section Total attenders
Fig. 8

28

to show the number of"hirh risk, women attending one

antenatal booking clinic, (high risk as defined by the midwives)

(Criteria such as multiple pregnancy and malpresentation

were not used as they could not be checked)
Of particular concern were three high risk women who were
unaware of their need for hospital confinement.

One woman was

primigravida, height 141 cms. and she lived four days walk

from hospital, the other two had had two andfour stillbirths

respectively.

None of the stillbirths had been written in

the antenatal record.

Bven the woman who was told she should

deliver in hospital had not been given a reason.

Sight women said that midwives"just encourage all women to
deliver in hospital!'

A further study among 51 recently delivered women in
villages four hours walk from the hosnital show the same picture.
Midwives were said to encourage all women to deliver in hospital.

The high risk women interviewed did not receive specific
instructions on where they should deliver unless they had twins,
breech or previous caesarian section.

96

e)

Womens perceptions ofmidwives2__gj'Xiji2^^=j^=j^^j=~_

High risk women may fail to deliver in hospital because of a lac„

of understanding or agreement on their status as high risk.
described earlier, however, 60 of the 79 women inuerviewed gave

the following reasons for women refusing to deliver in hospital.

Some of these reasons implicate a failure among some midwives to
either appreciate that women may be afraid of hospital or to give
them respect_________________ ___________ _________________________ _

"You don't get the help and respect you do from your family"

"Nurses are too young — how can an older woman go co
someone who has not had a child?"

"Nurses do not respect pregnant women"
"Nurses feel they are educated and do not respect the

uneducated"
"Fear of instruments"

"Afraid of the light, I might be operated on"
"Fear and shame"

"Too expensive - some hospitals make you buy clothes
for the baby before you take it home"
"Fear of being hit"

This last point was made by a very senior woman whose first
daughter was slapped in labour.

Much to my astonishment three

midwives present proceeded to justify this action by saying,

"women don't behave in labour and you have to make them,"
and admitted they had done it themselves.

f)

Womens' beliefs regarding the function of the antenatal clinic.

90% of women stated that their main reason for attending antenatal

clinic was to obtain an antenatal card, so that if they developed
problems in labour they could get an ambulance,
"if you do not have the card the nurses will not know

you and will refuse you."
Only 30% of women said they went to clinic to find out which way round

the baby was lying.

No other reasons were given.

Thus many women seemed to perceive the antenatal clinic and card only

as an insurance against disaster rather than a positive influence on
their pregnancy.

97

3.2.2.4.

Barriers to the effectiveness of the traditional midwives

in screening for high risk - arising from the training structure
In addition to barriers arising from the community, the traditional
midwives and midwives themselves, there were also problems associated

with the training structures.
Three basic problems were perceived:-

a)

Lack of support of traditional midwives

Generally support, supervision and provision for continued
training is poor.

Due to lack of transport and female staff in

the rural health centres many traditional midwives had had no
contact with their trainer or other midwife for 2-3 years.

Ihey

are thus not encouraged to continue providing new services.
Illis problem was particularly observed among the hospital trained
traditional midwives where the community were not involved in

discussions on her new functions.

b)

Lack of supplies
Supplies of razors, cord ties and delivery kits and delivery

forms were to have been supplied to the traditional midwives

trained in hospital.

The supplies have been very poor.

Initially traditional midwives were willing to travel a long
distance to collect supplies and make reports on their deliveries.

Now enthusiasm is low.

c)

Future traditional midwife trainers attitudes

It was observed that certain midwives who in the future will have

responsibility for traditional midwife training described
traditional midwives as "primitive", "dirty","ignorant" and"boring".

These attitudes are not conducive to smooth working with other
people.

Suggestions for overcoming these barriers are presented

in section 4.4.0.

98

4.0.

DISCUSSION

What can be done about the problems identified?
This study has concentrated on the process of providing antenatal care
and identification of high risk in the official and tradi

maternity service.

No attempt was made to relate the process to the

outcome of the care.

An attempt was made to relate the process of care to the traditional

customs, beliefs and practices and the resources of the health
services.

The results show that there are opportunities for improving

the process of antenatal care in both the traditional and official
maternity services.

The problems identified are not unique to Zambia.

They occur to some extent all over the world.

Numerous studies, especially in U.K. and U.S.A, highlight some of the

problems within maternity care services.

(84,85,86,87).

These studies

show that much of the dissatisfaction relates particularly to how the

care is provided rather than the content of that care (88).

Studies

in developing countries such as those by Malone (89) and Dissevelt (90)
have identified similar problems in the process of giving antenatal

care.

The services provided are described as being dehumanised,

fragmented and routinized (86), with overcrowding and lack of privacy

(87).

The breakdown of antenatal care into a series of tasks destroys the
role of the midwife in providing clinical assessment, advice,
information, emotional support (86).
)

re<=m+c ■
it results in the midwife's
t+

dissatisfaction with her own job (91 ,92 )

99

Continuation of such a routinized antenatal and delivery care will

result in those women most at risk failing to see the purpose of the
antenatal services and refusing to use them (93,94).

Many medical

staff meanwhile continue to take the line that what is necessary is

the

education" of women to appreciate the "true" value of antenatal

care ( 95), rather than assisting women to take responsibility for

their own health.

4.1.

Opportunities for improving the care of the high risk mother

Opportunities for improving the care of the high risk mother were

identified within each of the four areas defined for study.

Possible

ways of overcoming these problems identified will focus first on the
official and then on the traditional maternity care services.

It is

however recognised that in a country such as Zambia the trained health
personnel and
/material resources are very limited and solutions must be sought
within this constraint.

4.1.1.

Improving care in the Official Maternity Services:
In the Hospital:

Ihe demand for maternity services has been increasing as the public

become aware of its potential and the population grows.

However the

concomitant decrease in resources is putting a heavy load on the

present services.

This pressure was identified through the limited

time available per client, low standards of care e.g. failure to

complete the obstetric history, a low level of information giving and

a task rather than client orientated approach.
been found from studies in Lusaka (96).

Similar findings have

100

Solutions to this must aim at decreasing the pressure of the work­
load.

Then the screening procedure for high risk can be effective

and the staff can then provide adequate care to these high risk
women.

Spreading the workload
Mental and physical fatigue play a big role when staff have to cope
with large numbers of women at one session all requiring the same

routine procedures and examinations.

Such pressure could be reduced

by:-

4.1.1.1.

Integrated Mother and Child Health Clinics

The provision of a daily mother and child health clinic service as
(97)
described by Morley in 1963 would greatly reduce the pressure on the

staff who have to cope with a huge child health clinic on Wednesdays

and similar overload at the antenatal follow-up clinic on Thursdays.
A further benefit is that the antenatal coverage may be increased as

mothers with sick children can attend, without making a separate

journey.

This is important as both this and other studies show that

many women feel regular antenatal check ups are not necessary.
only go if trouble arises (94).

liiey

Dissevelt (1980) (98) found that

integration of maternal and child health clinics increased the

utilization of the preventive child health services, decreased the
actual number of consultations made by clients and spread the work
more evenly among the staff.

4-1-1.2.

Afternoon antenatal clinics for those living nearby

At present nearly all clients come in the morning and are processed

by lunchtime, often so hastily that adequate examination is impossible

101

Although the clinic officially continues until 16.00 hours clients

rarely come in the afternoon and as a consequence staff are under­
utilised although still on duty.

4.1.2.

Identifying the high risk woman

Enrolled nurse midwives such as those at Petauke are quite capable

of providing adequate antenatal care.

more senior staff.

But they need some support from

In particular there is a need for clearly defining

the criteria for high risk groups.

There is a need for clear

instructions for categorising and managing "high risk” and "not high
risk" women.

The criteria for high risk used at present are impracticable as:-

a)

too many classified as high risk

An unmanageable number of women are classified as high risk.
A confirmatory study in 4 places (see Fig. 9 ) showed that

if all primips and those with a parity of 5 or more are counted
or more
as high risk, 50%/of all pregnancies are high risk.

b)

hospital resources limited
At present petauke hospital provides delivery services for an
estimated 26% of all those antenatals who register in the
district.

c)

The facilities and staff cannot cope with much more.

criteria not acceptable to community
The criteria for high risk used are not acceptable to the local

women who therefore pay little heed to advice given.

This is

shown in the failure to increase the overall proportion of non­

Tm- \»o

092G0

102

emergency primips and grand

multips choosing to deliver xn

hospital (see Fig. 9 below).

percentage with first or
fifth plus pregnancy

Number of women interviewed
one
All 28 attending/antenatal booking
clinic
one
83 attending/antenatal follow-up
clinic

57%
52%

All 51 recently delivered women in
2 villages 4 hours walk from the
hospital

50%

40 in villages 2-3 days walk from a
hospital

50%

130 non-emergency admissions to the
hospital

52%

Fig. 9

To show that present high risk selection does not result
in an overall increase of primips and grand multips
delivering in hospital.

A study by Malone in Kenya (89) using similar criteria to those in
petauke found 75% of the antenatals to be high risk.

Clearly

redefining the criteria for high risk is essential in order to

produce a useful tool.

The criteria used at present by midwives in Petauke are learnt from

such British textbooks as Myles Midwifery (99).

Such criteria are

being questioned by both professionals and recipients of maternity

services in Britain.

Studies such as those by Marjorie Tew (1981)

cast very serious doubts on the safety of hospital deliveries for
low risk cases in Britain (82).

Meanwhile studies such as those by

Voorhoeve in Kenya (1979) (100) showed that the still birth rate for

103

home deliveries in one area was 2.4% while in hospital it was 4.4%.

A second study in a different area found perinatal death rates at
home and in hospital to be the same (LOL) .

In neither case did there

appear to be any indication that women who delivered in hospital were

a selected group of higher risk.

In Petauke the figures available from records kept by traditional

midwives between March 1978 and December 1981 indicate perinatal
mortality results comparable with those of Voorhoeve i.e.: perinatal

mortality rate at home was 2.3% and in the district hospital was
4.5%.

Thus low risk women may well be better to deliver at home.

Criteria for high risk must be redefined.

4.1.2.1.

Redefining the criteria for high risk

Unfortunately due to lack of information on antenatal and delivery

records in Petauke I was not able to produce a list of locally
relevant criteria.

It is thus

necessary to rely on the published

literature to evaluate the relevance of the criteria being taught and
used at present.

4.1.2.2.

No.

Are all primigravidae high risk?

Other criteria can be used to define those primigravidae most

at risk.

a)

Height
Essex and Everett in Tanzania (1975) (102) showed that one in ten

of all primigravidae of height 146 cms or less required a

caesarian section for cephalo pelvic disproportion.

A further

104

study (1977) (103) showed that
neonatal deaths were found in

risk was negligible.

Thus in

about half the still birth and

short women.

Above this height the

Tanzania the high risk criteria of

146 cms or less is used.

This is a much more practical screening test for women likely to
have difficulty in labour than a clinical assessment of the pelvis

which cannot be done in a room where 3 women are examined together
(as at petauke).

Are results from Tanzania applicable in Zambia?
Differences in height can arise from different ethnic or nutritional
backgrounds.

The criterion of 146 cms or less as an indicator of

high risk is however more appropriate to people in Zambia than

that at present being used and taught at University Teaching

Hospital Lusaka.

The senior lecturer in community health recommends a

cut off point of 155 cms (40) which is greater than the 5 foot (or

152.5 cms)used in many antenatal clinics in Britain.
Recommendation
A height of 146 cms or less should be used to define those at risk
until further epidemiological studies have been carried out.

b)

Age

Very young primigravidae are likely to have more problems than
those at the more optimum age of 18-25.

studies in Tanzania (IM),

\ 10b )

Nigeria, Zambia (1C6), and the U.S.A. (107) have shown that very
young primigravidae (defined as under 15, under 16 and under 19

respectively) are more likely to have low birth weight babies.
The study in Tanzania found an increase -in

increase in anaemia in teenage
pregnancy, while those in Nigeria and Zambia found an ■>
louna an increase m

105

the rate of pre eclampsia.

Unfortunately none of these studies

analysed maternal height.

Two studies, one in Zambia and the

other in the U.S.A, showed an increase in perinatal mortality.

The others found no increase in blood loss or other complications
of labour.
Recommendation

There should be especial care of the very young primigravidae in

the antenatal period to identify and manage the possible
complications of pregnancy indicated i.e. anaemia and pre eclampsia.

Whether it is appropriate for young girls with normal height and

haemoglobin and no anaemia to deliver in hospital is open to question

for several reasons
i) They require a lot of psychological support which they are more

likely to get at home
ii) At home a sitting position is adopted in labour.

Several studies

including one involving seven countries in Latin America have

shown that primigravidae in labour in a sitting position have
(108)
shorter labours. The length of labour was shortened by an
average 36% compared to the 'horizontal' group.

In addition the

sitting position was less painful.

iii)

If a woman in labour adopts a sitting or squatting position the
cross-sectional surface area of the birth canal may increase by

as much as 30%.

Thus this position may help overcome quite

marked cephalo pelvic disproportion.(109)

Adequate care of the very young primigravidae will only improve

through a concerted effort by the community and the health services.

106

Young girls hide their pregnancies out of shame and may dispose of

the baby in order to continue schooling.

Such incidences ar

increasingly reported in Zimbabwe and Kenya (110) •

g

^is problem is

discussed in depth later.

4.1.2.3.

Are all grand multips high risk?

In statistical terms a grand multip is more likely to have problems.

A study in Canada showed that grand multips delivering in hospital
had a tenfold increase in maternal mortality and a doubling of the
perinatal mortality rate (111).

Studies in Nigeria show similar

results (H2).

Grand multiparity by itself however is not a useful criterion to use.

It is not acceptable to the women in the community and the service
could not cope with them if they all came for delivery.

How can the high risk grand multip be identified?

Studies on grand multips in Britain (113), Kuwait (114), Bangladesh
(115), Ghana (a6) and Zambia (117) show that the majority of these
maternal deaths occur among those women with toxaemia, hypertension,

kidney disease, antepartum haemorrhage, abortion, diabetes and such
complications of labour as ruptured uterus arising from
malpresentations.

Anaemia is also implicated in maternal mortaiit,, =
mor-canty among grand multips.

Anaemic women are more subject to
„„„„ .
co nuernprai
puerperal sepsis
and antepartum and
post partum haemorrhages and perinatal loss (118) (119)

The causes of perinatal deaths were associated w-i+b k- .v •
iolhu with birth injury,
anoxia and low birth weight.

107

Thus these studies show that many of the problems of grand

“ultiparity can be identified during pregnancy.
Recommendation

In antenatal screening for high risk where women experienced in
childbirth are reluctant to deliver in hospital it is more constructive
to identify additional risk factors such as anaemia and oedema.

Management of the grand multip should then be geared to identification
and treatment of these specific problems.

Women with persistent

problems e.g. chronic anaemia are more likely to be persuaded of the

need for a hospital delivery if the specific problem is explained
to them.
Women in the villages and traditional midwives see no need for all

grand multips to deliver in hospital, especially when they have the

other children to look after.

However some traditional midwives

recognised that women with "very many" children were usually "tired".

perhaps a more useful criteria would be that used by Essex &. Everett
(1977) (103) of 10 or more previous babies or maternal age over 35.

4.1.2.4.

A Summary of the Criteria for high risk

A standardised set of criteria for high risk should be developed
such as those by Essex & Everett (1977).

a)

Age
Below 16
Over 35

primigravidae over 30

b)

past Obstetric History
More than 10 pregnancies
More than 10 years since the last pregnancy

108

Caesarian section (or any abdominal scar)
Vacuum extraction or forceps

Third stage complications e.g. PPH or manual removal of
the placenta

Neonatal death in last pregnancy or more than one neonatal death
Three or more repeated abortions

c)

Maternal physical development

Height of 146 cms or less

Limp or polio leg

d)

Maternal disease
Bleeding since last period
Clinically anaemic
Bp 140/90 or more

Oedema and proteinuria ++
Sputum positive for AFP
e)

Abnormal Presentation

Breech

Transverse lie
Large for dates or suspected twins

4.1.2.5.

Using the criteria for high risk

Producing a practical and relevant set of criteria for high risk is

only part of the solution.
a)

They must be used.

Problems in using the present criteria

i)

The antenatal record cards are not structured, so it is not
easy to complete

109

ii)

Midwives find that taking an adequate history takes too

long (only one antenatal in 300 had a properly filled
in card)
iii)

Midwives forget to ask all the right questions

iv)

Antenatal record cards have not been available for 9 months

and stationery is in short supply

The space on the obstetric records which are being used as
antenatal cards is inadequate.

Thus midwives waste time

writing out the columns to be filled in.

(See Appendix 10 and photo 7 )

Thus the identification of pregnant women at high risk is
haphazard and time consuming.

b)

Possible Solutions

i)

An action-orientated antenatal record card

Workers such as Disseveld (120) and Essex & Everett (103)
have designed antenatal records which

a) are independent of memory

b) detect women at risk of complications during labour
c)

indicate appropriate action for each abnormality detected

d)

emphasise the treatment needed to prevent anaemia,
malaria, neonatal tetanus and malnutrition

e)

provide a record of the outcome of labour

f)

provide the mother with a permanent record of risks and
outcome of pregnancy (see Appendix 11)

Malone (1980) (89) found that the use of these record cards was
the "most influential factor" in improving antenatal care,

especially in the accuracy of the medical and obstetric history

and selection of high risk cases for appropriate management.

110

However with Zambia's present financial problems a

cheaper

interim solution is possible.

ii)

itie information collection stamp
Michael parent in his work in Tunisia (121) used a rubber

stamp to provide similar information.

any paper and would be cheaper.

This could be used on

A similar solution was

tried out using a Hecto duplicator (122) which I brought for

the hospital.

One benefit of either of the above suggestions is that the

information on them could be used in a future study to find

the locally most relevant high risk groups.

4.1.2.6.

Benefits of a new screening system for high risk

Studies in Tanzania (103), Kenya (8 9) and Kwazulu (123) show that the

use of these action-orientated record cards have a wide range of
benefits.

i)

It detects a manageable number of high risk women
Essex & Everett (108) found that about 18% of women had one or
more risk factors present.

This number is well within the

management capabilities of the present maternity services.
ii)

Most risk factors can be detected at the first visit
The same study showed that 81% of the total risk factors could

be detected at the first visit.

Larsen & Muller in Kwazulu

found that 85% of risk factors could be detected antenatally.

Ill

11:L)

Fewer anatenatal visits for low risk women
Thus if as shown above the majority of risk factors can be detected

in the first visit, appointment schedules for revisits can be
modified.

Women classified as low risk do not need the regular

frequent visits which sometimes result in women attending fortnightly
from 30 weeks (observed by G.T.)

Two visits would be adequate.

One visit early in pregnancy would

be necessary for an assessment and management of any problems e.g.
anaemia and first tetanus toxoid.

A second visit could be made at

about 36 weeks unless any problems arise and the second tetanus
immunisation could be given.

Antenatal visits should only be made if an objective can be

specified with a reasonable expectation of being met e.g. studies
such as that by Hall & Ching (138) indicate that it is not
worthwhile to look for pre-eclampsia until 34 weeks as the detection

rate is less than 1%.

One argument used against two visits in petauke was that it was
thought that tetanus toxoid could not be given to the mother until

after 28 weeks gestation.

However present WHO guidelines indicate

that there is no apparent danger to the foetus from this killed
vaccine.

J ml given in 2 doses with a minimum of one months interval

can be given at any time in pregnancy (124).

Obviously decreasing antenatal visits is controversial, but studies
quoted from Kenya and Britain have shown how much time is wasted

and how many opportunities are missed due to work overload and lack
of clear objectives and criteria.

iv)

More time available for high risk women
If the pressure of routine work can be reduced more time will

112

be available for building up a more personal relationship with
women who are likely to have problems.

In this way personal

and individual advice on health matters is more likely to have
an impact.

The necessity for improving the present system was identified by
finding 4 women who had had previous caesarian sections who

then had their subsequent deliveries at home.

One woman had

had 3 caesarian sections and then a home delivery.

She refused

to go to hospital as she feared being sterilised.

"If I stop having children, I lose my husband".

Solutions to such problems can only be found on a personal basis
with trust, not in an overcrowded, rushed and impersonal

atmosphere.

v)

Increased job satisfaction for midwives
This system should increase the job satisfaction of the midwives

by allowing them to detect problems and give appropriate advice.

The antenatal care is also time saving and reduces routine
boring procedures e.g. writing out a full obstetric history to

a simple quick series of ticks in boxes(see appendix 12)

The role of a more senior midwife or doctor
,
uoctor m antenatal care

needs however to be more clearly defined.

A regular time

schedule when all high risk women are seen could k
en could be organised.

113

vi)

Increasing consumer satisfaction

Clinics with clear objectives and short queues may encourage
more women to come.

it is disappointing to see that despite

midwives' hard work the numbers of women attending antenatal
by 9%
clinic in the district have decreased/since 1977.

4.1.2.

Opportunities for improving the care of the high risk mother:

in the district

Problems identified
Improving the situation in the district is difficult.

For many

reasons midwives do not want to work in remote rural health centres

and mobile clinics only have a limited impact.

Only one of the 17

rural health centres has a resident midwife.

This poses big problems.

The male medical assistants may have very little obstetric training

and those interviewed have scanty knowledge of risk factors.
areas women are unlikely to go to a male for help.

In many

The traditional

midwives in Mwape said "it is better to look for death" than go to a
man for help.

Some solutions
4.1.2.1.a)List of High Risk Factors

A simple list of high risk factors should be available in every rural
health centre.

Such criteria as height or age could be identified by

a man without alienating too many women.

b)

Training the "Female Indoor Servants"

If the women working in clinics are being requested by the public to

assist in deliveries they must receive some appropriate training as
was done in India

114

At present an experimental programme for training these women is being

run at Chipata Provincial Hospital.

Such training should however be

very simple and geared to facilities found in the rural health centres.

It could be greatly improved by giving these women simple guidelines
for high risk.

Consideration needs also to be given to their appropriate selection,

training and support.

4.1.2.3 .

There are also legal implications.

Saving petrol

Some workers (103) have suggested that if the "action-orientated"

antenatal cards are used appropriately mobile team visits can be

safely reduced.

In view of present transport problems (currently

20% of mobile clinics cancelled) this may be useful.

If petrol

became more available different places could be visited, perhaps at

two monthly intervals.

4.1.2.4.

Improving the mothers shelter at the district hospital

The district hospital provides a shelter for mothers awaiting delivery.
However a number of problems were apparent, i.e.: lack of water,
lack of sanitation (the latrines were blocked or had collapsed), lack

of cooking or washing facilities.

3 mothers in the villages said they would go to the mothers shelter

if there were better toilet and washing facilities.

At least 78 women and 2 men were found to be using the 2 rooms of the

mothers shelter at one time.

4.2.

This head count did not include children.

Implications for staff training

In the short term
A new system for screening high risk will require adequate training

or refresher courses for all staff, so that abnormal findings can be
interpreted and appropriate action taken.

115

4.2.1.

In-service training - Bwino Magazine

Training courses are however expensive.

Much information could very

effectively be given through Bwino the excellent journal for primary

health care workers. This is produced by the Ministry of Health. A list
of risk factors could be included to put up in the clinic.

4.2.2.

In the long term - training of hospital staff in Primary Health Care

There is a need for hospital staff and especially midwives to learn
about and be involved in primary health care early in their training

instead of after qualification.

At least 60% of the midwives

interviewed commented that traditional midwives are "dirty",
"ignorant” or "primitive”.

Ihey saw the only way to reduce maternal

and perinatal mortality was to convince mothers to deliver in hospital.
These attitudes need to be overcome if traditional midwives are to

be well accepted.

Introducing primary health care into the hospital

training will assist.

4.2.3.

- training in statistics

If nurses and midwives are involved early in their training in primary
health care and community diagnosis they will begin to use the
statistics collected.

Increased interest in the statistics and use of

statistics should improve accuracy of recording data.

At present there

is still confusion over basic definitions of e.g. still birth,
gravida and parity.
gravida 0.

For example, antenatal cards were marked parity 2

This would indicate that the woman had had 2 children

without having become pregnant.

4 3.

Opportunities for improving the care of the high risk mother:

By working with traditional midwives

In a country such as Zambia which is proud of its cultural heritage and

traditions the opportunities for improving the care of mothers

116

through working with traditional midwives are many.

During my stay in Zambia I met with 58 traditional midwives who had
been involved in 7 very different training programmes.

Each of these

programmes represent different people’s interpretations of what is

necessary in the training of traditional midwives.

The programmes

presented a continuum of adaptation to different objectives and

different resources.

They ranged from the 6 week residential course

for selected traditional midwives at Minga, to the 2 week village
based programmes at Chikowa and Sinde-misale for all practising
traditional midwives which had developed very good links with the
rural health centre; and finally to the village based programme at
Mwape where 43 traditional midwives registered for training but where
none wanted anything to do with the rural health centre.

Within each of the programmes problems were identified.

Solutions

to these problems were sought through discussions with trained and
untrained traditional midwives and the trainers; observation of their
interactions with the community; and a study of the literature.

This dissertation only presents that part of the findings related to
antenatal care.

From the results presented in section 3 it would appear that these
programmes aiming to train traditional midwives in antenatal care
were having a limited impact.

However, by visiting traditional

midwives trained through such differing programmes it was possible tn

identify those programmes which were achieving some of the targets

117

in antenatal care e.g. identification of high risk and referral,
and those which were not.

4-3.0.

Improving the care of the high risk mother:

4.3.1.

Use appropriate criteria for high risk

Where traditional midwives are taught criteria for high risk that
they think are reasonable, they are more likely to use them.

33 traditional midwives specifically said that primips and gravida
5 or more are not high risk.

Further, if the traditional midwives

tried to refer them to hospital local women would not agree to go.
Thus using criteria outlined in section 4.1.1.5. which are geared

to finding specific abnormalities would be more acceptable to them

4.3.2.

Involve all the practising traditional midwives in the

community
In this area of Zambia women are delivered by their mothers or
grandmothers.

In some other countries e.g. India and Burma there are

just one or two traditional midwives in each village who are very

experienced and can benefit from a specialised training.

This

however is not appropriate in this part of Zambia.

The traditional midwives I met had done an average of 5.6 total
deliveries.

This compared closely with the 5-10 deliveries done by

traditional midwives in Zimbabwe (125,126).

Only two of the

traditional midwives interviewed approached the figures recorded in
Ghana (12) of 6.9 per year.

These two traditional midwives doing

relatively more deliveries (7-14 per year) had been trained in hospital.

However they had had negligible impact on the antenatal care.

118

photo

8

A well prepared mother with an antenatal card

in a plastic bag and a new razor in readiness

119

In the last year they had delivered in the village twins, breech and

a woman with 2 previous caesarian sections.

In contrast where all traditional midwives in one area are trained
together there can be a considerable impact on the antenatal care and

helping women to choose a more appropriate place f
r
*
where the population is 1080
Chikowa in 1980/34 antenatals were registered.

delivery.

In

21 deliveries were

done by trained traditional midwives at home and a further 8 were

referred to the rural health centre.

Since then all the twins born

in Chikowa have been born in the rural health centre.

In other countries such as Guinea Bissau (128), Sierra Leone (129)
(126), Zimbabwe (130) and Ghana (131,127) the training programmes

developed have taken into account the culture and geography of the

areas.

Thus where people live in remote scattered villages and work

mainly within their own families the training programmes aim to reach
all practising traditional midwives.

In Manicaland in Zimbabwe with its population of 1,098,000 aims to

train 4-6,000 traditional midwives.
Eastern province has a population of about 700,000.

A reasonable

estimate of the number of traditional midwives would be about 3-4,500.

Only by training those women who do the deliveries will there be an
impact on the health of mothers and children.

Giving a specialised

training to a few women would appear to have minimal impact

120

4.3.3.

Introduce new ideas slowly

Ideas need to be introduced slowly.

Trying to change deeply held

beliefs and traditional practices which have been followed for
hundreds of years can only be done after trust has been developed.

Older people need to have time to think over the new ideas and come
back with their questions and doubts.

Problems and difficulties will

need to be covered more than once.

This can be done in several ways:-

a)

meetings once a week in the afternoons at rural health centres

as at Sinde-misale(and Manicaland, Zimbabwe).
b)

meetings once a month in conjunction with the mobile team visits

c)

in remote areas which are rarely visited a one to two week
initial course can be followed up at more distant intervals.

An annual visit for 3-5 days was suggested by traditional midwives

at Chikowa.

4.3.4.

Involve the pregnant women in the community

Traditional midwives want to learn how to avoid problems arising in

labour.

However, many find that women do not want to be

examined

by a traditional midwife in pregnancy and will only agree to

examination when they are in labour.

Other programmes in Ghana (131) and Manicaland (130) in Zimbabwe

have found the same problem.

Traditional midwives are viewed with a

mixture of respect and suspicion.

They are not expected to elicit

information or examine pregnant women nor encourage them to attend the
clinic.

Such encouragement in Ghana "could be interpreted as taking

121

undue interest with evil intent" (131) causing haemorrhage, miscarriage
or a later failure to thrive of the baby.

Hospital trained traditional midwives did no antenatal care.

Those

trained in the villages mainly provided antenatal care to their

relatives but found that they needed encouragement to continue.

Expanding the traditional midwives’ role in providing antenatal care
will only be achieved if fear and mistrust in the villages is overcome
by involving antenatal women in the programme.

This is best done in

the village based programmes.

4.3.5.

Include traditional midwives and women in the community in

the planning
Traditional midwives must be involved in the planning of the training

programmes.

Many have heavy family and agricultural commitments

which must be met.

Dry season
In many areas courses can only be run during the dry season, when
women have more free time.

Residential courses such as those at

Minga incurred heavier financial commitment than expected as the
traditional midwives insisted on going home at weekends.

This can

be very expensive in petrol.

Afternoons
In village or rural health centre based programmes traditional midwives

often prefer to meet in the afternoons after having finished their
household work.

In village based programmes the mornings can then

be spent by the trainer in individual home visits to build up trust

with the younger women.

122

4.3.6.

Involve the traditional midwives and women in the selection

of traditional midwives
Traditional midwives and local women must be involved in the selection

of the traditional midwives for training.

Three main problems were mentioned by traditional midwives

1)

If only a few are selected they may not be those to whom
women turn and may actually be feared

2)

Not all traditional midwives are happy to be trained together.
This is important, as if they do not trust each other discussions

cannot be free.

At petauke traditional midwives were asked by the trainer if

they were all happy to be trained together.

In response they

asked for two women to be excluded because although they

respected them they were infertile.

3)

Some traditional midwives go for training in order to increase
their political influence.

This problem was discussed at the

provincial meeting of traditional healers in Chipata on 22nd

September 1983.

Obviously in some areas the political leaders

are of great benefit.

This has been found in the community

health worker programme (132) and for example Chief Mwape was
instrumental in ensuring a very high interest and attendance
rate in the 2 week training programme.

However in this instance

she was encouraging all trusted women to be involved, not a
selected few.

123

However in "womens business" issues of trust and confidence must be
taken into consideration.

If only one traditional midwife is

selected for training she may well not be used.

If all practising

traditional midwives are included in the programme the problems of
mistrust are minimised.

124

Implications of the study

Much has been wrxtten on the need for increased staff awareness of

the importance of the risk approach in antenatal care in Zambia
Hickey & Kasonde 1977, (133) Grech 1978 (39) and Watts & Harris 1982
(40).

The main emphasis has been upon directing "an educational

programme to women of reproductive age stressing the benefits of
proper antenatal care and supervised confinements" (39

).

The success of any such programme will be its acceptability to the
women who are its beneficiaries.

However the studies by Grech,

Hickey &. Kasande mentioned above indicate that about one third of

maternal deaths could have been prevented
on the mothers part.

by more appropriate action

Further, Watts & Harris suggest that those most

at risk are the least likely to attend antenatal care.

Such

disparities indicate a failure of communication.

From the findings of this study, it would appear that some of this
failure of communication arises from a lack of compatability between

the way in which health personnel communicate scientific health
concepts (e.g. of high risk in pregnancy) and the way such concepts

are received by those holding more traditional beliefs.
A programme based totally on a western 'scientific' understanding of
the risk concept will be doomed in rural areas where the majority of

people may believe for example that a difficult labour is due to a
"lack of social hygiene", infidelity, or "ufwiti".

Even in urban areas educated people such as nurses, medical assistants

and teachers have strong traditional beliefs (Edirisooriya 1976) (78).

125

In Zimbabwe it is estimated that 98% of indigenous people have a
traditional health orientation and only 0.5% have completely
scientific beliefs (Mutambirwa 1982)(139) and there is no evidence
that these beliefs will change quickly.

It is thus essential to form a bridge between these traditional
beliefs and western 'scientific
*

ones.

It is however difficult for educated urban people to understand
rural people with their non scholarly belief systems.

The effort of

understanding must first come from the health authorities and teachers.

This effort of understanding requires that existing and non existing
relationships between the traditional and scientific health concepts

and health care practices are identified.

If relationships can be

identified, they can be built on constructively and as such are more

likely to be acceptable to local people.

Implications for training traditional midwives

A traditional midwife is just one part of the traditional medical

system in her community.

Giving just one traditional midwife some

training in more 'scientific
*

impact.

health care may have a small initial

However by herself she cannot achieve lasting community or

individual participation.

Her new skills are seen to be apart from

the traditional medical system of the community and may be feared
or ignored.

Traditional midwives trained together in a village may be able to

126

support each other in introducing new ideas if they are convinced
that the women will benefit, for example referral of "high risk .

Traditional midwives at Chikowa identified the conflicts created in

the community by the introduction of new ideas: e.g. mothers were
afraid that cutting the cord differently or delaying the baby's first

bath could cause illness or death of the baby.

Therefore they had

only been able to introduce a few of the new practices taught. Unfortunately
the changes introduced were not those which would have had an impact
in improving maternal or perinatal health.

In discussion they said that by working together they could introduce

new ideas like antenatal care but they could only introduce a small

amount at a time.

They suggested that a 3-5 day course annually

would be appropriate after their initial 2 week course.

This

solution would seem appropriate in their rather remote village.

Different solutions will be needed in different places and this will
require flexibility on the part of those in the health services.

Implications for the training of traditional midwives

The implications of this study for the training of traditional midwives
can be divided into

5.

These will be expanded in a more detailed

forthcoming report.

i)

positive recognition of traditional midwives' expertise
There must be a positive recognition of the traditional midwives'
expertise in the use of herbs, and the psychological support

they give to pregnant women.
Most importantly among the traditional midwives I met

their

practice of allowing the mother to deliver her own baby without

127

interference from the attendant unless absolutely necessary
is in the best traditions of classical teachings in midwifery.

It is most worrying that some of those trained in hospital have

begun to do vaginal examinations, especially in view of the general
shortage of soap.

ii)

Build on what they know and do already
The trainers must identify those areas of the traditional midwives'
practice which are beneficial and build on them e.g.

a)

building on the traditional sex and family life education
given at initiation, e.g. especially in relation to schoolgirl

pregnancies

b)

building on the early recognition of pregnancy by the
traditional midwives and their consequent early giving of

advice on behaviour in pregnancy
c)

building on traditional nutritional advice -

"we tell her to eat more or else the baby's arms will be as

thin as my fingers"
"we give porridge with herbs to women who vomit (in pregnancy)
so they don't become weak"

d)

building on traditional midwives' remedies for problems in

pregnancy, e.g. women with palpitations in pregnancy often

wear a particular prickly seed on a necklace - this can be easily
recognised by midwives

Traditional midwives can be shown the association of the
palpitations with anaemia or perhaps high blood pressure and

the necessity for referral.

127

interference from the attendant unless absolutely necessary

is in the best traditions of classical teachings in midwifery.
It is most worrying that some of those trained in hospital have

begun to do vaginal examinations, especially in view of the general
shortage of soap.

ii)

Build on what they know and do already
The trainers must identify those areas of the traditional midwives'

practice which are beneficial and build on them e.g.

a)

building on the traditional sex and family life education

given at initiation, e.g. especially in relation to schoolgirl
pregnancies

b)

building on the early recognition of pregnancy by the
traditional midwives and their consequent early giving of

advice on behaviour in pregnancy

c)

building on traditional nutritional advice "we tell her to eat more or else the baby's arms will be as

thin as my fingers"

"we give porridge with herbs to women who vomit (in pregnancy)
so they don't become weak"
d)

building on traditional midwives' remedies for problems in
pregnancy, e.g. women with palpitations in pregnancy often
wear a particular prickly seed on a necklace - this can be easily

recognised by midwives

Traditional midwives can be shown the association of the
palpitations with anaemia or perhaps high blood pressure and

the necessity for referral.

128

iii)

use their traditional concepts of health

For example, most traditional midwives said they did not have time
to wash their hands in preparation for delivery.

The importance

of hand washing and physical hygiene could perhaps be taught by
building on concepts of moral hygiene or moral purity, cleansing
the individuals personality from evil influences by washing hands

before the delivery or attending to the newborn baby or the cord,

as has been suggested in Zimbabwe (139).
iv)

Decide on priorities in teaching
As introducing new ideas causes conflict both for the traditional

midwives and the women they help it is sensible to minimise the
conflict.

One way to do this is to concentrate on only teaching

those priority tasks which have been identified as important e.g.
in maternal or perinatal mortality, see Figs, 6a , 6b and Fig.7 .
These results indicate the importance of seeking local causes of

mortality, but in this instance have more import for natal and

postnatal causes.

v)

Don't destroy community support

The findings of this study

support those

of Sikota (1983)

(47) who found that 80% of traditional midwives no longer received

the traditional gifts of thanks from the community.

This caused

great resentment among some traditional midwives and one said she

had stopped working because of it.

This did not seem to be a

problem with village based training which seeks to change little

in the way they practice.
countries (134).

The problem has been noted in other

129

Implications for training health personnel

Tiie policy document on primary health care describes the disinterest

and contempt with which Zambian health practitioners have held
indigenous health practices (37).

If the concept of primary Health

Care is to become a reality this disinterest must be overcome.

One

step towards this would be to include the study of behavioural

sciences with practical field experience early in the training of

nurses and medical students.

Such courses should include the study

of customs, beliefs and practices of the people they work among.

Present
/courses structured such that the practical work follows after the final

exams does not allow constructive consolidation of theory e.g.
the Public Health Nurse Training.

This study shows that improvements in maternity care can only be
achieved through a team approach, with health educators and health
personnel in hospital and rural areas being willing to work with and

learn from those holding more traditional beliefs and values.

Finally in a country such as Zambia which is proud of its cultural
heritage, it is important for the beneficial customs beliefs and
practices to be recognised and utilised by the health services in

all aspects of its work, not just in antenatal care.

As an outsider I have no right to write about other
peoples customs, beliefs and practices, in isolation.

Nor have I a right to criticise those who are trying their
best to provide a service to others.
However I believe it is vital to get the foundation of the
training for traditional midwives right or we will do more
harm than good.
It is with this view that I have done
this study.
I would welcome any comments, advice or
criticism.

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Appendix 1

Questionnaire for Traditional Midwives

Keeping Healthy

1.

When a woman is pregnant what should she do to keep healthy?

2.

Are there certain foods she should eat?

3.

Are there certain foods she should not eat?

4.

How do you know when a woman is first pregnant?

5.

What happens when a woman becomes pregnant?

6.

- Who does she first tell?

7.

- When is it generally recognised that she is pregnant?

8.

- What happens when you can see the pregnancy?

9.

What might happen if people discuss her pregnancy before this?

10.

Who does a woman talk to about her problems in pregnancy?
- early?

11.

- late?
12.

When do you usually first talk to a woman about her pregnancy?

13.

Do you go to her, or does she come to you?

14.

Why?

15.

How does a woman normally feel in herself in pregnancy?

16.

Is pregnancy an illness?

17.

Do women here get early morning sickness/vomiting in pregnancy?

18.

Why?

19.

Is it a problem?

20.

Can anything be done about it?

21.

Do women here suffer with headaches in pregnancy?

22.

Why?

23.

Is it a problem?

24.

What can be done about it?

25.

What used to be done?

26.

Do women get abdominal pain in pregnancy?

27.

Why?

28.

Is it a problem?

29.

What can be done about it?

30.

What used to be done?

31.

Do women's feet swell in pregnancy?

32.

Why?

33.

Is it a problem?

34.

What can be done about it?

35.

What used to be done?

36.

Do many women get tired in pregnancy?

37.

Why?

38.

Is it a problem?

39.

What can be done about it?

40.

What used to be done?

41.

Do women get palpitations?

42.

Why?

43.

Do many women get white eye in pregnancy?

44.

Why?

45.

It is a problem?

46.

What can be done about it?

47.

What used to be done?

48.

Do women sometimes want to eat a lot of one thing?

49.

Why?

50.

What do they crave for/want to eat a lot of?

51.

Is it harmful to get cravings?

n n n n a

52,

Have any women you have looked after bled during pregnancy?

53.

If yes, what happened?

54.

What usually causes a woman to bleed in pregnancy - early?

- late?

n non

55.

Is it a problem?

56.

Can anything be done about it?

57.

Who do they usually go to for help?

58.

What did you used to do about it?

Antenatal Care

59.

How do you help or look after a woman when she is pregnant?

60.

Do you only look after pregnant women in your family or do you
see others as well?

61.

Do you examine women when they are pregnant?
regularly, or only when they have problems?

62.

When do you examine them?

63.

Why?

64.

What do you ask her?

65.

Why?

66.

What do you look at?

67.

Why?

68.

What do you feel for?

69.

Why?

70.

How often do you examine

71.

Do you have any problems in examining a pregnant woman?

72.

Which pregnant women would you advise to go to the antenatal clinic?

73.

Why?

74.

Have you referred women to the antenatal clinic?

75.

Why?

76.

Did they go?

Do you see them

a woman when she is pregnant?

77.

Did you go with them?

78.

Which women should deliver in the rural health centre or hospital?

79.

Have you referred women in labour to the rural health centre or
hospital?

80.

Why?

81.

How many?

82.

Did they go?

83.

Did you go with them?

84.

Why do some mothers have difficulty in labour?

85.

Why do some mothers die in pregnancy, labour or shortly after?

86.

Why are some babies born dead or deformed? (Why do some women
miscarry?)

87.

Where does a woman like to deliver her first baby?

88.

Where does she like to deliver her next babies?

89.

Why?

90.

How can a mother ensure that her baby is born healthy?

91.

What traditional medicine do women take in pregnancy?

92.

How do these help her?

93.

Do you take anything with you when you are called to a delivery?

94.

How many traditional midwives are usually present at a delivery?

95.

Do you make any preparations to the house?

96.

Can you show us how you look after a woman who is delivering?

97.

What did you used to do?

98.

When do you encourage the woman to push?

99.

When do the membranes break and the water comes out usually?

100.

If they burst early what happens?

101.

What is labour like if this happens?

102.

How do you deliver the placenta?

103.

What happens if it takes a long time?

104.

How do you cut and tie the cord?

105.

How did you used to cut it?

106.

How do you care for the cord until it drops off?

107.

Do you have olonglongo here?

108.

What is it?

109.

What do you do for it?

110.

What do you do if a woman bleeds after delivery?

111.

How long should labour last?

112.

How do you bury the placenta?

113.

Why?

114,

What do you do for a woman with a tear?

115.

What difference has your training made to your work as a
traditional midwife?

116.

How many deliveries have you done since your training?

117.

How many deliveries have you done this year?

118.

Do you do more or less since your training?

119.

Do you find the rural health centre/hospital helpful and friendly?

120

Do you get information back on the women you send to the
hospital/rural health centre?

121.

Who do some mothers like to go to antenatal clinic?

122.

Why do some not like antenatal clinics?

123.

Why do some mothers prefer to deliver in hospital?

124.

Why do others prefer to stay at home?

125.

How long have you been a traditional midwife?

126.

How did you become a traditional midwife?

127.

How are traditional midwives rewarded for their help?

128.

Is it the same from everyone?

129.

Do you have any problems in your work?

130.

Do you want to ask me anything?

131.

How far is it to the rural health centre?

132.

How far is it to the hospital?

133.

How do you get there?

134.

How long does it take?

135.

When did the last vehicle come here?

Personal Information (not always asked)

136.

How many children do you have now?

137.

Have any others died?

138.

How old are you?

139.

Did you learn to read and write?

Appendix 1 (cont)

Traditional midwives training - Risk Concept

Name:

Position:

Training:

Have you attended a course in training of traditional midwives?

What do you teach the traditional midwives to do for antenatal care
in their village?
Are they taught to diagnose pregnancy?
What are they trained to ask about in history taking?
What are they trained to examine in a pregnant woman?

Are they taught about Bp?
Are they taught about problems in the urine?

What do they provide for the pregnant woman?
What criteria are traditional midwives taught for referral in pregnancy?

When do you teach trained traditional midwives that a woman should
first come for an antenatal checkup?

How often do you expect the woman to attend antenatal clinic?
How often do you expect trained traditional midwives to see a pregnant
woman during her pregnancy?
Number of occasions?

How do you expect the trained traditional midwife to collaborate with
the local clinic and midwives for antenatal clinic?

Appendix 1 (cont)

Trained Traditional Midwives Supervisor Interview

Name;

Age:

Training:

Have you attended a course in the training of traditional midwives?
When? For how long?
How ®ften do you visit traditional midwives in the field?
Did you have problems with visiting the traditional midwives?
How did you spend most of the time during a supervisory visit?
What plans do you have for further supervision?
What plans do you have for further training of traditional midwives?
What ANC is done on a supervisory visit?
What feedback do trained traditional midwives get on women they refer
What problems do you think trained traditional midwives have with
trying to provide good antenatal care?
What do you think needs to be done to improve the ANC which trained
traditional midwives provide?

Do you say that all women should go once to the ANC?
What records do traditional midwives have?

Appendix 2

Health personnel's knowledge of the Risk Concept

1.

Name

2.

Place

3.

No.

4.

Nursing/Professional Qualifications:

( ) ZEN

( ) ZEM

( ) CDE

( ) MW Tutor

( ) ZRN

( ) ZRM

( ) PHN

( ) MR

( ) HA

( ) Midwife

5.

Have you done any midwifery training?

6.

For How long?

7.

How long ago?

8.

How long have you been working in a rural health centre?

9.

Do you help in the antenatal clinic?

10.
Now I want to ask you some questions about what women should do in
pregnancy

10.

What should a woman do to keep herself and baby healthy?

(
(
(
(
(
(
11.

)
)
)
)
)
)

Attend ANC
Eat well
Exercise
Hygiene
Rest
Other specify

When should she first attend antenatal clinic?

( ) Miss one period
( ) Miss two periods
( ) As soon as she knows
12.

In general do women attend antenatal clinic

( ) Regularly
( ) When problems
13.

How often should she come for antenatal care
( ) Monthly till
( ) 2 weekly till
( ) Weekly till

14.

Have you seen any women die in childbirth?

15.

Now I want you to tell me all the reasons you can think o£ that
women die in pregnancy, in childbirth or after the delivery
retained placenta
PPH
infection
slow referral
other ......

ruptured uterus
traditional medicine
prolonged labour
disproportion
abnormal lie

anaemia
eclampsia
PET
bleeding (APH)
abortion
malaria
16.

Have you seen any babies born dead?

17.

Can you tell me all the reasons you know for a baby to be born
dead or die soon after delivery
Prem
<2.5 kg
APH
Asphyxia

Injury
traditional drugs
prolonged labour
abnormal lie

prolapsed cord
infection
tetanus

18.

How can these mothers deaths be prevented?

19.

How can these baby's deaths be prevented?

20.

In the Antenatal Clinic/with a pregnant woman
What things do you look for that indicate that she will face
problems in pregnancy or labour?
- if you like, pretend you are examining someone

Anaemia
eyes, mouth
tongue, hands
Hb talquist
BP'P
Oedema
PET
Urine
Abdomen
- scars
- fundal height
- position
- head/high
- number
VV
Kaha
Pnm
< 18
Pnm 30+
35 +
6+ pregnancies

21.

Do you look for anything in the history?
Previous difficult deliveries SB
NND
Operations
eclampsia/PET
retained placenta
PPH
Bp t
)
APH
) „
Anaemia ) ComPlications of pregnancy
PET
)
Chronic disease disability

Who do you weigh ?

How often?

Do you measure the height?
How?
How short is too short?
How often do you hold Antenatal Clinics
here?

Which women should deliver in hospital?
Pnm
6+
Anaemia

APH
PPH
PET all/severe

Previous SB
NND
Operation

Multiple pregnancy
Malpresentation

22.

Which women should deliver in a rural health centre?

23.

Which women can deliver at home?

24.

Do you have a list of the problems that women can get in
pregnancy so you know who you should send to hospital?

( )
25.

Yes

( )

No

Where is it?

D/K
Wall
File
26.

Do you get information back on women you have referred?

27.

Do all mothers have an AN card?

28.

Do they keep it themselves?

29.

Do you have an Antenatal Register?

30.

Do you have a register of those with special problems?

31.

How do you mark the card to show that a woman should deliver
in hospital?

32.

Is there a place for pregnant mothers who have come far to wait
until they go into labour?

33.

How do you transport emergencies?

ambulance here
fetch ambulance
any vehicle
bicycle
34.

Are there problems with transport?

35.

How do emergencies come to you?

carried
bicycle
or car

36.

Do you give Tetanus Toxoid to pregnant women?

37.

How many times?

38.

Do you have problems with supplies?

39.

Do you have problems with the "cold chain"?

40.

Do you give any drugs or tablets routinely in pregnancy?

( ) Iron

How often?

( ) Folictoid

( ) Chloroquin

Any problems with supplies?

41.

Do you record?

(
(
(
(
(

)
)
)
)
)

Maternal deaths
SBs
NNDs
Number of deliveries
Referrals to hospital

42.

Are there any traditional midwives working near here?

43.

Have you met them?

44.

Do you work with them?

45.

What do you think of the way they work?

46.

Have any of them been trained?

47.

Do you think they should be trained?

Appendix 4a

Check list for Antenatal Record Card Analysis

Recommended place of delivery notes on card

Home
Health Centre

Hospital
Risk factors to be identified

Age less than 18
Age more than 35
Height less than 146 cms

Parity

0 or 5+

Any chronic disease listed
- diabetes
- hypertension
- sickle cell disease

- renal disease

- tuberculosis
- leprosy

- congenital heart defect
- others (specify)

Any major physical deformity of obstetric importance
- polio leg

- deformed pelvis
Weight - less than 35 kgs.

Complication of previous pregnancies
PET (oedema, proteinuria, Bp

Eclampsia
APH

Excessive vomiting
Others

Complications of previous labours
Labour longer than 24 hrs.
Eclampsia
Ruptured Uterus

Obstructed labour

140/90

Complications of previous labours (cont)

Retained placenta

PPH
Others

Abnormal delivery

Caesarian section

number

Forceps

number

Ventouse

number

Outcome

Stillbirths

number

Baby dead in less than
one week

number

Baby less than 2.5 kgs

number

Complications of this pregnancy

Anaemia
PET

Bp

140/90 on 2 occasions

APH

Excessive vomiting
STD
Others (specify)

Multiple pregnancy
Abnormal lie - breech at 36 weeks gestation
- transverse lie
people completing the card

Doctor

Midwife
Trained traditional midwife

Number of antenatal visits made this pregnancy
Weeks pregnant at first visit (by mothers estimation)

Completeness of card

Very incomplete
Maximum of 2 items not complete

Complete

Appendix <b (coni.)
•(

Data Sheet for Indicators of Hirh Risk.

SB

NND

ND

Number
Name

(J O 0 I

Place of Residence
0. Good

1.

distance from hospital.

Poor

Marital Status
0. Harried

1.

Single, divorced, widowed

Age

*

0. Between 16 and 35

Under 16 or over 35

..

1.

|[T U





Height

0. More than

cms

Less than

c:.is

1.

Parity
0. l-A

1. None or five or more.
Income

0. Medium or high
1. Low

Chronic Disease
0. None
1. Any disease listed
- major physical deformity (specify)

- diabetes
- hypertension

- sickle cell disease

- renal disease
- tuberculosis

- lenrosy
- congenital heart disease
- others (specify)

Nutritional Status
0. 35 kgs or more

1. Less than 35 kgs.
Complications of previous pregnancies
0. None
1. Any:-

anaemia (Hb

9g)

PET (oedema, proteinuria

Bp

Bp

140/90)

140/90 on 2+ occasions

APH

Excessive vomiting

Others (specify)

______

Complications of previous labours
0. None
1. Any:-

prolonged labour

24 hrs.

Eclampsia

Ruptured uterus
Obstructed labour
Retained placenta

PPI I
Others (sTecify)

Type of delivery

0. Normal
1. Not normal
Caesarian section
Ventouse

Forceps
Others (specify)

Outcome of baby
0. Livebirth
1. Stillbirth

Number of still births

Babies dying in the first week

0. None
1. One or more

Number dying in first week.

Birthweight
0. 2.5 kgs or more
1.

2.5 kgs

- small for dates
- preterm

36 weeks gestation

Present Obstetric History
Antenatal care

0. Some
1. None

Complications during this pregnancy
0. None

1. Some:anaemia (Hb

9

)

PUP (oedemia, proteinuria

Bn
Bn

140/90)

140/90 on 2 occasions

ARI

Excessive vomiting
STD

Others (specify)

Present labour
0.

24 hrs.

1.

24 hrs.

Position of babe.
0. Normal vertex
1. Abnormal
breech

transverse lie

Number of babies
0. One

1. 2 or more

Type of delivery

0. Normal
1. Not normal

caesarian section

ventouse
forceps

others (specify)

Maturity
0. 36 weeks +

1.

36 weeks gestation
less 28 weeks
28 - 30

"

31 - 34

"

34 - 36

"

Outcome of child
0. Livebirth
1. Stillbirth

Birthweight

0.

2.5 kgs

1.

2.5 kgs.

Outcome of mother
0. Live
1. Dead

Complications of labour or nuernerium
0. None
1. Any listed
PPII

retained placenta

eclampsia
sepsis

depression

others (specify)

Complications of puerperium - child

0. Alive at 8th day.

'

1. Died in first 7 days.

Was the woman referred

,

0. Mo

1. Yes



Source of referral
0. Self

1. Traditional Midwife
2.

Mid', ife

3.

Doctor.

Reasons for referral
0. None

1. Anaemia
PET

Eclampsia
APH

Prolonged labour

III„

Retained placenta
PPH

Others

Time of referral
0. Mot anplicable/not referred

fl fl f l fl fl f l

1. Antenatally
2.

In Labour

3.

Post Natally

j (

Distance travelled to point of referral

\

1 mile

i

1.

2.1-2 miles

I

3. 3 - 4 miles
4.

4 miles +

;

i j
■ ♦

I
i

Appendix 5

Records study of reasons for fresh stillbirths

All records of stillbirth for the last 1 year were to be studied

to identify if the stillbirth was fresh or macerated.

The records for mothers with stillbirths were to be studied to find
problems associated with overcrowding, e.g. length of labour, length

of second stage, completeness of records, monitoring of foetal .heart.

Appendix 5

Records study of reasons for fresh stillbirths

All records of stillbirth for the last 1 year were to be studied

to identify if the stillbirth was fresh or macerated.

The records for mothers with stillbirths were to be studied to find
problems associated with overcrowding, e.g. length of labour, length

of second stage, completeness of records, monitoring of foetal heart.

Appendix 6a

Antenatal Mothers Questionnaire

1.

Number

2.

Where do you live?

3,

How do you come to antenatal clinic?

4.

How long did the journey take you?

5.

If by bus, how much did it cost?

6.

Why do you come to antenatal clinic?

7.

Did you have any problems with any of your previous pregnancies?

8.

Which mothers should attend antenatal clinic?

9.

Which mothers particularly need to deliver in hospital?

10.

Where was your last child born?

11.

If at home, who helped you deliver the child?

12.

Is she a relative?

13.

If in hospital - did you come to hospital in labour?

14.

Was it because you had problems?

15.

How did you reach hospital?

16.

Were you ever advised to deliver in hospital by a traditional
midwife?

17.

Why?

18.

Were you ever advised to deliver in hospital by a midwife?

19.

Why?

20.

Why do some mothers like to go to the antenatal clinic?

21.

Why do some mothers not like to go to the antenatal clinic?

22.

Why do some mothers like to deliver in hospital and rural health
centre?

23.

Why do others prefer to deliver at home?

24.

How many children do you have now?

25.

Have any of your children died?

(probe)

Appendix 6 b

Questionnaire for mothers in rural health centre/hospital/mothers
shelter
place

No.

1.

Why did you come to hospital to give birth?

2.

Who advised you to come here?

3.

Where do you live?

4.

Were you already in labour when you came?

5.

Did you go to the antenatal clinic?

6.

Why?

7.

Who advised you to go there?

8.

Why do some mothers like to go to antenatal clinic?

9.

Who do some not like antenatal clinic?

10.

Why do some mothers like to deliver in hospital or rural health
centre?

11.

Why do others prefer to deliver at home?

12.

Did you see a traditional midwife for help or advice?

13.

Why?

14.

Which mothers do you think should go to a rural health centre or
hospital to give birth?

15.

What problems may make a woman deliver in a rural health centre
or hospital?

16.

Where would you like to give birth to your next child?

17.

Why?

18.

How did you travel to the hospital or rural health centre?

19.

How long did it take'’

20.

How much did it cost?

21.

How many children do you have now?

22.

Have you had any children that died?

23.

Have you had any problems in previous pregnancies?

Appendix 7

Observation of physical facilities and basic equipment for

ft fl ft ft ft A

antenatal screening and delivery

An observational study of the health centres is to be made to find

out if the following basic facilities are present;-

- adequate waiting space
- adequate shade for protection from heat and rain
- toilet facilities for public

- drinking water facilities for public
- privacy for consultation

Observations are also to be made to find if the following basic

equipment needed for adequate care and screening is available
- examination couch

- delivery room

- table and chairs (minimum 2)

- delivery bed

- weighing scales (that work)

- privacy

- sphygomanometer (that works)

- table for delivery equipment

- tape measure

- suction equipment

- foetal stethoscope

- functioning sterilizer

- urine testing equipment

- oxygen

- blood sample equipment for VDRL

- drops - ergometrine

penicillin
- sterile syringes and needles

- cord ties

- sterilising facilities

- suturing needle and thread

- tetanus vaccine

- catheters

- drugs - iron, folic acid,

- disinfectant - routine for change

chloroquin
- antenatal records for mothers
- forms for statistics

II

Appendix 8

Check list for Antenatal care by Midwives

First visits - Full obstetric history
Mark

0

No

1

Yes

(

) Registration

(

) Age

(

) Problems in previous pregnancies

(

) Problems in previous labours

(

) Retained placenta

(

)

(

) Operative delivery (c/s or forceps etc.)

(

) Any bleeding before delivery

(

) Excessive bleeding after delivery

(

) Any stillborn babies

(

) Any babies dying in the first week

(

) Height

Normal delivery

All visits
(

) Mothers asked if she has any problems

(

) Advice given for these problems

(

) Advice given appropriate

(

) Weight

(

) Urine tested

(

) Blood for serology

(

) Examination of eyes or tongue for anaemia

(

) Blood for Hb.

(

) Examination of legs for swelling

After 7-8 months

(

) Examination of abdomen

(

) Fundal height

(

) Number of babies

(

) Presentation

(

) Checking of foetal heart

After 7-8 months (cont)

If appropriate

(

) Iron

(

) Folic acid

"

(

) Chloroquin

"

(

) Tetanus toxoid

"

given

If appropriate
(

) Mother referred to hospital

) Mother given next appointment

(

(

)Mother advised where to deliver

(

y Length of consultations

(

) Rapport between midwife and woman (tick)

(

) poor

(

) good

(

) Record card completed correctly

If mother is not specifically advised where to deliver, were any
comments made which would make the woman think it would be better

to deliver at home, health centre or hospital?
(

) Home

(

) Health centre

(

) Hospital

(

) What was her comment

(tick)

Appendix 9

Check list for antenatal care provided by trained traditional midwives

First vists - Full obstetric history

0

Mark

1

No

Yes

(

)

Age

(

)

problems in previous pregnancies

(

)

problems in previous labours

(

)

Length of previous labours

(

)

Retained placenta

(

)

Normal delivery

(

)

Operative delivery (c/s or forcepts etc.)

(

)

Any bleeding before delivery

(

)

Excessive bleeding after delivery

(

)

Any still born babies

(

)

Any babies died in first week

Height

All Visits
0

Mark

No

1

Yes

(

)

Mother asked if she has any problems

(

)

Advice given for these problems

(

)

Advice given appropriate

(

)

Examination of eyes or tongue for anaemia

(

)

Examination of legs for swelling

After 7-8 months

Mark 0

No

1

Yes

(

)

Examination of abdomen

(

)

Identification of size of uterus

(

)

Number of babies

(

)

Presentation

(

)

Checking of foetal heart

(

)

Checking of foetal movement

(

)

Mother told when she should be seen again

After 7-8 months (cont)

If appropriate
(

)

Iron

(

)

Folic acid

"

(

)

Chloroquin

"

(

)

Tetanus toxoid

"

given

If appropriate

(

)

Mother referred for routine check-up

(

)

Mother referred for follow up of a problem

(

)

Mother advised where to deliver

(

)

Length of consultation

Rapport between midwife and woman (tick)

(

)

Poor

(

)

Good

(

)

Record card completed correctly

Appendix 10

Checklist of traditional midwives' equipment
Score

0

(

)

Height measure

(

)

Foetal stethoscope

(

)

Drugs

(

)

Iron

(

)

Folic acid

(

)

Chloroquin

(

)

Antenatal records

(

)

Forms for statistics

(

)

Clean and tidy kit

No

1

Yes

(by observation - free of dust, insects and clean)

Cord ties either sterile or method of sterilisation known

Blade

The temporary "antenatal record” used in petauke Hospital

Appendix 11.

* MF

MINISTRY OF HEALTH

MF ■ IQ9 (wi)

OBSTETRIC RECORD HOSP CLINIC NO

Date of Discharge

A.N.C. NO.

HOSPITAL^CLINIC___________________________________ WARD No__________

109

Date of Admission

C.C. NO.

FINAL DIAGNOSIS

REASON FOR ADMISSION

PERSONAL DATA

Surname ------------------ ---------- Other Names

Residential Address

Nat. Reg. No.

Marital Status

Name of Husband

Religion

Postal Address

SUMLARY OF PREVIOUS OBSTETRICAL HISTORY (Especially Abnormalities, e.g. Caesarean S.)
PREVIOUS ILLNESSES/OPERATJONS

PRESENT PREGNANCY

L.M.P.Quickening

E.D.D.Menstrual History

Smmsary of A.N.C. Findir^s: 1st B.P.

at

Pelvic Assessment

W.R.Latest H.B.____

Weeks

Abnormalities

ON ADMISSION

Fundus

Weeks

Temp.

B.P.

Abdominal Palpation

F.H.Urine:

Anaemia

/

Heart

Oedema
P.V./P.R.

Alb.Sugar

Acetone

Abnormalities

Blood

Signature of Examiner

SUMMARY OF LABOUR

Membranes Ruptured Spontaneously/Artificially
Labour Commenced

Date/Time

/

19
Method of Deli very

Duration

1,n.

Stage 1

hrs.

Blood Loss

Infant Delivered,b,

Stage 2

hrs.

Delivered by

Placenta Delivered,m.

Stage 3

hrs.

Fully Dilated

SUMMARY

OF PUERPERIUM

,m.

ml.

Urine

BP
F H.

>

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

M

E

W
id

Temperature (Celsius)

o

A



w

m

w

w

oo

*

Day No.

Pulse

Reap.
Date
■■

Date

Treatment (Mot her)

Time

INFANT NOTES
Sign
Heart Rate
Resp.
Tone
Reflex

Sex
0
Absent
Absent
Limp
Nil
All Blue
or White

Colour

Apgar Score at 1 minute
Date



Time

Condition at Birth
1
Under 100
Slow Irreg.
Some Flexion
Some Motion
Pink Body
Blue Extre­
mities

2
Over 100
Crying
Active
Crying
All Pink

Signed

Clinical Maturity.Birth Weight

Grass

Length at Eirik

Cord Separated on

Day

Abnormalities

Age on Discharge

Days

Discharge Weight

Grams

If Birth Certificate Issued, State Ko,
Treatment (Infant)

-

Signed

-------------------------------------------------------- ----------------------------

Appendix 12a
Action orientated antenatal record card by Dissevelt, Kornman

and Vogel (1975) (12(3>

B

Name

Individual Number

Clinic

Location

Year of birth

[

/

Sublocation

Criteria for Delivery at home
J___ I

Married

Criteria for Delivery at H.C. or Hosp.

Unmarried

Ar,c 1^-35 years______________________ / /_______ Age <15 >35
Previous obstetrical history.
Deliveries

/I /2/3 /I. /

Abortions

E.X27

Stillbirths

no

£_/

yes,

2^7

Abnormal deliveries

no

2__ /

yes,

2W

••

$3 E3

............................................
............................................
....................

••••
*

Caesarian section

Forceps

APH

no

2__ /

FPH

no

2__ /

yes,
yes.

£7

........... ................................

hr

LJ

>2h hr,.

/'<■,/

....................

no

2__ /

yes,

££/

Labour
First vesk mortality


<2

9th mth preu: Head /

/ Other

" !

cun head enter: yes [ I Ko
/•■•'7
Antenatal conclusion for delivery:
At home / / At HC. /Z77 At Hosp,
Reason

Reason for referral during labour

_Physic»l d-»vrlor-rnt.

.1# yus.

Height (cm)

+

160 ’55

Pelvic-inlet (cm)

+

12.0 n-5
13.5 13.0
U.O ,3<5; ;y.e>

Pelvic-cutlet (knuckles)
Abnormalities

.r-7-

Delivery at .................
Alive
/ /
Birthweight

Date

/•?,-.-7
g
Sex

! *' J

Condition child at discharge

Alive

Specimen Antenatal record. Actual size 21 x 30 cm.

Sb

I

!

Died after

hours/dnyr.

Appendix 12b
Action orientated antenatal record card by Essex fa Everett
(1977) (103)

HEIGHT
BELOW H6cm»

FIRST VISIT ONLY

LIMP OR POLIO LEG

HISTORY OF COUGH FOR OVER
ADVICE ABOUT

4

ADVICE

ABOUT 1

DIET

WEANING

SEND SPUTUM
FOR TB TEST

WEEKS

'

‘---------- »

H IS T O R Y

DATE OF VISIT

bleeding since

r

L.M.P **


OTHER

SYMPTOMS

=====

VERY
ANAEMIC **

BP
IF OVER
140/90

*

E X A M IN A T IO N

OEDEMA
PROVE'N

AND
***

FUNDAL HEIGHT

FOETAL HEART

FOETAL LIE
Br * Tf
*
Vx
VERY BIG OR
SUSPECT TWINS *

TREATM ENT

IRON

FOLIC ACID
CHLOROQUINE
TETANUS TOXOID

OTHER

DRUGS

about

Place

——

DELIVERY

OF

A D V 1C E



ABOUT

HOW TO

take

treatment

DATE OF
NEXT VISIT

TOLD TO
BRING CARD
Hb

S1S31

PROTEIN

IN

URINE

SPUTUM FOR
IF POSITIVE

TB

NAME

.OTHER COMMENTS

PATIENT SUMMARY
NORMAL

WRITE

DOWN

PAST

HISTORY

THIS

PREGNACY

* mos^yai cci'vcav
•[!(• »o OOCtOB



A(ZCMAA|. »O "OJ*I’H

RISKS

(cont)

Appendix 12 b

RECORD FOR MOTHER

LABOUR

ANTENATAL CARD

RECORD

number

normal OVER 24 HRS

VD CS VAC EX FORCEPS BR OTHER

NORMAL

PPH

(normal I OVER 24 HRS |Iaph

APH

1__ 1
1
J

METHOD OF
DELIVERY

NAME OF
MOTHER

OTHER

VD CS VAC EX FORCEPS BR

NAME OF
HUSBAND
ADDRESS

MANUAL
REMOVAL.

NORMAL PPH

CONDITION

r>E GhTiSExI

Uanual 1

jtemoyal

1
PAST OBSTETRIC HISTORY

WEIGHT SEX[

AT BIRTH
DISCHARGE
AjB'clO fob Ai.v«jo«ia

D r. T

CONDITION
a! BIRTH
DiCHAHGE
A B|C'o|SB Ah««icMad

in

i~

IO

OR MORE PREGNANCIES

LAST PREGNANCY OVER IO YRS AGO
CAESARIAN SECTIONS

VACUUM EXTRACTION OR FORCEPS

|given||not given |

| G/VEN |INOT G
*VEN|

1

3 RO STAGE COMPLICATION
STILLBIRTH IN LAST PREGNANCY OR
MORE THAN I STILLBIRTH

NEONATAL DEATH in LAST PREGNANCY
OR MORE THAN I NEONATAL DEATH

ADVICE ON DISCHARGE
POST natal Clinic

3 OR MORE REPEATED ABORTIONS

PAST MEDICAL HISTORY

A NC ATTENDANCE
NEXT PREGNANCY
NEXT TIME

N0,ts

OVER 2 INFANT DEATHS - REFER
FOR ADVICE ON CHILD WELFARE

family SPACING

hospital DELIVERY

J

YES

~£L

OTHCR

TOLO Im AttP
CARO and BRING
WHEN PREGNANT

j

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