WOMEN IN CHARAKHA SILK REELING IN KARNATAKA I I INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE NAGARABHAVI P.O., BANGALORE - 560 072 A BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT REPORT MARCH 1994
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WOMEN IN CHARAKHA SILK REELING
IN
KARNATAKA
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INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE
NAGARABHAVI P.O., BANGALORE - 560 072
A BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT REPORT
MARCH 1994
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PQC
FOR RESTRICTED CIRCULATION ONLY
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WOMEN IN CHARAKHA SILK REELING
IN
KARNATAKA
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A BENEFICIARY ASSESSMENT REPORT
MARCH 1994
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Prepared by
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J. Acharya
S. Shashikala
N.R. Manjula
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INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE
NAGARABHAVI P.O., BANGALORE - 560 072
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PREFACE
Although it is generally accepted that Women form a considerable
proportion of the work force in Sericulture, contributing to as much as 62
percent of the labour force, not many indepth studies are available which
look into Women's participation and their contribution especially in the silk
reeling sector. Considering this lacuna, the 1993 round of the BA study
focussed exclusively on Women in Charaka Silk Reeling looking into
issues like their social status, motivation and compulsions of work,
awareness, decision making, attitude towards work and other related
aspects.
The cluster study was conducted by using participant observation and
case study methods, in the silk reeling areas of T.Narasipura and
Chamrajanagara areas, both of which have had a long history of reeling.
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The Report has been discussed with the officials of the Department of
Sericulture, Karnataka. The findings of the study were presented at the
National Workshop of the Beneficiary Assessment, February 1993. This
report is brought out with the hope that the findings and the suggestions
would be found useful by the policy makers and the implementing
agencies. Considering that 1994 is the Year of Women in Sericulture,
it is only appropriate that it is released now.
ACHARYA .J
SHASHIKALA .S
MANJULA ,N.R
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CONTENTS
Title
Chapter No.
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Summary and Suggestions
i - xiii
01.
Introduction
01
02.
Profile of the Working Women
05
03.
Motivation and Compulsion of work
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04.
Types of Activity
12
05.
Working Conditions, Attitude to
work, Women Abuse
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Decision Making, Social Status
and Leisure time
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07.
Cleaniness, Nutrition and Health
31
08.
Awareness and Future Aspirations
34
09.
Problems and Prospects
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SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS
In the entire process of conversion of cocoons to cloth, women form a considerable
proportion of work force, and this is more so in the silk reeling sector where they form
more than 62%. Women contribute substantially in the conversion of cocoons to both
filature and charakha silks.
The status of women in the reeling sector, especially in producing charakha silk, was
sought to be studied in the 1993 round of the BA. For doing this, Chamarajanagara
and T.Narasipura areas of Mysore district were chosen where only charakha silk is
reeled due to the availability of C'Nichi cocoons. The study covers eight villages in
and around the two towns. Case studies and conversational interviews were
conducted among a cross section of women.
BACKGROUND
Women belonging to all the three religious groups - Hindus, Muslims and Christians,
are found working in the silk reeling industry. Among Hindus, Vokkaligas, Lingayats,
Uppara Shettis, SCs predominate the scene.
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Most of the women are from families which pursue agriculture. Since reeling does not
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provide continuous occupation through out the year due to shortage of cocoons,
women look for other occupations like agriculture, rope-making, construction work etc.
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However, they do not like to pursue occupation other than reeling.
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Categories of Women
Women engaged in the reeling industry can be classified as
Entrepreneurs, those of the women who are not only license holders but
conduct business on their own. There are three such entrepreneurs in
T.Narasipura. They deserve attention considering that in the entire state there
are only four such women.
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Supervisors: i.e. those who supervise the reeling units, the number of
charakhas in the unit being four and above.
Women of family based units: one or two charakhas established at home
and run mainly by the family members.
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Wage earners: women who work on wages for others.
It is the economic compulsion, the need to survive, that has made all the three
entrepreneurs to enter the industry. Women wage earners are also pursuing reeling
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due to economic compulsions. Women of the other two categories are in the fray as
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it is the most inevitable thing to do, since reeling is conducted at the household level.
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Of the three women entrepreneurs, one is a turner turned entrepreneur, another is a
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turner who became a reeler and then turned entrepreneur and the third is a fresh
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entrant to the industry itself. This is a clear indication that occupational mobility for
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women need not necessanly be in the order of turner turned reeler turned
entrepreneur.
WORK LOAD AND DIVISION OF LABOUR
Wage earners work mainly as reelers. Many women wage earners pursue reeling in
the town, though they are residents of villages in which reeling is carried out. They opt
to work in the town due to continuous availability of work. In these areas, units are
closed down due to non availability of cocoons, the units in the villages run for a
shorter period of time than those in the towns.
Women of the family based units are spared the time spent on commuting. However,
unlike in bigger units, there is no clear-cut distinction made between the jobs allotted
to a turner and a reeler. As such, cleaning the oven and lighting it to boil water are
done by the women of the household. If reeling is done by men, women would have
attended to all this. Keeping the unit clean is also the job of the women.
The degree of supervision exercised by a woman varies depending on a host of
factors - the work assigned to the hired supervisor, the owner/man's involvement, the
religious background of the family and the educational level of the woman concerned.
It could however be said that those of the women who supervise the units mainly
look after the weighment of the cocoons, the number of ends fed at each end, the silk
production and the like. Arranging for labourers, and going to the market - both
cocoon and silk - are not done by women. Also, the days on which payment has to
be made, only if the man is not in town, the work is assigned to the woman. What
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needs to be highlighted here is that only that portion of the money is given which
would be needed for disbursement.
The work load of the women entrepreneurs is the same as that of the male
entrepreneurs. Apart from attending to the markets and supervising the work at their
units, one of the women entrepreneurs even puts in physical labour as a reeler.
WORKING CONDITIONS
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There is no wage dispanty in the reeling sector between a man and a woman doing
the same type of work. Work is done on a 'piece' wage basis, for every three kgs of
cocoons reeled (referred to as 'drop' here, gani in other areas), the reeiers and
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turners are paid in wages.
As a reeler, a woman earns Rs.4 in Chamarajanagara and Rs.3 in surrounding
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villages
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and as a turner Rs.2 and Rs. 1.50 per drop of 3 kgs of cocoons
In
T.Narasipura area, a reeler is paid Rs.3.50. and a turner Rs.2.00 for 2 kgs of cocoons
reeled.
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Wages are collected everyday in Chamarajanagara and once a week or once in ten
days in T.Narasipura area.
In a family based charakha unit, outside help/labour is rarely sought. But when family
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members' help, it is not as if they are not paid. The payment depends on whether they
belong to the same household (eating from the same kitchen). Co-sisters, sisters-in-
law, etc. are all paid in wages.
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Women who perform supervisory function are not paid any wages at all since they
work for the family at the household level. Entrepreneurs enjoy the gains and suffer
the loss, in monetary terms, like the other entrepreneurs of the reeling industry.
ADVANCES
This applies only to the wage earners. Advance paid by the employers to employees
is based on trust and not on gender. As much as Rs. 1000/- to RS. 1500/- is taken as
advance for purposes like celebration of festivals, etc.
WORKING HOURS
The hours of work are specified only for a wage earner, who puts in eight hours or
more of work depending on the season. For the other categones, the number of hours
are not quantifiable. Women entrepreneurs spend considerable amount of time in
attending to the market. The work hours of supervisors and woman of the family
based units extends upto late in the evening, depending not only on the season but
also on the time at which they start work, which again depends on the time taken by
the man of the household to purchase and transport the cocoons. If, to generate
working capital for the purchase of the cocoons, everyday sale of silk becomes
inevitable, then the work itself is started late and hence continues during the late
hours.
Even during the peak season, there are no shifts as such in the charakha units. Also,
shift system is not opted for by the entrepreneurs who produce quality silk. If the
quantity of cocoons purchased is on the higher side, than one or two extra ganis of
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cocoons are reeled. At such times women prefer to take a break, attend to household
work and continue reeling a little later.
ATTITUDES TOWARDS WORK
Wage earners have taken up reeling as there is no option open to them. Both the
supervisors and the women of the family based units are happy to be working within
the four walls of the house, conflict with others is reduced. Women supervisors even
concede that they get bored on days when work is not available. Women
entrepreneurs are grateful to the industry for giving them an opportunity to survive and
derive respectability in the society.
Women of the family based units prefer to work as turners than as reelers, as the
turning activity allows free movement. They feel that they are in a position to manage
household chores as and wnen children substitute their work as a turner. This cannot
be done if they work as reelers. Some women also feel that learning to reel would
create additional burden.
Whatever may be the category to which a woman belongs to, and whatever may be
her involvement in the reeling industry, she does not consider reeling either to be a
skillful or an unskillful activity.
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WOMAN ABUSE
Generally, one does not come across any instance where the employer abuses
women. The only time where women are repnmanded is when silk quality turns
uneven, this is done for ail employees, irrespective of the gender.
At home, women are abused, both orally and physically, if their men are drunkards.
HEALTH HAZARDS
The general complaints heard from the working women are breathing problem, chest
pain and blisters on hands.
Women of the family based units complain of health problems than compared to the
wage earners. That is to say that women wage earners tend to underplay such
complaints when compared to the next category of reelers. For wage earners, it is
more a question of survival - a fight for everyday existence. Once this is surpassed,
occupational hazards are noticed. Women who supervise the reeling units and the
entrepreneurs do not complain of any health problems.
DECISION MAKING
Of the four categones, viz., entrepreneurs, supervisors, women of the family based
units and wage earners, the control over money is with the first and the last category
only. In the wage earner's family, since women earn wages, their say in all matters
is not brushed aside easily. The entrepreneurs decide on all matters all by
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themselves. The women of the family units do not handle money at all, whatever is
needed for the household expenses has to be given by the men. The women
supervisors, sometimes handle money to pay the wage earners, it is done only under
the instructions of the men of the household
The decisions on what the money should be spent on etc., are taken by both the men
and the women, in the first and the last categones. Of the money earned, the entire
amount of the woman's earning is spent for the family, whereas the man keeps some
amount apart, for his expenses. How much money is spent by women on themselves
depends on the category to which they belong. Wage earners spend the least amount
on themselves since their money is essential to run the kitchen. There is no difference
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in the spending habits of those women who are single and those who are abandoned.
Both spend on the families.
Whatever may be the category to which a woman belongs, the first priority is given
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to the family. This is true of women entrepreneurs also.
Leisure Time
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Between the reeling work and the household work, women hardly get any leisure time.
If the household work is shared by others, then the leisure time available is more. In
this area, leisure time is perceived as times when there is no work available. But this
is not something that is opted for. Occasionally, the women wage earners spend their
leisure time by watching movies.
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AWARENESS ON GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMMES
a) Credit:
All women are not aware of all the programmes initiated by the government for them.
If credit is given, the extent and the reason for it are not known by them. Men are
more aware of the finer details than women. This is true of the first three categones.
Here, the women entrepreneurs stand out, as they are as much aware as ihe other
entrepreneurs are.
b) Training:
Except in villages where training is conducted, women are not aware of programmes
initiated by the Department of Sericulture. Those of who are aware of the training
programmes are, however, not aware of women's group formation and such other
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programmes.
GENERAL AWARENESS
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All women working in the industry, irrespective of the category to which they belong,
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are aware of the market from which the cocoons are bought and where the silk is
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sold. The women wage earners show minimal interest in knowing the price of cocoons
and that of the silk. Women of the family based units are informed about the rates,
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amount of time, are aware of the prices. Women entrepreneurs, of course, are well
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versed in the trade.
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price fluctuations etc, only if they enquire. Supervisors, who put in considerable
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PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
On going to the market
The first answer one gets from the women is "Why should I go when I have male
members in the family!" None of the women, except the entrepreneurs, have ever
been inside the cocoon market. As such they are not in a position to comment on the
facilities or lack of it, in the market.
Women entrepreneurs perceive no problem in visiting either of the markets, cocoon
and silk. They go unescorted and conduct transaction on their own. They do perceive
that unless other women participate in the market, their awareness relating to the
industry would be limited.
TRAINING PROGRAMME
Under the VISHWA programme of the Government of Karnataka, women working as
turners, were trained to become reelers. The programme was for three months and
was conducted taking the help of some entrepreneurs at the village level. A stipend
amount of Rs.300/- per month was assured. However, the women have got about
Rs.700/- to Rs.800/- for three months. The officials say that this was due to irregularity
in their attendance, though how this was worked out is not clear. The women trainees
were not explained why less amount of money is given to them. They express
resentment and feel cheated. They were assured that the pending amount would be
released in due course of time but their thumb impression has been taken for the
amount paid, which is what they would ever get. The trainees being uneducated have
remained unaware.
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The owners of the units where the training was conducted were promised some
amount but have not been paid either. But, the owners concede that there was no
written agreement or assurance given. Now, the owners say that they do not mind,
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if this amount is not given provided, they are given a credit of working capital
^Rs.30,000 to Rs.40,000). If this is not done, they would not co-operate when training
programmes are held in future.
The owners are critical of the programme and are apprehensive that starting of more
charakha units would lead to labour shortage. At the same time, they are not keen to
employ the trained personnel as reelers, since they consider that knowledge gained
by them to be inadequate. Women who were trained continue to work as turners, the
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training has not brought any change in their income level.
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The resentment towards trainees are exhibited not just by men (owners) but also
women (both turners and reelers). Reelers feel that though they have been doing this
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work since so many years, yet preference for loan is given to someone who is now
throwing thread for the first time'.
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FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
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Wage earners do not think that they can find work elsewhere or stop working. Some
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of the wage earners aspire to get loans from the Government to start their own units
but they are unsure of themselves - whom to approach etc., and have no driving force
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to become entrepreneurs. Even for the Government loans that they aspire, they can
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visualise starting of a single charakha unit where they themselves can reel.
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Women of the family based units do feel that they would like to stop working. They
would like to hire labourers to replace them in the reeling units. Women of this
category are also interested in expanding their units. They would like to install another
charakha even though they face the problem of cocoon shortage, as a result of which
they are at present unable to run the existing units to their full capacity. Such
aspirations have arisen more because of men of their family trying to persuade them.
Women who supervise their units do not wish to stop working. They do not think of
expanding the units either, mainly because of labour problems. They perceive that it
would be difficult to adjust labour and pay them advances. They are happy as long
as there is a continuous supply of cocoons.
The women entrepreneurs perceive adjusting working capital as the main hurdle. They
would like Governmental support in this regard. They find this to come in the way of
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expanding their units, which they would otherwise like to do.
SUGGESTIONS
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1.
Some citation for the three entrepreneurs should be given during 'the year of
the Women in Sericulture* because they are the only three in the entire state
(apart from one more in Hassan) who are reeling entrepreneurs in the true
sense of the word. A wide publicity should be given to them. Since they
possess leadership qualities, they could be asked to motivate other women to
function as entrepreneurs. This will work as there is a potentiality to build up
more entrepreneurs in this area.
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2.
Women entrepreneurs could be given working capital assistance. This they
need as they find mobilising monetary resources to be a difficult task.
3.
Training
programmes
for
women
reelers,
should
focus
on
account
maintenance, book keeping and how to function in the cocoon and silk
markets. Those engaged in reeling as a family based enterpnse and in
supervising their units, would be helped by this.
4.
Training programmes should also concentrate on creating awareness among
women on credit facilities that are available.
5.
The idea of training women at their villages is welcome but the follow-up is
inadequate. Formation of groups/ cooperatives of women reelers, should be
taken up immediately as a first step. For those of the women who are trained.
credit facilities should be made available.
6.
While giving credit, women whose children are working on wages for other
reelers, should be given priority.
7.
The Department of Sericulture should collaborate with adult education
department to conduct programmes for women reelers.
8.
For wage earners, the problem is one of non-availability of employment
throughout the year. To rectify this, alternate job opportunities - pupae
extraction etc., should be thought of.
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1.
INTRODUCTION
Silk reeling - the conversion of cocoons to raw silk - is an important component of the
sericulture industry. In this comoonent, women form a sizeable proportion of the work
force taking part in various activities like turning, reeling etc. Although women's
contribution to silk production is indispensable, their roles have remained 'invisible*.
This is despite the fact that as much as sixty two percent of the work force in reeling
comprises of women.
One of the main objectives of the National Sericulture Project (NSP) is to recognise
the role of women in both cocoon and raw silk production. The NSP envisages to
provide the necessary inputs to women by providing access to technology, credit and
income, among other things. A number of training programmes to develop skill in silk
reeling are also undertaken.
To facilitate this component of the NSP, the Beneficiary Assessment study has looked
into the status of women in silk industry, their conditions, motivations and aspirations,
their problems and compulsions, abuse and other related aspects. The study focusses
on the various dimensions of women's participation in charakha silk reeling. Charakha
is a traditional silk reeling contrivance and provides ample opportunity to gauge
women's participation.
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The study is based on participant observation and case study methods in the
traditional silk reeling clusters of Chamarajanagara and T.Narasipura taluks of Mysore
district.
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Table Profile of the reeling units
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Taluks
Total
no.of
charaka
■eelers
Total
no.of
charakas
Men
(no.of
reelers)
No.of
charka
Worn
reefer
No. of
charka
SCST
reeler
Oth.
Chamaraja
nagara
505
2877
487
2839
18
38
141
364
T.Narasipura
193
817
164
752
29
55
77
117
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Source: Technical
T.Narasipura, 1993
Service
Centres
(TSC)
Reeling,
Chamarajanagara
and
In both the areas, reeling activity is not only concentrated in the town but is also
spread over in the forty and odd villages surrounding the town, within a radius of
fifteen kms. The concentration of units is however more in the town (14 percent in
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Chamarajanagara and 23 percent in T.Narasipura) than i
in the villages. Mudala
Agrahara, Mangala Hosur, Madapura, Kingsur are the most prominent villages
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surrounding Chamarajanagara where reeling is concentrated. Mugur and Kurubur are
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prominent reeling centres around T.Narasipura.
3n an average, each reeler owns two charakhas, the maximum number being sixteen
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in Chamarajanagara and ten in T.Narasipura.
In Chamarajanagara, the reeling units
are concentrated in localities of Bangladesh, Kadakpur Mohalla, Adi Jambava Colony
and also near the railway station.
Not all the reelers operate their units all the time, only 30% of the reelers are actively
involved in reeling throughout the year. Seasonal variation, depending on the market
amvals of cocoons and renditta determine the reelers' participation. In summer, when
the arrival is more and renditta is on the lower side, maximum number of reelers
operate their units. Those of the entrepreneurs who are producing quality silk and
have an established contact with the trader, stop work when the cocoon quality is
poor.
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1.3
INFRASTRUCTURAL FACILITIES
Cocoon markets are established in both Chamarajanagara and T.Narasipuraa. The
cocoon transaction, on an average, is three to four tonnes in Narasipura and four to
five tonnes in Chamarajanagara. A Reelins TSC has oeen established since April
1991 in T.Narasipuraa ano in August 1991 ;n Chamarajanagara. Since September
1991, a Silk Exchange has been opened in Nagara and from August 3rd. a Karnataka
Silk Marketing Board (KSMB) branch has also started functioning.
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All the three types of charakha silk - fine, medium and coarse - are reeled. In
Chamarajanagara, both fine and medium types or silk are produced by 40% of the
reelers each, only 20% of reelers are reeling coarse silk.
At the Silk Exchange that has began to function in Chamarajanagara, 400-600 kgs of
silk are transacted per day. From its inception (in September ’91) to June *92, 22,770
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kgs of silk was purchased at the Exchange by the KSMB, which is the only purchaser
No traders are taking part as of now. Only thirty reelers are selling silk here,
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accounting to 20% of the total silk that is produced in the area.
1.4
METHODOLOGY
Chamarajanagara and T.Narasipura areas of Mysore distnct were chosen as the
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areas of study. The study was conducted both at the town based centres and in the
villages. The villages were chosen depending on the concentration of the reeling units.
In Chamarajanagara, Madapura, Mangala Hosur and Kirgasur villages were chosen.
Mugur, Madapura, Kurubur and Hiruyur villages around T.Narasipura were studied.
Also, a few of the filature units at Honnur were studied to draw a few comparative
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insights.
The methodology included primarily Participant Observation and Case Studies.
Rapport was built with women by repeatedly visiting the same reeling units over and
over again. Group discussions at an unit of Uppara Shetty's in Chamarajanagara was
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also conducted.
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2.
PROFILE OF THE WORKING WOMEN
SOCIAL BACKGROUND:
2.1
AGE:
Women of all age-groups are found engaged in the reeling industry. Women between
the age-group of 25-45 predominate the scene. Between the age-group of 15-18, not
many are found working. Above forty five also there is a decrease. However, there are
a few who are in the above forty five years category (below sixty) who are pursuing
reeling activity. This happens only if there are no other earning members in the family.
Chikkabasavamrm residing at Adi Jambava Colony of Chamarajanagara is
nearly sixty years old. She does not have good eye-sight and finds ft difficult
to see the silk thread move while reeling. Yet she has to reel since none of her
children ~ eight of them - are supporting her
One cannot, with accuracy, gauze the age of women. Ail women look atleast ten
years older than what they claim. This is not because they understate their age, but
due to various other reasons - like poverty, malnutrition etc.
Working women are unable to specify their correct age. They are hesitant to answer
any query regarding their age. Those who do, say that they have leamt this by asking
their mothers. There are two other ways by which women have been able to specify
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their age - however approximate - one is because it has been entered in the voters’
list and for Christians, entry is made in the Church. But, since they cannot distinguish
from one year to the next, it is difficult to accept their responses.
2.2
RELIGION :
Women belonging to the three different religious groups are - Hindus, Muslims and
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Christians found in the reeling sector. The Christians found here are converted
Christians - converted frcm the Scheduled Castes (SCs).
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The caste group to which women belong are Lingayats, Vokkaligas, Uppara Shettys,
CASTE :
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Panvara Naikas, SCs, - AK’s among them predominating.
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2.4
EDUCATION LEVEL
Uneducated and school drop-outs outnumber all others. A handful of literates are
found. Majority of the women wage-earners are those who have "never held slate
in their hand".
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2.5
LANGUAGE:
They speak only Kannada.
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2.6
MARITAL STATUS:
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A majority of women in the reeling sector are those who are married. There are
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however, quite a few women who are single - those who have never been married
and also those who are abandoned by their husbands.
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2.7
FAMILY BACKGROUND :
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Women wage earners are not necessarily from families which are into reeling. Most
of them are from families (father's side) which pursue agriculture.
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The incidence of all the members of the family in reeling is less when compared to
families which have some in reeling and some in agriculture. Also, cases of husband
pursuing agriculture activities and wife in reeling are not uncommon. Javaraiah and
Devamma are husband and wife residing at Madapura (T.Narsipura). Javaraiah
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is sixty years old and was working on wages in agriculture when young.
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Devamma is fifty years and is pursuing reeling. Since they have eight
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daughters, five of whom are married and three still with them and since the man
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of the household is no longer earning due to labourious agricultural work.
Devamma continues to work though old.
2.8
OTHER OCCUPATIONS PURSUED :
Since reeling does not provide continuous occupation throughout the year - cue ;o
shortage of cocoons - those in the reeling industry (women included) except big
entrepreneurs, look-out for occupations which include agriculture, rope-making,
construction work etc. Puttananjamma, is fifty five years old and works as a reeler
in Mugur. When work is not available, she earns money by making ropes. She
has to do this since there is no one else to look after her. She is a widow.
Women wage earners, given the option, do not like to take-up other occupations
outside in the sun. Their argument is 'after working in the shade, how can anyone
work in the sun?’
3.
MOTIVATION AND COMPULSIONS OF WORK
3.1
CLASSIFICATION
0
Women engaged in the reeling industry can be classified into
Wage earners1
Women of the family based units2
Supervisors3
Entrepreneurs4
WAGE EARNERS :
The general tendency is for women to have worked as turners when they were young.
After marriage/child birth- when economic compulsion forces them, they turn to this
occupation. Under such circumstances, the chances are that the women continue to
work as turners and/or reelers. We came across only one case where the wife reeled
and husband turned the wheel. But this, we later realised, was only a temporary
arrangement Marirachaiah pursues agriculture to earn wages and on days when
work is not available steps in as a turner when his wife Chandramma reels.
There is some sort of conviction, deep rooted, that after a certain age they
cannot learn to reel. But this belief is not universal.
i
Wage Earners: Those earning wages - everyday or
once a week, as the case may be.
2
Family Based Units:
One or two charakhas
established at home and run mainly by the family
members.
3
Supervisor: Those who supervise the reeling units
established
at
home
are
referred
to
as
Supervisors. These units would have more than
four charakhas.
4
Entrepreneurs: Those of the women who are not
only the unit owners but also transact business
on their own.
8
h
o
>
Those who have learnt to reel at an young age would have discontinued for
some years and start reeling after this gap.
For those who have learnt the skill, it is the most inevitable thing to do, when
economic compulsions forces them.
If women join the reeling industry afresh, that is without any previous reeling
experience. Even if young, they join only as turners and not as reelers. They
may later on pick-up the skill of reeling.
WOMEN OF THE FAMILY BASED UNITS:
Women have taken up reeling/tuming as something inevitable.
In single charakha units, at Adi Jambava colony of Chamarajanagara, the skill is
passed on from men to women. Men learnt to reel by working for wages with Muslim
owners of the same area and have started units of their own. Here, the age of the
women to learn reeling has mattered little. But even here, women start work by
turning the wheel and later on have become reelers.
3
SUPERVISORS:
Since the work process is at home, it is inevitable for women to take-up supervisory
activity. Women have come from families other than reeling and have picked up the
skill of reeling after marriage. It is only this category of women who can be said to be
motivated to take-up this activity.
7
ENTREPRENEURS:
As mentioned earlier, the area of study achieves importance in view of the fact that
"J
there are three Entrepreneurs, who in the strict sense of the term, operate the units
5
on their own (for a brief profile of the Entrepreneurs see Appendix I).
7
3
9
7
0
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It is the compulsion - the need to survive - that has made all the three women
Kalamma, Yeshodamma and Chinkramma to become entrepreneurs. Kalamma and
o
her children had little to eat, as such. Kalamma started preparing Bondas (a
0
South Indian delicacy) and selling it While making door-to-door delivery, she
o
observed people in the village pursuing reeling. She joined work as a turner -
o
a job which she did only for two months - before becoming an entrepreneur by
0
selling the land given to her by her father. She says that her intention of
0
becoming an entrepreneur stemmed from the need to feed her children. She
0
was helped by her brother, to start with.
0
0
Yeshodamma is from a family which she claims had seen better days. Belonging to
the landed gentry caste of Karnataka - Vokkaligas - her family (from father's side) is
well-known and well-respected. Since her siblings are doing well, she wanted to be
0
0
no less than them. As such she thought of starting a business of her own, reeling was
the first thing that came to her mind. Yeshodamma chose reeling since her aunt from
maternal side was already in the industry, in this sense, she is not the first in the
family to take up reeling.
0
Chinkramma was motivated to take up reeling by the credit facilities offered by the
0
DOS for women. Having worked as both a turner and a reeler, she is confident of
making a success of it.
0
3.2
WORK HISTORY :
0
Those who were turners when young are reelers now. There are also those who have
0
joined the industry as turners. No one joins the industry directly as reelers, unless
they have undergone training.
0
0
0
0
It is not necessary either that reeling is a hereditary occupation or an occupation
pursued by some other member in the family to
pursue it. Although some women
have had either of the parents in reeling, many are first generation reelers. Their
0
parents - father in agnculture, mother may or may not be pursuing in agriculture, is
0
not uncommon either.
0
0
0
0
0
*•
10
K>
Single charakha units in Adi Jambava colony started years ago. Over years, some f
the units have expanded in size.
o
0
Mobility from wage earners (men) to family based units with women learning the skill
0
of reeling from men is not uncommon either.
0
Of the three women entrepreneurs, one is a turner turned entrepreneur, another is a
turner who became a reeler and then turned entrepreneur and the third is a fresh
0
entrant to the industry itself. This is a clear indication that occupational mobility for
women need not necessarily be in the order of turner
turned reeler turned
entrepreneur.
3
3
11
0
o
4.
TYPES OF ACTIVITY
o
o
The types of activities pursued by women of different categories differ.
0
0
WAGE EARNER :
0
0
Women are employed in charakha units either as reelers or as turners.
0
3
A turner turns the wheel of the charakha. Apart from this, there are many more jobs
that a turner has to do. This includes mainly fetching of fuel and water, cleaning of the
0
utensils used in reeling and boiling the reeling water.
3
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A WOMAN TURNING THE WHEEL OE A CHARAKHA
O
0
0
0
12
0
0
Reeler is the person who converts cocoons to silk. It is for this job that a reeler is
paid. Apart from reeling silk, there are some other jobs that a reeler is expected to do.
Jute cleaning is done by the reeler, whatever jute is taken out from each of the reeling
basins is to be cleaned by the respective reelers. Removing the pupa from the basin
3
and collecting it in a bucket, removing silk from the charakha are jobs of a reeler.
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•.
A WOMAN REELING
WOMEN OF THE FAMILY BASED UNITS :
In a family based unit, no clear cut distinction is made between the jobs assigned to
a turner and a reeler, especially when the jobs are performed by the members of the
same family. Even if labourers are hired - one person is hired and one is a family
member and even if the roles that have to be performed are assigned, it is not strictly
adhered to as in the larger units.
The job of the turner, if hired, viz., that of cleaning the oven and lighting it to boil
water etc., are at times done by the woman of the household without waiting for the
turner to arrive. If reeling is done by the man, by the time he comes back home from
13
the cocoon market, the woman would have boiled water, stifled the cocoon, if stifling
is necessary/
Cleaning of the cocoons with water to remove the dirt is a process done by the
women of the single charakha units. Keeping the unit clean is also the job of the
woman.
SUPERVISION :
The extent of supervision done by the women, varies from one unit to another. In this
area, the general tendency is to hire a person - always a man - to carry out the
supervisory work. The supervisors -
Mestri's' - work involves weighing cocoons,
monitoring the number of cocoons fed at each end, skeining, supervising, stifling and
also jute cleaning2. Apart from this, they also have to arrange for labourers, if there
is an absentee, they have to look for a replacement. Also, when the work starts, he
would have to fetch the labourers, especially if there is work stoppage and re-start of
the unit after a gap of a few days months.
If in the unit, there are more than four charakhas, a supervisor is appointed. If it is
less, than the owner - in essence - the work of the woman of the household is
considered sufficient.
The degree of supervision varies depending on a host of factors - the work assigned
to the supervisor, the extent of time put in by the owner, the entrepreneurs religion
and the education level of the women. We conducted ten case studies at
Chamarajanagara town, Kurubur and Kirgsur villages which showed different
variations.
Among the five Muslim entrepreneurs contacted, the extent of supervision by the
women of the household (entrepreneur's wife) vanes.
i
The quality of cocoon purchased is so low that
even if stifled. it is only for a few minutes.
2
In some of the units, for jute cleaning. a
separate labourer is hired, Either children or
men are hired for this job.
14
I
In A's unit, though the reeling unit is within the same compound as the residence, the
women are not involved in supervision at all. Women, including girls at home, are
involved in beedi-making. The head of the household insists that the women shoula
not get involved in reeling.
However in B's unit, B's wife is constantly present at the work spot. She does not
consider supervision - which mainly involves keeping an eye on the work orocess to be tedious. Since the men workers who are employed are old (in the six charakha
units, only two are men workers) i.e. around 45 - 50 years,
she does not mind
coming out. Mrs.B perceives that all work of a Mestri' can be done except fetching
labourers, when there are absentees.
In units owned by Muslims, if the work spot is different from the residence, then there
is no supervision put in by the women as found in the cases of C & D. In C's unit, a
supervisor is hired and in D's unit, one of the younger brothers - there are three - of
fhe owner looks after the functioning of the unit.
We came across only one case where, although the working unit is different from the
dwelling house, supervision - book-keeping - is done by Mrs. E. Mrs E "supervises the
supervisor's" work - the supervisor has to weigh the cocoons and the silk under her
i
vigilance. Since she is educated - has studied upto pre-university - she maintains a
day to day account of all transactions. Separate book-keeping, which is wntten
separately from the household expense, is maintained by her.
In other than Muslim run units, the participation by women depends on the amount
of work assigned to the supervisor. For eg. in a ten- charakha unit run by Uppara
Shettys, the owner F not only has a supervisor working for him but he himself puts
in a considerable amount of time, as such the role of the women is fully reduced. In
■*
another eight-charakha unit, again managed by Uppara Shettys, the supervisor's job
is restricted to carting water and jute cleaning. The women conducts all other activities
- ensures that the silk quality is maintained, and that the work is done deligently and
she even stifles the cocoons, which is very rarely done by women.
15
J
The same is true of a six-charakha unit run by Lingayais at Kirgsur. Where ail the
work, except stifling, is done by Mrs.G. However, Mrs.G, unlike Mrs E, does not wnte
down anything but remembers everything - to give a day to day account to her
husband. H of Kurubur owns a six-charakha motor unit and has a supervisor, he
openly admits that he does not think much of his wife’s supervisory capacity. Mrs.H
however claims to have been looking after the unit ever since her caughter was four
months old. Her daughter is sixteen years now.
Whatever may be the degree of vanation, even in the units mainly managed and
"supervised" by the women, - if the house-cum-work area is the same, women are
involved in keeping a vigil on "Gudu Aaduvudu, Yele voduvadu” (the movement of
cocoons and the thread). Also, women orefer to supervise the women workers, they
find it difficult to interact with men workers. In none of the units, is the work of wage
payment assigned to the women. It is always the man who does this job, only in his
absence, this task is assigned to women. Even when done, only the required amount
is given to her for disbursement.
in the reeling industry, there are some functions which are considered beyond women
's capability. These activities mainly are stifling and skeining. However, one does
come across stray incidences, where these activities are performed by women.
Shivamma, wife of Puttamadashetty, who owns a eight-charakha unit in
Chamarajanagara, conducts the stifling process, although a supervisor is hired.
The supervisor's help is sought by the woman to lift the basket and to place it
on the pan containing boiling water as well as while removing it after stifling is
completed.
Sundaramma of Mangala Hosur skeins silk efficiently. But she does not do this
regularly. When skeined silk is collected, the work of carrying it to the place of
storage is, however done by men.
Both Shivamma and Sundaramma do not consider the activity done by them as
skillful. Perhaps it could be inferred that the activity of lifting weight is strenuous and
is therefore found difficult; the actual process of skeining and stifling, which are
16
3
o
defined
as
skillful
can
be
performed
by
This
them.
is
made
evident
in
Chamarajanagara filature unit where women are employed for skeining the silk hanks.
Stifling is however not done by women as it involves the use of hot air dryers which
are considered as complicated machineries to operate. The other process of re-reeling
o
of silk, which is said to be a man's job exclusively, is also done by women here. The
difficult part of this operation is that if the thread is not uniform, with many breaks,
then one has to bend many times to tie the knots since the smaller reels are placed
on the ground. Women find this back-breaking work difficult to perform.
ENTREPRENEURS:
Their functions include bidding for the cocoons in the cocoon market, getting it
I
3
transported to their work place, hiring labourers, supervising the work of the labourers,
paying them money as well as advance, selling the silk product/s in the silk market
etc.
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A WOMAN ENTREPRENEUR OF TNARASIPURA BIDDING FOR
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COCOONS IN THE COCOON MARKET-A RARE SIGHT INDEED!
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17
□
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5.
WORKING CONDITIONS, ATTITUDE TO WORK, WOMEN
ABUSE
PRESENT WORK :
Many women wage earners pursue reeling in their villages - place of residence. There
are those who pursue jobs in the town even thougn they come from villages wnere
reeling activity is earned out. They opt to work in the town due to continuous
availability of work.
The distance to the work place is covered by foot. If the distance is not too far and
if the money spent on transport is to be saved, they walk the distance. The maximum
time spent by women in commuting is half an hour and the maximum amount spent
on transport is Rs.2/- (per day).
Women either commute in groups or aione to the worx place - depending on the
household work pressure.
Women of the family based units and supervisors are not faced with the necessity or
travelling to the work place. Entrepreneurs spend considerable time and money in
attending to the market. Whereas both Kaiamma and Yeshodamma stay at close
quarters to the cocoon market (T.Narasipuraa), Chinkramma has to commute by bus
from Madapura to T.Narasipura. She is accompanied by her brother. About four to five
3
hours are spent in travelling to the market, bidding for cocoons and going back to
Madapura. All three of them go to the Silk Exchange, Bangalore, once or twice a
fortnight, depending on the production of silk. Kaiamma and Yeshodamma go on their
own, Chinkramma prefers to go with her brother.
J
□
In chese areas units are closed down due to nonavailability of cocoons,
the units in the
villages run for a shorter period of time than
those in town.
18
5.1
WORKING CONDITIONS
5.1.1 WAGES:
in fact, it is only the wage earners who are oaid' -or :ne work they do
WAGE EARNERS:
There is no wage dispanty in the reeling sector - more specifically in the cnarakha
units - between a man and a woman doing the same type of work.
Work is done on a piece basis, for every 2.5 or 3 kgs of cocoons referred to as drop
utilised for reeling purposes, the reelers ana turners are paid in wages. The stipulated
wage rate differs from area to area.
As a reeler, a woman earns Rs.4 in Chamarajanagara and Rs.3 in surrounding
villages (per drop of 3 kgs) and as a turner Rs.2 ana Rs. 1.50. in T.Narasipuraa area,
a reeler is paid Rs.3.50 and a turner Rs.2.00 for 2 kgs of cocoons reeled. Generally,
per day, five drops' of cocoons are reeled.
Wages are collected everyaay in Chamarajanagara and once a week or ;nce in ten
days in T.Narasipuraa area. Wage dispanty, based on gender, is found in filature units
at Honnur. Here, for reeling in Filature units, a male reeler is paid Rs. 14/-. whereas
a female reeler is given Rs. 10/-. In the same village, in charakha units, for a crop of
cocoons reeled, a reeler is paid, irrespective of gender differences - Rs.2.50 and a
turner - Rs. 1.50. Per day five drops of cocoons are reeled, fetching Rs. 12.50 to the
reeler and Rs.7.50 to the turner, tn Honnur. filature units are more in number.
WOMEN OF THE FAMILY BASED UNITS :
In a family based charaka unit, outside help/labour is rarely sought. When family
members' help is sought, it is not as if they are all not paid. The payment depends on
whether they belong to the same household (eating from the same kitchen). Co
sisters, sisters-in-law, etc., are all paid in wages.
19
SUPERVISORS :
Women who perform supervisory function are not paid in wages since they work for
the family at the household level. Women consider their contnbution as a part of the
household activity and not as extra work.
ENTREPRENEURS :
They enjoy and suffer the gam and the loss like the other entrepreneurs of the reeling
industry.
5.1.2 ADVANCE:
This applies only to the wage earners. Advance is paid by the employers to
employees based on trust and not on gender. Women wage workers take advance/s
from the owners for vanous reasons - for consumption purposes, especially wnen no
work is available, for the purooses of celebrating festival, wedding, etc.
Advance is repaid back by opting for a cut in the salary, whenever desired. The
amount of advance vanes from Rs.500/- for a turner and Rs. 1000/- or more for a
reeler.
5.1.3 WORKING HOURS :
The number of working hours put into the reeling activities differ from one category
of women to another.
WAGE EARNERS:
In the charakha units, however big, there is no specnic well-defined time to start work.
Generally the reeling work starts a little after 8.00 a.m. Reelers start work an hour
later than the turners. By around 8.30 a.m. all the charakhas would be running.
20
After converting each drop of cocoon to silk, there is a break in the work process. To
reel each drop/gani of cocoons, it takes one hour fifteen minutes to one ana a half
hour, depending on the quality of cocoons Each break would be for ten to fifteen
minutes. Even in motor run units, work - breaks are not aefmea. work starts almost
simultaneously
with less than ten minutes difference (between operating different
charakhas).
in filature units, the hours of work are fixed from 8.00 a.m. to 12.00 noon and 1.00
p.m. to 5.00 p.m. Between 10.00 to 10.30 a.m. and between 3.30 to 4.00 p.m., there
would be short breaks in the work, also from 12.00 a.m. to 1.00 p.m. there is a luncn
break.
WOMEN OF THE FAMILY BASED UNITS:
The work of a turner and a reeler is not well-demarcated in a family based unit. As
such, one cannot calculate the hours of work a woman puts in. The advantage for the
women of this category is that they save time that is otherwise spent in commuting
’o the work place.
The hours of work in a family based reeling unit vanes. The time at which the work
begins is not well defined. In Adi Jambava colony at Chamarajanagara. it could be
any time from noon-onwards. This is because of the way the reefers have chosen to
function.2 The silk reeled on the previous day is sold next morning to a local broker,
from whom money is collected and this is used to purchase cocoons in the market.
Depending on the time taken at the auction in the cocoon market, the cocoons are
taken home. Somewhere at noon the reeling process begins - water for reeling is
boiled around this time. Some women however wait till the cocoons are brought home
before putting water to boil. Till this time, ail household chores are attended to.
The work of reeling, at times, extends upto 7.30 p.m. - 8.00 p.m. in the night or even
later. This happens when work itself is started late/or, if excess of cocoons are
2
Small reelers operating one or two charakhas each
find it difficult to sell the silk, unless this
is done, they cannot mobilise resources to
purchase cocoons again.
21
library
<
AND
\ DOCUMENTATION
uN,T
J
purchased. Also, the quality of cocoons purchased is low, the time taken to convert
it into silk is on the higher side. Women work late in the evening. That is to say that
even if labourers are hired for purposes of reeling, they would oot to stop reeling after
certain hours, and at this time, the women of the family steo-m. This intervention
oecomes inevitable especially when the cocoon quality is so low that they cannot oe
kept overnight?
SUPERVISORS :
The number of working hours put in by the women of this category is not quantifiable.
The time put in by the women to supervise gets reduced when there is a supervisor
appointed for the purpose.
ENTREPRENEURS :
They spend as much time as men of this category aoT in the market, oiddmg for
cocoons. Since Doth Kalamma and Yesnodamma do not know to reel, they take part
only in supervisory activities once they return home. Chinkramma.
however ” els
before she sets out for the market. If time cermits. she also substitutes for reeiers. if
aosent, later in the day.
5.1.4 NUMBER OF SHIFTS :
Even during the peak seasons, there are no shifts as such in the charakha units. In
Honnur filature units, when there are shifts, women prefer the late night shifts than
continuing work late in the evenings. They opine that this break is needed to go home
and attend to household chores like cooking etc. Mahadevamma who works in the
five-basin filature unit at Honnur on wages works from eight to five everyday, with
breaks in between. When extra 3 kgs of cocoons are to be reeled, she prefers to co
3
The quality of cocoons purchased in so low that
they are not stifled at all. Even if it is
stifled,
it
is only
for
five minutes.
Usually
women wash these cocoons in cold water before
using it for reeling. Most reeiers add yellow
powder to the water while reeling, bo add colour
to rhe silk.
22
J
home and return in the night. This way, she feels, that she can attend to household
chores also, which only she has to attend to as there is no other woman in the house.
5
Some of the reelers who are particular aoout the quality of silk oroduced, do not allow
a reeler to reel more than rive, at the most, six droos of cocoons at a stretch, ’hey
feel that this is necessary to maintain the oroductivity cr the reeler ana hence the
quality.
5.1.5 NUMBER OF WORKING DAYS :
All days, including Sundays, are working days. Only if the units are closed there is no
work. The days of work and the days or holidays are dependent on the pnce at which
the cocoons are available and the availability of working capital with the entrepreneur.
5.2
ATTITUDE TO WORK .
Women, of the first three category, nave accepted their involvement in the industry
as something inevitable. This is esoecially true of wage earners. Wage earners ooine
that they have taken up reeling work as there is no other option open for them.
Women who are engaged in their family run units express vanous views, some of
which are:
a)
They are happy to be working within the four walls of the house. Abuse or
conflict with others is reduced.
b)
The work keeps them so much engaged, that they have no time to interact
unnecessarily with others - gossip sessions -which may
end
jp in
manastaapas* (misunderstandings) are avoided.
A very few women however feel that it would be better if they worked on wages. This
way they do not have to ask the men folk for money even to go to the movies. But the
number of women who feel this way is out numbered by those who feel that whatever
they earn goes to the family.
23
0
J
a
There are some women who are working as turners in the family based units. They
do not express any wish to learn reeling - as they are afraid that learning the skill
would create additional work burden. Puttasidamma works as a turner while her
husband reels in their single-charakha unit at Chamarajanagara. Both are keen
on educating their children, their two daughters and a son are attending school.
Puttasidamma refuses to learn reeling as she feels that she has more than
enough work to attend to - working in the kitchen, getting children ready to go
to the school etc. She feels that she is in a better position to manage the
household chores since her work can be managed by some one - one of her
children - when they return from school. She openly admits that if she had
learnt to reel, her husband would have left the job to her and they could never
have saved on wages because of which they are educating their children.
I '
Turning work gives scope for movement, it is a function which could be performed by
any member in the family. As such, when women want to take a break - to attend to
household activity etc., they assign the work to their children.
Many women are grateful to the silk reeling industry for vanous reasons, in tne family
oasea units, women compel men to ourcnase cocoons so that they can worx and be
nd of their boredom. Nagu, Shakuntala and Mahadevamma are co-sisters working
in theirsingle-charakha units at Adi Jambava colony in Chamarajanagara. They
insist that their husbands buy cocoons so that they are actively engaged
throughout the day. This way, they feel that they have less time to mingle with
others in the colony which reduces conflict and therefore misunderstanding. In
family based single-charakha units, the tendency is to keep working even if 4 kgs of
cocoons are bought dunng lean season/s. This makes the reefers feel that they are
not unemployed - that they are working. Such opinions are more often heard from
among women of the supervisory category, especially those who are Lingayats and
also from among the Muslims. Whatever may be the degree and extent of their
supervision, women consider life without reeling activity to be bonng. Muslim women
concede that this is because of the restraint placed on their movement aue to
religious bamers.
i he three women entrepreneurs are grateful to the industry, without which they would
not have been able to thnve. As Kalamma puts it. "if it was not for Reshme Thaie
24
3
J
3
(silk mother)' my life would have been worse than the saree which is bought at
auction" (Haraju Seregu Layaku Aagutheralilla).
d
3
3
3
O
3
Whatever may be the category to which a woman Delongs and whatever may be her
nvolvement in the reeling industry, she does not consider reeling to oe either a skillful
or an unskillful activity, r.owever, the general perception that the art of reeling cannot
oe picked up after a certain age indicates that reeling needs skiII.
5.3
WOMEN ABUSE :
3
3
One does not come across any instance where the employer ill-treats/abuses women.
3
The only time when women are repnmanaed is when the quality of silk turns uneven,
3
this is done for all employees irrespective of the gender. Although men take longer
3
work-breaks and also more number of breaks than women, they are not repnmanded
3
either as wages are not dependent on the daily output.
3
At home, women are abused both physically and orally, if their spouse is in the naoit
of dnnking liquor. Such instances are common in the wage earning category, as also
m the smaller charakha units.
3
3
0
25
6.
DECISION MAKING , SOCIAL STATUS AND LEISURE
TIME
5.1
DECISION MAKING
/Vhether children nave to oe sent to school or to worx are decisions that are jointly
taken by the parents. Working children when questioned as to wno decided to send
them to work confirm this. ~his is especially true of families where women work
outside on wages
The wage eamining women have a better bargaining capacity, than those who are
engaged in their family units - both in the single cnarakha units and in the bigger
units. Since women wage earners
contnbute monetanly, to the running of the
household, their say in ail matters is not orushed aside easily. Even though
supervisors handle money - to pay wage earners etc . this is done only in the absence
of the male members of the family.
Decision regarding the day to aav running of the household is taken cy women. They
areassisted by their husbands and children at the time of purchase of grocery etc.,
and by children to attend to small chores.
Men take partassist .n household work
only when women are inaisoosed.
The wages earned are collected from the employers by women themselves. Even in
cases where both the husband and the wife work in the same unit, the wages would
be given to either one of them/ It is not necessary that the wages are given to the
male worker as seen in the case of Premakuman who works along with her husband
in the same unit at Madapura (Chamarajanagara).
Money earned by the wage earning women is generally not handed over to her
husband. In fact, part of the money earned by him and the entire amount earned by
Since all the reeling units do not work
the
time, members
i
of a family do not opt to work in
the same anit. This _s especially the oase m
Chamarajanagara,
it
is
also a
rarity
in
T.Narasipura.
26
0
the children is given to her to meet me housenoid expenses. This does not hapoen
■f men are addicted to liquor. Also, money is given to the men for their expenses wnen
’hey are not earning. In these areas, there are families where men pursue agncc^ure
and women are into reeling, if men are not able to find employment women give their
3
earnings to them. This may be the entire amount earned or only some amount to
meet their tnvial expenses.
Of the money earned, the entire amount of a woman's earning is spent for the family
whereas-men keep some amount for their expense - for purchase of beedi etc. Vijaya
Mary, a Christian convert, working at Kirgsur, considers it necessary to have
access to the wages earned by her husband. She concedes that her husband
retains Rs.5/- before handing over the rest of his earnings to her. This amount,
she feels, would be needed by him to purchase beedis, or to drink a cup of
coffee etc. Women wno are unmamed also give their wages for household expenses
: to their parents). They retain some amount with them and give the rest to their family.
With the amount retained, articles like bangles, bmdis etc are purchased. There is no
Jifference in the spending habits of those women who are single and those wno are
abandoned. Both spend on their families. Abandoned think more aoout their children
unmamed and young, a little more on ear nngs, clips etc
-tow much of money is spent on tnemseives aepends on the category to wmch a
woman belongs. Wage earners spend the least amount on themselves since tneir
money is essential to run the kitchen. Apart from household expenses, buying grocery
etc - women also try to set aside some amount of money to buy articles like ruober,
pencil etc., for their school going children. Since, children - school going and also
working children - ask their mothers for money, whatever is earned is kept with her.
Cross-checking with working children in the reeling industry also confirms that it is
their mothers who are approached for money as and when the need anses.
Whatever be the category to which sne belongs, the first pnonty given by a woman
is to cater to the needs of the family, jome amount or money is spent on the
transport if the worx place is far from the place of residence. Also, if hungry, they
purchase eatables in the afternoon.
27
0
J
3
Women entrepreneurs exhibit a trend which is in many ways different from the other
women reelers. Like other women, their pnonty is also their family - children. Tl
J
decisions whether related to business or household matter is taken by them. In fact.
Yeshodamma decides household matters even for her relatives; she is often
approached to settle inter- family disputes by her relatives. This is not only
3
because of the rapport she has with her relatives, but also because the relatives
consider her to be bold and capable of sailing through any situation, however
difficult owing to her business acumen.
Both Kalamma and Yeshodamma are doing financially better-off than their
husbands; yet they do not support their husbands monetarily. They do not ask
their husbands to give their earnings nor do they give their earning to them.
Kalamma is very adamant in refusing any hold of her husband on the income
she earns. She says that since he could not cater to his family's needs when
they were almost on streets, he has no moral right to ciaim even a share of her
earnings now.
6.2
SOCIAL STATUS
The professional mobility has brought in a positive change in the status of all the three
entrepreneurs. They perceive that they are oetter-off now man they were before.
Chinkramma says that being an entrepreneur is better since she nowatleast has
time to talk to her relatives. Previously she lived on the wages earned everyday
and could not afford to miss out on work even for a day. Now, she can adjust
her timings of work. Kalamma is so obsessed with her work that even when
relatives come visiting, she makes a quick dash to the market even if she is not
participating in the auction. Yeshodamma is much respected in the family circle
and is called to make major decisions concerning their lives.
Men feel now threatened of the competence exhibited by these women. Kalamma.
when she established a two-charaKha unit and started going to the marxet. men
allowed her to take part with a sympathetic "papa, hennuhengasu" (poor lady). iNow
sne says that their approach has changed since sne has established four cnarakhas
and is doing reasonably well.
28
Socially, among the wage earners, .ve ‘Ind abandonee ana unmamed women
alongwith those wno are mamed. In a six-cnarakna unit at Chamarajanagara. of the
twelve workers (of wmeh only two are male workers), the women are either unmamec
Tour of them) or abandoned (five in number), while oniv one claims to oe naopily
•namea. The women wno are unmamed want to remain so. they reel that this is oest
since they have seen many cases where me nusoana either abuses me ,vomen or
eaves her. Because of mis. they feel that soenainq on down/ ana on the oerrormance
of the marriage ntual itself would be a waste
The women who were aoandoned by their husoands oo not Know where their soouses
are. They are not even aware if they have remamed and could not care less. They
somehow feel that if they men) could not lead a normal life with them, tnev cannot
be nappy with anyone else. But, if they return, they are ready to accept them in their
iives without any quaims. However, they feel that it is best that they do not return lest
they go away again leaving them with one more kid to look after!
"he abandoned women concede that tneir men were consuming nquor ana aid "ot
give enough money to run the households. Fignts would ensue because women couid
not bear to see their children starve. At this stage, they joined work, against the
/visnes of their husbands to keep the kitchen fire burning'. Women agree that they
no not mind giving a part of their earnings to their husbands in the hooe that they
would not go away. This, they do. to achieve respectability in the society.
Among the women, there is a general consensus on the fact that it is better to oe
mamed and even abandoned than to remain unmamed. The society is more
symoathetic towards those abandoned than towards the single girls who are victims
of cnticisms, comments and allegations of all kinds.
6.3 LEISURE TIME :
Between the reeling work and the household work, a woman hardly gets any leisure
time. For attending to household work, f she -s assisted bv ner children, then the
leisure time available is more Even if the household work is done by someone else
29
J
■n the farr.iiv, mother, sister,etc. she - the working woman - always lends a neipmg
and.
_eisure time is soent in relaxing (Sitting arouno), talking to relatives and fnenas ana
occasionally seeing movies. Women aiso .vatcn
elevision. esoeciallv kannaaa
movies telecast on Sunaays.
-eisure time is oerceivea as times wnen there is no work available. Also, if the work
gets over earlier than the usual time, then it is leisure time, wmch they tn/ to spend
nangmg around the work place, exchanging views/pleasantnes with their co-workers.
When reeling work is not available for a long penod of time, then women go in Dursuit
of other occupations. If alternative occupations are not taken up - most wage earners
perceive that they cannot work outside in the sun as they are used to cooler, shaded
mtenors - then it is leisure time. What needs to be noted down here is that the leisure
times are not ooted for - they are compelled to take time off - with this the r jestion
anses what exactly is leisure time?
Also, in the family based units the work process itself starts somewnere around noon
One could consider morning nours to be leisure time for working women. 3ut. the
work of reeling spills over to late evenings - since working hours are not well-defined,
it is difficult to gauze the leisure-time as sucn.
■A
0
□
30
A
3
J
3
□
7.
CLEANLINESS , NUTRITION AND HEALTH
3
7.1
CLEANLINESS
3
There is a preference snown for weanng nylon sarees by women working in the
reeling industry. Considenng that they work in the proximity of fire, this could be
considered as dangerous. Women respondents however do not think so. They prefer
this type of sarees as they are considered more durable, the dirt is not apparently
3
3
visible, can be wasned easily and the sarees do not look crumpled.
Women who have the charaka units at their residences use the basins to boil water
for purposes of bathing. Taking bath is not an everyday routine. The frequency vanes
3
anywhere from once in four days to a week.
7.2
NUTRITION
Working women claim to eat three times a day - rice in the morning for breakfast and
for lunch and ragi bails or nee in the night. They dnnk coffee atleast two times a day.
If packed lunch is not earned with them, they buy food from hotels - an errand to run
3
which, the help of the children working in the units is sought.
The number of times they miss their meal depends on a host of factors - time
available to prepare food, distance to the work place etc., and more importantly on the
purchasing power. Eating of non-vegetanan food once a week or once a fortnight is
considered a must, it is considered necessary for the type of work they do.
7.3
3
3
HEALTH
Although the reelers are constantly dipping their hands in hot water, women do not
generally complain of any bums. Some women have found indigenous ways to
overcome blisters. They apply tamannd juice overnight and wash their hands in
3
lukewarm water Others use neomycin ointment; washing hands well with soap water
everyday, they consider is necessary, to avoid the formation of white patches/blisters
31
LJV\
too
05633 I *' <
yHlT
4
J
J
on their hands. They also complain of cough as they inhale dust ansmg from the nusk
o
•hat is stored.
Dlisterous hands create problems wnile cooking, especially wmle
gnnding hot masala and also while eating.
3
3
he general complaints neard are oreathing troupie. cnest pain and busters on nancs. /
Malnutrition, vitamin deficiencies. SKin diseases and Droncmai astnma are tne cammc
ailments noted by the local medical oractitioner.
3
Women of the family oased units complain of health problems due to me oursuai of
'eelmg activities than compared to wage earners. That is to say that women wage
3
earners tend to underplay such complaints when compared to the next category of
reelers. For wage earners it is more a question of survival - a fight for everyoays
existence. Once this is surpassed, occupational hazards are noticed.
3
3
A/omen who are into suoervision of silk reeling units do not complain of any health
oroolems. since they co not perform any ohysically strenuous worx. Of the three
3
women entrepreneurs only Chinkramma complains of cnest pain, the otner+wo
women have no such complaints. Chinkramma nas workea as a turner for many
3
years as well as a reeler, pnorto becoming an entrepreneur. Although Kaiamma
3
worked as a turner, this was only for a short period of time and Yeshodamma
3
has entered the industry as an entrepreneur.
3
n the reeling sector, it is not uncommon to find women w? o are pregnant working as
eelers Nagi is six months pregnant she plans to work for another month. But
she plans to re-join work after the baby is three months old. Nagi does not
perceive any kind of discomfort while reeling; one could however, notice a
change in her sitting position, whereas other reefers sit crouched, this woman
3
sat cross-legged while reeling.
Vijaya Mary of Kihgsur claims that she worked for the full term of her
pregnancy. Even on the day or delivery sne wonted till she felt labour pain.
□
□
Interview with Dr.Madhavan,
Practitioner
Dn
August
Chamarajanagara.
Registered Medical
26,
1992
at
32
From her work place she went straight to the hospital, two hours after which
she delivered.
Vijaya Mary has a daughter who is blind since birth, the
blindness is attributed by Mary due to starvation during pregnancy. With the
wages earned, she had to feed four small mouths - she also being a mother of
three sons.
Whether women work during pregnancy and immediately after child birth is
determined by the number of dependents on her. Even if she works dunng pregnancy,
the number of days she works etc., depends on whether there are others in the family
who could support her. In Nagi's case, her husband is engaged in transporting
water to the reeling units, whereas in Vijaya Mary's case, the husband finds
employment seasonally in the agricultural sector.
In the family based units, the probability of one worker being replaced by another is
more. For example, in Adi Jambava colony, Kamalamma who is eight months
pregnant is relieved of her reeling Job by her husband, who would otherwise be
engaged in the purchase of cocoons only.
3
3
0
3
3
33
8
AWARENESS AND FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
8.1
AWARENESS
8.1.1
AWARENESS RELATING TO THE SILK INDUSTRY :
All women workers, irrespective of the category to which they belong, are aware of
the market from which cocoons are bought and its exact location. They are aware
where the silk market is,
but further details are not known except by the
entrepreneurs.
Some of the women wage earners are aware of the price of both the cocoons and the
silk. But ail women wage earners do not make it a point to know this. Women of the
family based charakha units, show a better interest in knowing the pnce variations.
However, one comes across instances where women working for the family do not
show an interest in tnis. Men say that women do not ask them, otherwise they are
willing to comply. This is agreed upon by women also. If not a day-to-day account, as
Dodamma says, when women question them - in course of an argument - as to wnat
happened to the profit earned etc., then men explain the profit and losses incurred.
Women who work as supervisors are well-versed with identifying the quality of
cocoons, silk etc. Although they do not know to reel, like men of their family, they can
specify the number of cocoons to be reeled at each end to maintain the denier, the
probable rate the silk would fetch etc.
Women entrepreneurs know all the details relating to the silk industry as much as
men of the same category know.
8.1.2 AWARENESS RELATING TO THE GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMMES:
5
3
All women are not aware of all the programmes initiated by the Government forthem.
But most of them know that the credit facilities are being extended through the
senculture department. But, the purpose for which credit is given and such other
details are not known. Men are more aware of the finer details, than women. This is
34
true of the first three categories. Women entrepreneurs are not only aware but have
also utilised the credit facilities offered by the Government. Chinkramma has even
sent her daughter, who already knows to reel, for training in reeling, so that credit
facilities for establishing charakhas could be availed.2
The training programme for women undertaken by the Government of Karnataka
(under VISHWA Programme) is known in those villages where women have been
selected for the programme in large numbers. Women in the reeling sector of
Mangala Hosur, a village situated at a distance of 12 kms from Chamarajanagara, are
aware of the training programme - who was trained, how much stipend money was
1
given and such other details.
Women are however not aware that a programme of forming women s groups has
been initiated by the Government and that such groups are helped to run reeling
units. A Mahila Sangha is formed in Mangala Hosur, the sangha is planning to take
up such activities like tailonng, candle making etc., although majority of the members
are into silk reeling.
To facilitate the formation of a women's group in this area, a note has been submitted
3
to the officials of the DOS.
8.1.3 GENERAL AWARENESS :
Since women in the reeling industry, except a few, are uneducated their general
awareness is limited.
Women can identify colours, they think that there are thirty days in all months. They
cannot specify the present year. If they want to know the date they ask others. Even
3
the dates of festivals are learnt from others. As Kalamma puts it, 'if somebody says
tomorrow is the feast day then we will celebrate the festival on that day itself!?'
3
J
2
Credit facilities are given only to those who
have undergone the training programme.
35
r
a
Kalamma otherwise has an interesting way of remembenng the festivals. 'In the first
month of the year it is Sankranti, in the second it is Shivarathri, in the third it
^5
is Ugadi, after which for three - four months there are no festivals.......... ’
A
Women, like children, are aware of the theatres in the area. However, women are
A
more aware than children. With this an all important question anses - when does a
girl child become a woman?. In terms of awareness what are the changes that are
brought-in? A girl child is generally made to discontinue working when she attains
J
matunty. She continues working after marriage and child birth, under compelling
circumstances. There are some (very few) who continue working without a gap.
J
A
3
Obviously a woman is generally more aware than a girl child. Does such a change
take place with the process of growing up or is there something more, given the
constant factor - that their literacy level remains unchanged. Also, their exposure to
other places does not undergo any change - marriage alliances are usually from
within the same area/ surrounding villages. The answer to this is best explained in
Kalamma’s words, after they reach 18 years, they become more aware. They
question others to find out things'
0
8.2
FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
8.2.1. ASPIRATIONS FOR THEMSELVES:
Wage earners do not think that they can find work elsewhere or stop working. Some
of the wage earners aspire to get loans from the Government to start their own units,
but they are unsure of themselves - whom to approach etc., and have no driving force
to turn entrepreneurs. Even for the Government loans that they aspire to get, they can
visualise starting of a single charakha unit where they themselves can reel.
0
Women of the family based unit do feel that they would like to stop working. They
would like to hire labourers to replace them in the reeling units. Women of this
category are also interested in expanding their units, they would like to install another
charakha, even though they face the problem of cocoon shortage, as a result of which
36
>
they are not able to run the existing units to its full capacity. Such aspirations have
ansen more because of men of their family trying to make them apply for credit.
Women who supervise their units do not wish to stop working. They do not aspire to
expand their units either as they forsee labour problems. They opine that it would be
>
difficult to hire labourers, pay them advances etc. They are happy as long as there
is continuous supply of cocoons which keeps the units running.
Women entrepreneurs consider adjusting working capital as the mam hurdle. They
would like Governmental support in this regard. They find this to come in the way of
expanding their units.
8.2.2 ASPIRATIONS FOR CHILDREN :
Wage earners have accepted the inevitability of work for their children, they think of
stopping their work once their sons grow up and start earning. They would make sure
that their daughters get mamed; if they (the daughters) have to work later cn, it is
their Hanebaraha' (fate).
Women of the family based units want their children to get educated and take-up
Government jobs which are easier to perform and where income is assured. They de
not want their children to continue in reeling 'Let this back breaking work stop with
our generation*.
Women supervisors ao not mind if children take-up reeling as entrepreneurs. This
applies to their sons, they would like their daughters to be mamed.
Women entrepreneurs want their sons to continue in the reeling profession as
entrepreneurs. They have already made moves to establish their children in the
reeling industry. Kaiamma has already four charakhas in her sons name, Chinkramma
has made her daughter to undergo a training programme in reeling, so that she can
get credit to start her own unit. Yeshodamma wants her son to continue looking after
the unit established by her and expand it in due course of time.
37
3
3
9.
PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
3
3
9.1
PROBLEMS OF GOING TO THE COCOON AND SILK MARKET:
0
3
0
3
The first answer one gets from the women is - A/hy should I go when I have male
members in the family?’ None of the women, except the entrepreneurs, have ever
been inside the cocoon market.
Women who have undergone training ana are aspinng to get credit from the
3
3
5
3
Government to start their own charakha units, now say that if there is a clause
included (to get credit) that they should participate in the process of marketing, then
they will. To a large extent, this answer is tutored by the men of the family who know
very well that the present Act allows for a license holder to have two representatives
to function on their behalf.
3
5
Women entrepreneurs perceive no problem in visiting either of the markets - cocoon
and silk. Their problems relate to the shortage of cocoon supply, hike in cocoon
paces, fall in silk paces and such other matters - factors that concern an entrepreneur.
'While going to both the markets, both Kalamma and Yeshodamma go unescorted.
Chinkramma goes with her brother, however she conducts her part of the
business unaided.
3
Although Chinkramma goes to the market, she is not keen on sending her daughter,
for whom she is aspiring to start a charakha unit, to the market. The other two
entrepreneurs have no female off-spring. Chinkramma firmly believes that women of
)
the younger age-group should abstain from going to both the cocoon and the silk
markets.
In T. Narasipura area, the other reelers - women included - do not either look down
on the three entrepreneurs, though they have entered the sphere of marketing which
is strictly men's domain. They do not consider this as something praise worthy either,
may be because they do not realise its implications - the fact that in the entire state
only these three women, bamng one more in Hassan, are entrepreneurs in the real
38
sense of the term In Madapura - the village in which Chinkramma resides women shower no praise or resentment towards her for entering the market
Chinkramma is a new entrant She started her unit five years ago - unlike the
other two who have been there since more than a decade. However, even if she
is criticized, Chinkramma could not care less.
On motivating other women to go to the market, ail three of them have different
opinions to say:
Kalamma
Others have not tasted the thrill of running a business
enterprise. Once this is experienced, they will not want to
s
stop.
3
Yeshodamma-
Women should participate in the marketing process.
Unless they do, their awareness relating to the industry
would be limited. More importantly, they can never be
successful unless they take an active part.
Chinkramma-
9.2
It is left to them.
PROSPECTS OF TRAINING PROGRAMMES:
Under
VISHWA
programme,
from
January
to
March
992,
women
of
Chamarajanagara area were trained in reeling. For this, the charakha owners' help
in the villages was sought. Women working as turners were given training as reelers
for a period of three months. A stipend amount of Rs.300/- per month for the trainees
and compensation of Rs. 100/- as incidental charges for the unit owners were assured.
Women who underwent training were assured of a payment of Rs.900/- (for three
months) but each of them have got less than that (Rs.700 and Rs.800/-). The
Government officials (TSC staff) say that this was due to irregularity in attendance how this was marked is not clear. Also, since the persons concerned (women
trainees) were not explained why less amount of money is given to them, they
express resentment and feel cheated. They were assured that the oending amount
would be released in due course of time but their thumb impression has been taken
39
*
3
3
for the amount paid, which is what they would ever get. The trainees being
3
uneducated have remained unaware.
3
3
The owners of the unit who were promised some amount are not paid either. But. the
3
owners concede that there was no wntten agreement or a guaranteed assurance
given. Now, the owners say that they do not mind, if this amount is not given,
provided they are given credit - working capital upto Rs.30 to Rs.40 thousands. If this
3
is not done, they would not co-operate when training programmes are held in future.
3
3
The owners are cntical of the programme and are apprehensive that starting of more
charakha units in the same village would lead to labour shortage. At the same time,
they are not keen to employ those trained now as reelers, since they consider that the
3
skill acquired by them to be inadequate. Women who underwent training continue to
work as turners, the programme has not brought in an increase in their income.
3
5
The resentment towards trainees are exhibited not just by men (owners) but also
women (both turners and reelers). Reelers feel that though they have been doing this
work since so many years, yet preference for loan disbursement is given to someone
who is now throwing thread for the first time’.
%
40
0
J
APPENDIX - I
J
THE THREE ENTREPRENEURS - A PROFILE
3
Name
Kalamma
Yashodamma
Chinkramma
Age
39 years
39 years
35 years
Caste
Raja Parivara
Vokkaliga
SC
Edn. level
illiterate
3rd std
illiterate
Father's occ.
Agriculture
Contractor
Agriculture
Husband's occ.
Works in the cocoon
market
Works in an office
Agricultural labourer
No. of offsprings
Two sons
One son and one
daughter
Two daughters and
two sons
Place of
Residence
T. Narasipura
T. Narasipura
Madapura
(T.Narasipuraa)
Previous reeling
exp.
Worked as a turner
for 2 months
No. of charakhas
Four
Four
Four
txperience as an
entrepre-neur
21 years
12 years
3 years
Male support
previous
Brother and Father
Brother and Father
Brother
Male support now
Son
Son
Brother
Member of any
assn.
Member of the
reelers' assn.
Member of the
reelers' assn.
Member of the
reelers' assn.
!>
3
Nil
Worked as a turner
& as a reeler for
totally 16 yrs
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APPENDIX II
PROSPECTS FOR WOMEN’S GROUP FORMATION - A NOTE
In Mangala Hosur. a village in Chamarajanagara taluk, there is potential of forming
a group from among the women reeiers. A NOTE on the findings pertaining to the
village is presented below with the intention of identifying the beneficianes for the
Group Formation programme that is envisaged by the DOS. as a part of the NSP
1.
In Mangala Hosur, the reeiers are supported by the infrastructural facilities
provided by the location of the cocoon markets situated at Chamarajanagara
and Santhemarahalli. For the sale of silk, the reeiers commute to Bangalore,
although there is a recently (1992) started Silk Exchange at Chamarajanagara.
2.
Majonty of the reeiers are small reeiers owning one or two charakhas, which
are operated by using mostly family labour. Not ail the reeiers operate the;r
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units ail the time. Only 30% of the reeiers are actively involved in silk reeling
through out the year.
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Women of this village form a sizeable proportion of the reeling industry. They
work mainly as reeiers and a few also work as turners. They work either on
wages or for the family. Since agriculture also forms an important source of
livelihood, women from the non-reeling families work in the field as wage
earners. Women from the reeling families do not wish to work in the
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agricultural field.
4.
A reeiers* training programme was conducted under VISHWA programme for
three months, from January to March 1992. In
Mangala Hosur, totally 25
people were trained, of which 14 are women. Under the programme, it was
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envisaged that at least three trainees were put under the reeling entrepreneurs
of the village. The programme has inculcated a sense of self confidence in
them to manage the reeling units.
5.
Women have expenence in reeling. All the
beneficianes selected were not
^ew to the reeling industry. A few were from families which own one or two
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charakhas. Those who were working as turners were also selected. Even after
attending the training programme, the trainees continue to work as turners for
wages. There are no instances wnere a woman trainee has found a job as
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a reeler. ^he entrepreneurs are skeptical of absorbing the trainees as reelers
as they consider the programme to be not very effective in imparting the skill.
The reelers are paid higher wages than the turners which could be another
reason for the reluctance.
6.
Women of this village have shown initiative and drive to organise themselves
into a group. A Mahila Sangha is formed in Mangala Hosur with the initiative
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taken by the women of the village who were helped by a social worker by
name Josephine Pushpa. The Sangha was first opened at Kempanapura
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village (Chamarajanagara) mainly with the help of the Tahsildar and the BDO
officer. In Mangala Hosur, there are totally forty eight members in the Sangha,
has each person contributed Rs.25/- towards registering the Sangha. The
Sangha has a committee compnsing of nine members headed by a President
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(ChikKaputtamma) and a Treasurer (Bhagyamma). Of the forty *ight members,
aiieast thirty are in reeling. Already the Sangha is involved with activities like
Beedi making, tailoring etc. They are unaware that activities related to reeling
could also be organised through the Sangha. Of the thiry, atleast fifteen are
without their own units.
Summing Up
From the above, it is obvious that the village of Mangala Hosur provides a setting fc~
forming a Women's group. Here is a place where the skill of reeling is available in
plenty and is under- utilised. The infrastructural facility is provided by the location of
the cocoon and the silk market in the vicinity. However women are faced with a lot of
constraints as they are unable to attend to marketing on their own. Also, they face
constraints in getting credit. All this could be overcome by forming a group.
Mangala Hosur provides a fertile ground for forming a group as made evident by the
fact that the women of the village have shown initiative to start 'Sanghas', which is
reflected in the Mahila Sangha that is established. By forming a group, the women
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reelers can jointly function and have a greater role in decision making at both the
household level and at the work place thus achieving higher social and economic
status.
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w)
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The DOS has an option (a) either to help the women reelers through the Mahila
Sangha that is already formed or (b) to form a a women's group* - and help the
trainees to realise their reeling skill. The social worker working in the area could be
contacted to aid in either of the two ventures. To facilitate this, the names of the
tramees/the trainers, as well as the address of the social is furnished.
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The following are the names of the trainees and the unit owners.
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Unit Owners
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Trainees
Krishnamurthy
Nanjamma
Mahadevamma
Savithamma
Mahadevagowda
Basamma
Nanjamma
Maramma
Venkatarangaiah
Puttarangamma
Malamma
Nanjaiah
Chammutra
Sundramma
Shankaramurthy
Doddamma
Mahadevaiah
Nagamma
Venkatamma
Venkataramana
Puttamma
b
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*
Name and address of the social worker
Ms. Josephine Pushpa
c/o Mariyappa
Behind Rice Mill
B.R. Hills Road
Chamarajanagara.
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