MONITORING THE IMPACT OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMME (SAP) ON THE POOR HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF GUJARAT
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- Title
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MONITORING THE IMPACT OF
STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT
PROGRAMME (SAP) ON THE POOR
HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF GUJARAT - extracted text
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DRAFT
MONITORING THE IMPACT OF
STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT
PROGRAMME (SAP) ON THE POOR
HOUSEHOLD ECONOMY OF GUJARAT
(RESULTS OF A LONGITUDINAL STUDY)
JULY 1996
Study Conducted by
UNNATI
ORGANISATION FOR DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION
G-l, 200 AZAD SOCIETY, AHMEDABAD - 380 015
With Support of
ACTIONAID
POLICY UNIT
3D, BLESSINGTON APARTMENTS
34, SERPENTINE STREET, BANGALORE - 560 025
RESEARCH TEAM AND PARTICIPATING AGENCIES
U NN ATI
ORGANISATION FOR DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION
G-l, 200 Azad Society, Ahmedabad-38001 5
Binoy Acharya, Trupti Jain, Alice Morris
ACTIONAID
POLICY UNIT
3D Blessingfon Apartments, 34, Serpentine Street,
Bangalore-560 025
Amitava Mukherjee, Binu Thomas, Upendranadh
VIVEKANAND RESEARCH AND TRAINING INSTITUTE
Nr. Jain Ashram, Nagalpur Road, Mandvi, Kutch
Mavji Bariaya
CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONCERN
Mu. Kanbha, Po. : Kathvada, Ta. : Daskroi, Ahmedabad-382 430
Sushila Engineer
KAMDAR SWASTHYA SURAKSHA MAN DAL
Govind Patel Buriglows, Nagar Vel Hanuman Road
Rakhiyr I, Ahmedabad-380 023
Haushila Prashad Mishra
SHRAMIK SEWA SANSTHAN
Parshino Bhatho, Nr. 'D' Colony, Nr. Vijay Mill,
Naroda Road, Ahmedabad-380 025
Ratilal Parmar
GRAM VIKAS SEWA TRUST
Opp. Old Post Office, Highway Road, Srinagar, Idar,
Sabarkantha - 383 430
Manoj Rajan
GRAMYA KAMDAR SEWA KENDRA
Shapur Gate, Vankar Street, Mangrol,
RBox No.20, Junagadh-362 225
Madhubhai Vegda
NAVDEEP PRAGATI YUVAK MANDAL
Mu.Po. Poshina, Ta. Khedhbrama,
Sabarkantha-383 422
Abdul Karim Quareshi
PREFACE
The present study emerged consequent to our concern over Structural Adjustment Programme
(SAP) in addressing the issues of poverty. We as NGOs have been trying to make ourselves
relevant in creating alternate, people centred development. We thought, a critical look at the
ground level, subsequent to SAP may provide some insight into the macro policy and its link to
the micro reality.
Without the commitment of the seven grass root groups who are associated in this participatory
research process, this study would not have been completed. They were not only involved in the
data collection but created environment for critical involvement of people in the research process
which made the study participatory. Our sincere thank to the communities who not only
participated in such a long process uncomplainingly sharing their living conditions but also took
pain to understand the purpose of undertaking such an enquiry. This made their participation
meaningful and reinforced our faith on participatory research process.
A large number of NGOs, academicians and friends from media continuously supported us in
the study process Their meaningful participation in all the consultations subsequent to each round
of the study inspired us and their critical questions made us to maintain the rigour of the study.
My sincere thanks to all of them.
I am thankful to all my colleagues at UNNATI who extended their support in the study process.
1 am particularly thankful to Ms. Alice Morris, Ms.Trupti Jain who carried the study forward. I
am also thankful to Mr. Kanu Lakum for his help in coding and data monitoring.
We are thankful to ACTIONAID and particularly Mr. Salil Shetty, Mr. Barry Underwood
(Presently at AKRSP-I), Mr. Upendranadh, Mr. Binu Thomas and Dr. Amitava Mukherjee for
providing their valuable support Mr. Upendranadh spent a lot of time with us in the field as well
as in the preparation of our report. We are thankful to Mr Girish Bharadwaj for helping in the
conducting the PRAs.
I hope we will continue receiving such support and solidarity in the next phase of this
participatory study in which we aim to take up a joint policy advocacy.
Binoy Acharya
UNNATI
July 12, 1996
CONTENTS
A *
PART -1 AN OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
1
CHAPTER-I
1-2
Background of the stud)'
2.
3-19
CHAPTER-II
A Theoretical Overview of
Structural Adjustment
3.
20-29
CHAPTER - III
Study Methodology
PART - H
4.
MAIN FINDINGS
30-51
CHAPTER-IV
Trends in Employment & Wages
5.
CHAPTER - V
52-63
Trends in Cropping Pattern and
Food Consumption
6
CHAPTER-VI
64-68
Trends in Access to Credit Senices
7.
69-76
CHAPTER - VII
Trends in Access to and Utilisation
of the Health Senices
,
■ 7': .
PART - HI SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
8.
CHAPTER - VIII
77-80
Summary Findings and Interpretations
9.
CHAPTER IX
81-82
Policy Recommendations
REFERENCES
APPENDIX
1-22
PART I : AN OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
CHAPTER I
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Since India went in for a Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1991, much has been
written about the relevance and otherwise of SAP to India. Of particular concern to NGOs
working to eradicate poverty has been the impact of SAPs on the poor and marginal sections of
rural and urban areas. The experiences of Africa and Latin America on the impact of SAP on
the poor demonstrated conclusively that the policies were not conducive for the welfare of the
poor. This formed basis for many NGOs expressing their apprehension on the likely impact of
SAP on the poor. With the largest number of the absolute poor in India, living conditions of the
poor is necessarily an issue of concern.
1
Several publications including UNICEF's "Adjustment with a Human Face" and "Structural
Adjustment: By Whom, For Whom" by the International Labour Organisation and ARTEP have
been critical of SAP programmes of Sub Saharan Africa and Latin America. Even studies
conducted within the Bretton Woods institutions, (Kakwani et al, 1990; Heller et al, 1988), have
shown SAP to have an adverse impact on the living standards of the poor in the adjusting
countries. However, some of these studes argue that, in the long-run, due to corrections in the
economies of the adjusting countries, the poor will also benefit due to trickle down effects of
growth. They, thus, emphasize the need for identifying vulnerable groups that will be adversely
affected in the short-run and designing 'Safety-net' programme to support them during the period
of stabilisation and structural adjustment, which collectively go under the title of SAP.
Unfortunately very little of what has been said so far on the impact of SAP on the poor in India
has been based on primary empirical evidence. In the absence of studies based on hard primary
data it may be difficult to both influence policies being pursued under SAP and for different
actors, particularly for NGOs working to eradicate poverty, to work effectively to safeguard the
interest of the poor. How SAP is affecting the lives of the Indian poor, three years after its
commencement, is a burning question that demands an answer.
It is with this concern in mind UNNATI initiated a study in late 1993 after several consultations
with NGOs to monitor the impact of SAP on poor households in some areas of Gujarat State.
Seven NGOs, who are working with tribals, agricultural labourers, unorganised sector workers,
1
urban poor have been involved in the field level study. ACTIONAID is supporting this study.
This longitudinal study aims not only to generate data to be used to influence government policy
relating to adjustment, but would also enable the participating organisations to build an
information base about their target area, target group and the issues which warrant immediate
attention from their programme point of view. All effort have been made in this study to make
it participatory and to keep the academic rigor intact. It has been achieved through the active
involvement of local NGOs and academicians.
This report is based on four rounds of data collected during April 94 and Dec 94, May 95 and
December 95. At the end of every round, area report have been prepared so that local NGOs can
utilise the data in their public education and awareness building
This report aims to articulate policy level recommendations for advocacy. This report is divided
into three parts. Part I discusses theoretical issues related to SAP and methodology followed in
this monitoring study in three separate chapters Part II presents main findings of the study in
four chapters covering area profiles, trends in employment and wages, trends in cropping pattern
and consumption, trends in availability of credit and access to health services. Part III covers
emerging trends on the living conditions of the poor from the findings and discusses im plications
for policy cha iges
2
CHAPTER II
A THEORETICAL OVERVIEW OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT
L Origins of Economic Crisis and Corrective Measures
External shocks and internal mismanagement of the economy drove several developing countries
into very serious debt and balance of payments problem during the eighties. Typically, the decline
in export prices of primary commodities, an increased import bills, ballooning internal budget
deficits (due to mismanagement), and production distortions in the economy (due to over
regulation) cumulatively resulted in economic chaos necessitating strong corrective measures.
During the early 1980s India did away with its hitherto cautious approach to foreign capital and
embarked on a borrowing spree that increased its external debt burden nearly ten-fold in a
decade. This profligacy coupled with internal mismanagement brought the crisis to a head in early
1991 when the country had to mortgage its gold to bolster its precarious foreign exchange
position. Faced with the possibility of defaulting tn its international financial obligations, India,
like many other developing countries before it, approached the International Monetary Fund for
funds to bail it out and thus was forced to accept the reform conditionalities dictated under the
Stabilisation and Structural Adjustment Programme.
The Corrective Measures
The corrective process generally involves a short term stabilisation and a longer term structural
adjustment of the economy.The stabilisation process - which is guided by the IMF - is a short
term measure involving restoring the external sector balance. Structural adjustment measures which are undertaken at the behest of the World Bank and which follow stabilisation - are
supposed to steer the economy towards a higher growth path and are long run in nature.
The policy instruments during the stabilisation process aims at short term demand management.
They include devaluation of the domestic currency, contraction of public spending (in terms of
reduction in wages, subsidies and investment), increase in taxes and tightening of monetary and
credit policies. These measures are expected to improve the export performance, reduce import
3
demand and reduce the budget deficit (See Chart 1)
The Structural Adjustment measures, on the other hand, are directed at removing the supply side
constraints in the economy. Policy reforms in the areas of trade, industry and finance aim at
reducing the role of the government in running the economy, and increasing the role of the
markets, which are believed to be more efficient resource allocators (See Chart 2), Thus these
reforms advocate privatisation, opening up of the economy for foreign investment and freeing of
the policy instruments that regulate a country's economy.
Thus the reforms initiated in 1991, as some analysts point out have down played the earlier
emphasis of the government on long term planing and growth and self reliance goals. The reform
process has looked not beyond medium term at the most
Reforms related to trade, industry, labour, finance and banking and the public sector are few
important changes that have witnessed during the past four years. It is to be noted that based on
the political sentiments and fiscal compulsions, some sectors were not reformed to the desired
(by IMF/WB) extent so far in this reform process. For example, the public sector reforms have
remained at disinvestment measures, which enabled government to meet the fiscal deficit but
policies related to future of loi s making units or decision making autonomy of the chiefs of these
units are not taken so far mai ily due to political compulsions. Similar instances can be seen in
other sectors as well.
IL Elements of Structural Adjustment
(A) Correction of Production Distortions:
Production had become distorted through the internal policy actions of governments, coupled with
the inability to adjust rapidly to fairly quick changes in the external environment. Since
independence, the government has generally followed a dirigjste development strategy,
administering the Indian economy in pursuit of a variety of growth, equity and political goals.
This web of controls can be broadly conceived as operating across five markets. These are :
*domestic markets for goods and services, such as agriculture, industry, transport and
communications, and energy
*domestic factor markets
4
domestic financial markets
international trade
international capital markets
In each of these markets, government actions had taken the form of price interventions,
quantitative restrictions, controls over private sector activity and direct involvement in service
provision and production.
This is represented schematically in Figure 1. Some examples of the nature and objectives of
these controls in each of the various areas are :
Domestic mailcets for goods and services. In agriculture, procurement prices were set on a pan
territorial basis. In some cases additional procurement prices have been held down to raise
revenues for industrial development. The effects of this implicit taxation have been partially offset
by the provision of input subsidies like subsidy in fertilisers, water and power.
Figure 1
Domestic
goods
markets
International Domestic
financial
trade
markets
_
Domestic
factor
markets
International
capital
markets
_________ 1
1
Quantitative
Price
interventions restrictions
Controls over
private sector
Direct state
provision of services
Consumers also had been subsidised through the provision of food at prices that are insufficient
to cover the price paid to producers plus marketing costs. Quantitative restrictions on produce
movement and private sector marketing had been imposed through a concern for food security.
Restrictions were placed on private sector involvement in agricultural activities because this
sector was held to be monopolistic and exploitative, and could not be relied upon to provide
guaranteed market outlets at reasonable prices, particularly in remote areas. Governments have,
therefore, directly assumed marketing responsibility through the public distribution system.
In industry, ex-factory product prices in respect of some goods have been controlled to maintain
the real incomes of consumers Because of difference in perceptions, inadequate access to finance
and skills in the indigenous sector, the government has directly invested in industry and through
institutional financing like industrial development corporations.
Direct state production has occurred for two main reasons :
*It was held-that the private sector was insufficiently endowed and motivated to carry out
functions that were central to the achievement of the state's development goals. The state must,
therefore, carry out these activities itself in order to force the pace of development.
’Because the private sector was driven by profit, its operations will not reflect the government’s
social and equity objectives The exploitative nature of the private sector was compounded by
its monopolistic structure arising through limited access to finance and skills.
Private sector operation in various markets were, therefore, subject to restrictions and often
prohibited altogether. However, government structures were not flexible enough to react rapidly
to changed opportunity costs. Resources were inevitably allocated on the basis of political
considerations. Incentive structures were hard to create in the public sector and operational;1
inefficiency resulted. As will be examined in more detail later, it was as a result of this that
structural adjustment policies have sought to reduced the role of the state to the minimum central
government functions Where the remaining activities may have implications for resource
allocation and therefore efficiency (for example in budgetary allocations) structural adjustment
loan (SAL) policy has included measures to ensure that resources are allocated by government
on the basis of social benefit : cost considerations
Domestic factor markets. In agriculture there were and are often restrictions on the free operation
of the land market and rents have been held down under the different Land Reform Laws. In
addition, tradition and social customs may prevent many factor markets developing along
"commercial" lines and a government is reluctant to interfere with these customary practices.
Domestic financial markets. In domestic financial markets, interest rates were repressed frequently
at negative real levels in order to encourage investment in industry and provide cheap credit in
agriculture. Quantitative restrictions have been used to direct the allocation of commercial banks
lending portfolios to specific uses such as priority sector lending and export credit by commerce
6
banks
Internationa] trade. The domestic currency were overvalued to cheapen the price of capital
imports. Tariffs and quantitative restrictions on imports were imposed to protect domestic
industries. Foreign exchange rationing was developed which protected domestic industry from
import competition to control its access to imported inputs.
International capital markets. The government imposed restrictions on the free flow of capital,
prevented domestic firms from raising capital abroad, limited the repatriation of profits by
foreign-owned firms and have ill-defined or restrictive investment codes.
? •. ; '1
In summary’, governments themselves have negated extensively in economic activity’ and
administered a network of prices in all markets in pursuit of a variety of growth, equity’ and
political goals. To force the pace of development, or because of equity considerations, political
problems associated with market prices or the operation of the private sector, administered price
relativities have had deviated extensively from those that would occur through the free operation
of the market. These points are discussed fully in the Berg report (World Bank, 1981a).
Moreover, controls over resource allocation also emerged in response to macro-economic crises.
Tariffs and quotas, for example," were often a response to untenable balance-of-payments
situations
(B) Concern About The Structure of Production : The Rationale
At the macro-level, a structural problem results in insufficient generation of foreign exchange,
limiting the ability to import capital goods and raw materials and therefore limiting productive
investment. At the same time it may create an inflationary gap between revenues and
expenditures which may ultimately worsen the balance-of-payments situation.
The distorted production structure created through policy interventions is inherently unstable in
macro-economic terms In terms of fiscal (internal) balance, if production is distorted in relation
to opportunity costs this structure may only be maintained through a series of subsidies that
create budgetary imbalance. State enterprise, which characterizes the dirigiste strategy, has proved
to be inefficient in virtually all sectors barring few honorable and subventions to state enterprise
have had a major negative impact on public savings. The effect of dirigism in reducing the value
7
of output and slowing growth reduces the tax base. Weak revenue mobilisation efforts and lack
of expenditure planning have also been termed structural problems and these have contributed
to budgetary deficits
In terms of external balance, policies that act as a disincentive to agricultural export crop
production, such as low producer prices and overvalued exchange rates, clearly have an adverse
effect on export revenues. The situation is made worse by the fact that overvalued exchange rates
have encouraged imports. Resultant shortages in foreign exchange have reduced the availability
of imported inputs and this had further restricted growth in export production.
These tendencies to macro-economic imbalance were exacerbated by the failure of the
government to adjust their expenditure to reflect reduced output levels. Typically, consumption
levels were maintained despite falling national incomes and foreign exchange availability.
At the micro-level, if the structure of production or resource allocation in an economy differs
from that which would follow if resources were allocated on the basis of opportunity cost, it
would be possible to reallocate existing resources and increase the value of total output, that is,
increase the allocational efficiency of resource allocation. Therefore, there is concern with
structural "distortions" because they result in sub-optimal per capital incomes from a given
resource base. The economy is said to be operating within the production possibility' frontier.
A second reason for concern over distorted production structures is that they limit the rate of
growth of output over time, that is, the magnitude of outward shifts in the production possibility
curve is restricted. Suppressing agricultural prices, for example, reduces agricultural incomes with
adverse consequences on savings, investment and technological innovation in the leading sector.
(Agriculture contribute about 30% of GDP and supports about 70% of the total population).
Equally, holding down interest rates reduces savings and leads to credit rationing. This is
inefficient in terms of allocation and leads to the development of parallel credit markets
characterised by much higher rates. In an inward-looking trade policy environment, firms outputs
are directed toward the domestic environment, thereby limiting the possibilities of economies of
scale and stimulation from foreign competition.
Internally administered prices and the extensive role of government in economic activity based
on strategic concerns creates inflexibility in the productive system and prevents resource
reallocations in response to changes in opportunity costs represented by free market price
8
relativities.
In summan', a distorted structure of production directly and indirectly creates unsustainable macro
economic imbalance, places unnecessary limitations on the value of national output, limits the
rate of growth of output and creates inflexibility which prevents resource reallocation in response
to changes in relative international prices. As a consequence of these effects of distortions in the
structure of production, governments are unable to meet their development goals.
The world Bank (1988b) provides a classic description of the forces leading to macro-economic
imbalance and its consequences in respect of a developing country.
"The imbalance and deterioration of the Ghananaian economy in the 1970s and early 1980 s
stemmed from a combination of in appropriate economic policies and exogenous shocks both at
home and abroad. Large budget deficits, in part required to support an extensive and inefficient
public sector,led to,marked acceleration of inflation Given a reluctance to adjust the nominal
rate of exchange, the real rate appreciated significantly, shifting relative incentives away from
the production of tradables to non-tradables The resulting fall in the production of exports and
import substitutes, combined with disenchantment amongst aid donors with Ghana's economic
management, caused a prolonged foieign exchange crisis necessitating foreign exchange controls
and quantitative restrictions on imp >rts which further constrained production and growth. The
decline in the tax base due to the reduction exports and imports and the related drop in economic
activity forced major cuts in government recurrent and capital expenditure. The resulting
deterioration in Ghana's once well developed social and physical infrastructure further reduced
its productive capacity. The government responded to emerging shortages with additional price
controls and rationing which worsened the problem by eroding production incentives and creating
a vast black market, with related corruption , smuggling and tax evasion Ghana's economic
problems were further exacerbated in the early 1980s by a severe draught, worsening terms of
trade and immigration back from Nigeria".
HL
Structural Adjustment Programmes
Because existing production structures were inherently unstable in macro-economic terms and
placed constraints on the value of national output and its rate of growth, the International
Monetary Fund(IMF) and the World Bank have developed specific lending initiatives to address
the problem. These provide balance- of -payments and budgetary support conditional on reform
9
of the policies and weaknesses that have resulted in structural problems.
The need for these initiatives was given additional force by the series of external shocks
experienced by India during the Gulf War of 1991. These included rising interest rates, increases
in the price of oil following the Gulf War of 1991, and a deep recession in the developed world.
Adjustment programmes generally consists of two categories of policy. Stabilization policies
which work on the demand side to bring absorption into line with output and sustainable capital
inflows, (or levels of living in line with available means), and structural or supply-side policies
which act to increase output over the medium term (i.e.increase means to sustain improved levels
of living). In practice this distinction is not clear cut. Stabilization policies, such as devaluation,
have structural or supply-side implications while structural policies such as subsidy removal have
implications for stabilization.
A. Stabilization
Stabilization comprising generally demand-side policies, try to achieve reductions in the current
account deficit of the balance of payments and the fiscal deficit to levels that can be financed
on a sustainable basis, and aimsito reduce nflation. The theoretical basis of stabilization policy
is the link between
the budgbt deficit, rr.sney and credit creation, and disequilibrium in either
aggregate absorption or in the non-tradables market. Policy changes or exogenous events started
in any of these can then cause imbalances that can transmit to other components.
The orthodox theory emphasizes that correction of a balance-of-payments deficit will inevitably
entail a reduction of living standards to bring absorption into line with output. As Dombusch
(1980) points out:
"In the orthodox model, stabilization and reduction in the standard of living are thought to be
virtually tantamount. The burden of orthodoxy is that correcting an external imbalance hurts almost always."
Devaluation, to be successful, must result in a fall in the real wage rate and often a fall real
disposable income. If the nominal value of wages increases by the same percentage as the
devaluation, there will have been no real depreciation of the exchange rate. The political and
social consequences of these adjustments in living standards are one of the reasons why many
10
countries (and commentators) have been reluctant to accept the International Monetary Fund/
World Bank prescriptions, particularly when they consider that there are other impediments to
their economies which will prevent the devaluation bringing out the required external balance.
An implication of the orthodox theory is that resources must be shifted out of the production of
non-tradebles and into the production of tradebles, while consumption must be shifted out of
tradebles and into non-tradebles, so that the net exports of tradebles may rise. This process
requires a change in the price signals between the two groups: the price of tradebles must rise
relative to that of non tradebles, to induce producers to shift resources into tradebles and to
induce consumers to shift consumption to non-tradebles. The rise in equilibrium prices in the
non tradeable sector represents the induced inflationary pressure of devaluation, which suggests
that a devaluation must be accompanied by monetary and fiscal restraint.
If the sole objective of an adjustment programme were simply to secure a short term
improvement in the balance of payments. Policies designed to control aggregate demand (reduce
absorption), such as the restraint of domestic credit expansion, would be sufficient in most
instances. In fact, adjustment programme are aimed at a broader set of development objectives
including sustained increased in living standards Reliance on a single instrument, namely
demand management, would be incompatible with these objectives, since it would restore macroeconomic balance at an unacceptable low level of national income. Indeed, the emphasis of the
orthodox theory on reduced expenditure may reduce investment and therefore growth potential.
The Structural Adjustment Programmes now being pursued in India has, therefore, emphasized
achieving external, adjustment through policies that will ensure a satisfactory rate of economic
growth, i.e. "adjustment with growth”. Rather than limiting levels of living to existing means,
these policies theoretical to increase means, thereby allowing increases in levels of living.
However, consumption must still be constrained to a slower growth than output to release
resources for investment purposes. Structural or supply-side policies accompany stabilization
policies in such programmes.
(B)
Structural or Supply-Side Policies: Stabilization
A review of structural adjustment efforts in (World Bank, 1988) reveals that although individual
programmes have emphasized different policy issues reflecting country priorities and objectives,
the emphasis os supply-side policies has been in four key areas:
II
(i)
Mobilization of domestic resources through fiscal, monetary and credit policies, together
with support for revenue enhancing and expenditure reducing measures.
(ii)
Improvement o& the efficiency of resource allocation in general and by the public sector
in particular.
This includes support for rationalizing public sector investment,
strengthening the operational efficiency of public sector and parastatal enterprises, and
rationalizing public sector programmes including divestiture of public holdings in
enterprises.
(iii
Reform of the structure of economic incentives to reduced distortions, promote more
efficient resource allocation and thus create a more productive economic structure. Within
this area two sets of policy issues are receiving the greatest attention. One is trade
reforms designed to reduce the bias against exports, and to lower the level and rationalize
the pattern of protection, the other price system reforms designed to make price more
accurately reflect opportunity cost. This applies mainly to agriculture, but also to public
enterprises and the energy sector
(iv)
Institutional reforms intended to support adjustment with growth.
During the course of structural adjustment, supply-side policies have increasingly emphasized
micro-economic policies of market liberalization. Measures of this type are intended to elicit
supply response on two levels by: (i) Enduring appropriate prices in the broadest sense, the flow
of output from a given stock of resources is maximized: and (ii) Enhancing the medium-to long
term growth rate of output.
IV.
Efficiency and Structural Adjustment
Three concepts of efficiency are important to this strategy of structural adjustment.
Allocation efficiency: Resources are allocated in line with opportunity cost, thereby maximizing
the value of output.
Operational efficiency: Unit costs of production are minimized through efficient management and
the adoption of the appropriate technology.
12
Economic efficiency: Combined, allocational and operational efficiency ensures that consumer's
needs are satisfied at prices which reflect the minimum sustainable costs of production. Output
maximized from the existing resources stock and growth is enhanced. Suppressing agricultural
prices, for example, reduces agricultural incomes with adverse consequences for savings,
investment and technological innovation in this leading sector, Another example is artificially
holding down interest rates which reduces saving and leads to credit rationing, which is
allocationally inefficient and, leads to the development of parallel credit markets characterized
by much higher interest rates.
The liberalized economy is also held to be more flexible, the removal of controls leading to
increased response to changes in the external environment.
The term "Structural adjustment" implies that the structure of production will be improved. In line
with the above analysis, an improved structure of production will bring resource allocations in
line with opportunity allocation, increasing the value of current output, and improving prospects
for the rate of growth of output over time thereby avoiding the need for subsidies and taxes in
support of the production structure.
While this is the centre element of an improved structure, structura improvements in practice
have also included diversification measures which atterfipt to increase the flexibility of the
structure in response to external shocks. At the macro-level, in the improved structure, more of
the nation,s resources will be allocated to the production of tradable.
The drive for efficient resource allocation does not, in fact theoretically, preclude state
participation in economic activity. However, particularly so in the providing private consumption
goods and investment goods, has proved to be both allocationally and operationally inefficient.
Government structures are inflexible to react rapidly to changed opportunity costs, resources are
inevitably allocated on the basis of political considerations, inventive structures are hard to create
and operational efficiency resulting from the lack of incentives is common. As a result, structural
or supply-side policies have also involved reducing the role of the state to the minimum central
government functions. Where these may have implications for resource allocation and therefore
efficiency, for example in budgetary allocations structural adjustment policy has included
measures to ensure that resources are allocated by governments on the basis of comparative
advantage.
13
Measures to return the economy to the discipline of the market, or make "liberalization can be
conceived of as comprising the elements illustrated in Figure 2 and briefly discussed below:
(i) .
A return to market prices which reflect scarcity. Output prices will be determined by the
market and reflect economic scarcities. Subsidies must be removed. Interest rates (the
price of credit) will rise as will the price of foreign exchange through currency
depreciation.
(ii)
Measures to promote the private sector: The efficiency operation of the market, providing
consumers and producers with what they want at prices which reflect costs of production,
requires measures to ensure the development of a competitive private sector.
(iii
Measures that reduce the operations of government to the minimum of central government
administrative functions. It was noted that it is extremely different for governments to
administer resource allocations on allocationally efficient grounds because political
considerations and the inflexibility of the government system inevitably prevent this. The
difficulties of creating appropriate incentive structures within government also militate
against the achievement of operational efficiency. It should be noted that divestment
includes closure, privatization and contracting out.
(iv)
Measures to ensure that the remaining government functions are carried out efficiently,
without subsidy, and that their role is well defined. It must be recognised that
government has major role in a market-oriented economy in administering the state and
un the provision of public goods and activities in which social benefits exceed private
benefits. The fact that these activities are carried out by the state does not mean that they
should not be carried out according to allocation efficiency criteria For allocation of the
budget sectoral and inter sectoral should proceed on the basis of social benefit/cost
consideration. In relation to activities that are socially profitable, eg., agricultural
research, these should take place in areas of comparative advantage. Measures to improve
the operational efficiency of the state can be achieved through improved operational and
financial targeting processes, and the development of appropriate incentive structures.
(v)
Measures to remove quantitative restrictions and administrative barriers on trade. In
addition to price controls, measures that directly control the quantity of domestic and
international trade should be removed. Examples are the movement of agricultural
I
14
produce within the domestic market, controls over food exports and imports and quota
removal. Administrative arrangements include licensing, eg., for traders, and non-tariff
barriers to international trade.
V.
Macro-Micro Linkages
The experience of Africa and Latin American countries adopting SAP clearly show the macro
micro linkages. The adjustment policies have made adverse impact on the household economy
of the poor.
David Woodward (1992) provides an analytical framework on the linkages between macro
changes and their implications at the household level. Typically, adjustment policies affect
people in the following ways;
a)
Through their effect on sources of income, i.e. changes in employment status, real wages,
product and input prices (for those selling directly to the markets), taxation.
b)
Through their effect on use in the quality of goods available for a given price). This effect
may be termed as expendi cure effect.
Both these has its special effect on women (Baker 1994). Related to these two effects, SAP also
affects households through:
c)
availability of goods and services (like education, health, drinking water, etc, which are
particularly important in the context of developing countries)
d)
non financial aspects of goods and services (like leisure time , migration, intra household
distribution of time, etc) and
e)
effects women as managers of household consumption budget because of indirect taxes
and decrease income (Baker 1994)
SAP policies affect different sections differently, depending on the nature of economic activity
the individuals(gender) are engaged in and their resource endowments. In the initial phase of
policy changes, especially under stabilization period, there will be a general contraction of overall
15
economic activities (due to reduction in .expenditure and hence demand) This, as empirically
evidence from African and Latin American countries suggest, will have negative effects on urban
sections of the poor and lower middle class people., who are generally dependent on resource
transfer(eg: benefits from subsidies). In rural areas such effects of stabilisation may take a
relatively longer time to manifest.
At the same time, the fall in real incomes of the organised sector wil be steep in the initial phase
compared to unorganised sector. But a reduction in demand for labour due to overall decline in
economic activity will effect those in rural landless category and in the urban informal sector who
depend on wage employment.
The purchasing power of the household will be affected which can be termed as part of income
effect. This necessitates households to develop coping strategies to compensate their lower
incomes.
Expenditure effects of policy changes essentially relate to changes in the relative prices of
tradable goods and non- tradable in the economy. The fiscal policy changes and accompanying
inflationary/deflationary tendencies will affect the purchasing power of different sections of the
society-’. Restructuring of public sector services pricing, and of other services provided by the
govemmen :, will have impact on the household expenditure pattern.
■
The expenditure effect of policy changes will again depend on the consumption pattern of the
household and the household's coping strategies. Some people argue it is the basic goods whose
prices will increase faster and they constitute a major chunk of the consumption basket of the
poor. This section does not comprise indexed wage earners.
Also decline in access to basic services due to curtailment of state expenditure will also effect
the poor households, who will be on the margins of the economic activity.
If we focus on the poor households, evidence from Africa and Latin America suggest that the
impact happened be dis-proportionately severe on the poorer sections in both rural and urban
areas.
Looking at the theoretical and empirical evidences so far available from other countries four
broad areas can be identified on which adjustment policies will have considerable impact on the
16
poor.
1.
Employment
SAP envisages reduction in government plan and non plan expenditure which will have direct
implications for employment creation, especially in rural areas and in the un-organised sector,
privatisation of the public sector may reduce the employment in organised sector.
The policy changes in fiscal and industrial sectors it is argued would reduce the overall
employment potential of the economy. Already there exists large scale unemployment and under
employment both in the rural and urban areas. SAP, it is argued, would throw out large sections
of people from the private organised sector due to the labour policy changes.
In the un-organised sector, due to the influx of retrenched labour, there will be surplus labour
force which may reduce the earning capacity' of people in that sector.
In rural areas changes in agricultural patterns and the incentive system to agriculture may reduce
the employment potential. Along with this, due to expenditure contraction measures there may
be a reduction in public works activities and thereby less employment opportunities for landless
poor in the off-season. Hence employment opportunities in both rural and urban sector could
decline due to SAP.
2.
Wages
As a result of decline in employment opportunities and increasing numbers in the labour force,
the bargaining capacity of the poor in the labour markets may eventually decline and this may
result in low/subsistence wages in both rural and urban sectors. Also the changes in the
agricultural pattern may lead to a reduction in wages due to demand and supply factors.
3.
Social Services
Social services are directly influenced by government spending, services like education, health
and public distribution come under direct financing of the government. These are crucial sectors
for the economy. In fact, much of the expenditure on these are met by state governments. The
austerity measures imposed on the states will have implications for expenditure in these sectors
17
4.
Changes in Agriculture Pattern
With increased market orientation in agriculture there could be a possibility of small and
subsistence farmers turning to cash crops instead of food crops. This could jeopardize the food
security of such households since they depend on the land for their food needs. This shift in the
cropping pattern will have macro implications. In terms of aggregate food security of the
country and household food security as well.
Changes in input prices(of fertilizer, water and power) would also affect agriculture in terms of
changes in land use pattern and use of inputs These changes will have long term environmental
implications like, an increase in cultivable fallow, soil degradation due to inappropriate use of
nutrients etc.
18
Figure 2
A schematic representation of structural adjustment policy
Structural adjustment policy
Structural adjustment
Stabilization
Fiscal
policy
Monetary
policy
Devaluation
Resource
mobilization
Market liberalization
Goods
markets
Current account
Public sector
resource allocation
Institutional
reform
Capital
markets
Internal factor
markets
Domestic financial
markets
Agricultural
industry
Return to
marketdetermined
Removal of
quantitative
restrictions
Divestiture
Promotion of private
sector operations
Closure
Contracting
out
Limitations on the
role of government
Competition form
private sector
Structural
adjustment policy
CHAPTER III
STUDY METHODOLOGY
The study methodology has been evolved through a process of consultation and participation by
a group of NGOs. It is to be noted that, the consultation process has led to a lot of learning and
mid way correction in the methodology were administered to get more focussed.
In March 1992 UNNATI called a Western India consultation to understand the implication of
SAP on poor household economy In this consultation the idea of monitoring the impact of SAP
was mooted. After this several informal meetings were held with field based NGOs to carry out
the impact study in February 1993 another consultation was called to finalise the methodology
of study. Meanwhile efforts were made at the national level to carry out a nation wide study.
A uniform methodology was proposed, which will be carried out across the country and
aggregations would be possible to get insights into the living conditions of the poor under SAP
regime across the country. This was welcomed by many NGOs, but such a vast scale of
monitoring study covering Gujarat was kicked off in 1993, which was to cover ten geographical
locations within Gujarat to ensure "spatial repi esentation. But when it came to carrying out the
research only seven NGOs came forward, willing to participate in the study. Thus from April
1994, seven NGOs formed the core team and participated in the study. These NGOs are located
in various parts of the state, but this by no means is a representative sample covering the states.
But the study covers diverse groups like dalits, tribals, urban slum dwellers and rural people
which forms the poor. Before the April 1994 round of study, a pilot round was initiated with five
NGOs in September 1993.
Since the study is a joint effort of grass root NGOs, their target population formed the universe
of the study. All the NGOs were working mostly with the poor as their target group, defined by
their own criteria. Thus the stratification of the population is based on the local criteria. Among
the target population about 8-10 per cent of the househols are taken as sample for the monitoring
study on arandom sampling method. The differences in sample size is mainly due to flexibility
that are accorded to NGOs and the capacities of the NGOs in undertaking such a survey based
work.
20
Since the study is longitudinal in nature, there has been drop outs during the four rounds of data
collection. But that does not alter our results radically, as overall drop out is comparitively low.
Table 3.1 presents sample size over the four rounds of data collection.
Table 3.1 INFORMATION ON SAMPLE SIZE
Groups
No. of
Households
No of Households Surveyed
No. of
Villages/Ch
alis
Apr 94
Dec 94
May 95
Dec 95
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery')
1361
♦
88
86
81
77
Ahmedabad Slum
2504
5
207
175
173
170
Ahmedabad Rural
2255
7
240
238
232
227
Kutch Rural
1780
8
248
239
223
238
Sabarkanttia Rural
3850
10
312
•310
309
310
Junagadh Rural
3025
11
143
142
143
143
Sabarkantha Tribal
2070
8
205
202
201
203
Total
16845
1443
1392
1362
1368
(**)
Notes :
(i) (^Indicates that 75% of the forms were filled from the dwelling in 20 factory’
premises and the remaining from 5 chals.
(ii) The difference in the sample size between the two rounds is because of migration.
A household questionnaire was canvassed by the trained investigators who were drawn from the
NGOs. The data was supplemented by PRAs conducted in two rounds in one village each in all
the participating NGO areas. Case studies involving intensive discussion with the household
members in selected households (5 households in each area) were conducted by using case study
method. The latter two sources of data would provide substantiation for the findings of the study.
21
The four rounds of data collection were conducted during April 1994, December 1994, May 1995
and December 1995. At the end of each round the findings of the study were fed back to the
concerned NGOs and they in turn discussed with the local people. In this research process
communists are critically oriented about the economic policies. This research tries to in build
people's education into the methodology. At the end of each round a consultation was carried out
involving NGOs, academicians and the media to collectively understand the findings. A
systematic media coverage hightlighting the local conditions during the SAP period was
conducted. This study is designed as to be used for advocacy for policy changes at both macro
and micro level.
Profile Of The Study Areas
This section provides a brief overview of the seven study areas of the seven grassroot groups.
1.
Ahmedabad slum (Pottery Workers)
Pottery workers located in the Naroda region of Ahmedabad is covered under this group. Pottery
workers of Ahmedabad are migrants from Than area in Surendranagar district of Gujarat These
people have migrated into the city in the last 10-15 years. They live in the factory premises, p-;' <
...
.
.
.
'■ • ' ' '
in small dingy accommodation provided by the employer. Basic facilities like sanitation are... «■---------- . '
.
io'
lacking in the houses. Social map of one area studied is presented below (chart. 1) as an
illustration, to get an idea on the settlement pattern and living conditions of this group. Women
and children work in the same units along with the main male workers. They work on piece rate
basis.
The literacy rate is very low among this group. Female adult literacy is about 38 per cent which
has not picked up in recnt years. Primary school enrolment is limited to about 78 per cent of the
total eligible children. The enrolment for female children is 69 per cent. The incidence of
children working is very common and children work in the pottery units as soon as they complete
primary shcooling. — 2-t ■
The proportion of population above 45 years is only 7%. Most of the workers are exposed to
silica while at work and hence susceptible to occupational diseases, 'Silicosis'. This is a major
threat to the life of the workers. There were instances of death occuring due to the 'Silicosis',
which were reported more frequently during the last five years. The NGO participating in this
<21
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study, Shramik Seva Sansthan (SSS) works among these households in organisnig, for increasing
their bargaining capacity for better wages, living conditions, compensation and health facilities.
2. Ahmedabad Slum
The sample households covered under this category includes households working in textile units
and in unorganised sector. These households are migrants from outside, mainly from Uttar
Pradesh and other Northern states, who have come to Ahmedabad city for want of work some
twenty years back. Most of the households live in 'chalis' which is densly populated row of
houses with common water and sanitation facilities. Some parts of the area studied did not have
electricity. Most of the residents take illeagal electric connections from the nearby areas. Most
of the hosueholds of this area used to work in textile mills of Ahmedabad. They used to get
relatively high wages till the textile industry became sick. This has resulted in many of the
workers entering into other occupations in unorganised sector
The overall literacy and educational level of this group is high. More than 60 per cent of the
females of this area are literate School enrollment at the primary' level is relatively high but
many children opt out of the school after the primary level.
Loss of men's employment and loss of wage as they enter unorganised sector has led to women
to work outside, which was not the case in the earlier period, where women used to stay at home.
It is a very recent phenomena.
Textile workers suffer from occupational diseases like 'Byssinosis' and loss of hearing. Most of
these workers do not get adequate compensation for these occupational diseases. The NGO
participating in this study, Kamdar Swasthya Suraksha Mandal (KSSM) is working with the
workers. It is addressing the issue of workplace hazards and compensation for the workers
incapaciated due to occupational diseases.
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Villages of Daskroi Taluka of Ahmedabad District is covered under this area. This area is just
8 k.m away from the Odhav Industrial estate. The households are primarily farmers, agricultural
labourers and are engaged in livestock activity. A small section of population work in the
unorganised sector in the city. They commute to the city every day for employment.
24
A major problem faced by the households is lack of irrigation. Majority of the households
engaged in farming take mainly kharif crop. There is a trend towards increased livestock activity
in recent years, particularly among women. Private dairies are active in this area which has
increased dairy activity in these villages
Literacy rate is comparitively low. About 38 per cent of women are literate among this group.
Though the primary school enrolment is high, the incidence of child labour is about 10 per cent
in this area. Children help families in agriculture and livestock activities.
In recent years, there has been an increase in land alienation and transfers in this area Land
being mortgagrd to take loans or sold to meet household expenses Recent amendments of land
purchase laws of the government has accelerated this process, (as we shall seejn the findings in
the later part of the report).
Centre for Economic and Social Concern (CESQ, the participating NGO of this study, works
with this community, to better their standard of living and towards poor people better access to
government programmes. Their interventions include provision of credit support to the poor
households through self help groups.
4.
Kutch Rm il
Households in this area are marginal farmers of Mandavi Taluka of Kutch district. Some Part
of the area covered under this study, is having irrigated land (3 villages) while in the other area
(5 villages) dryland agriculture is prevalent. The land is saline in many parts of the studied
villages. Ground water level has fallen over the years, due to excess dependece on ground water
for irrigation. To overcome this problem, the NGO which is involved in this study Vivekananda
Research and Training Institute (VRTI) has introduced drip irrigation. Migration from this area
is a regular phenomenon particularly from the dry land villages. Most of the out migration is to
other cities of the region and to West Asian (Gulf) countries.
r. +-
The traditional occupations of the area, cattle rearing and handicrafts are declining due to lack
of support in terms of production and marketing. Most of the households engage in agriculture
and work as labourers in agriculture and non agriculture sectors.
Literacy rate is low in the studied villages. The overall literacy is 62 per cent and it is 55 per
t-,. ... <
W-
25
cent among females Due to low population density and non availability of school facilities, most
of the children do not attend school beyond primary level.
VRTI works among the farmers. They have formed co-operatives societies which provide seeds
and fertilizers to farmers. They also do research and training on methods of farming and
demonstrate the techniques to be adopted in the desert region.
5. Sabarkantha Rural
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The households studied in this area come under Idar Taluka of Sabarkantha district. Most of the
households are small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers About 80 per cent of the
households belong to the Dalit community. Most of the poor work as agriculture labourers.
Dairying is coming up as an additional main occupation.
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Tube’rclosis (TB) is highly prevalent in this area. Drinking water of this area has fluoride content
and this has been a major reason for many illnesses among these people.
Literacy rates is very low particularly among females Even with high primary school enrolment,
there are very few children who are in the middle and secondary school. Children who do not
attend school, work as labourers in agriculture.) The incidence of child labour is about 12 per
cent.
This area is irrigated to a large extent but the average size of land holding is small. Farmers
cultivate both consumption crops like bajari, jawar, wheat and cash crops like pulses, cotton and
castor (oilseed). The participating NGO, Gram Vikas Seva Trust (GVST), work with the dalit
community of the area, towards political empowerment and economic and social upliftment.
6. Junagadh Rural (.
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The area studied falls in the Mangrol Taluka of Junagadh district. The households included in
the study are entirely dalits. Most of them are landless agricultural labourers and there are very
few marginal farmers in the sample.
Most of the agriculture in this area depend on monsoon. There are no irrigation facilities
available in this area. Very few farmers resort to well irrigation. This is a Semi arid area with
high level of salinity. This has resulted in-fanners growing ground nut during the khanf season.
One recent phenomenon observed in the area is leasing of government lands for mining by the
government, which has resulted in increase in employment opportunities for the local population
in mining and construction activities. Gramya Kamdar Seva Kendra (GKSK), the participating
NGO in this study, is working with the Dalits of the area, creating awareness for their basic
rights. They are also helping the community in acquiring agriculture land and in maintaining the
control over land
7 Sabarkantha Tribal ,V
Poshina area of Sabarkantha district is included under this area The households studied herq are
farmers with small size land holdings. These tribals are'also facing the threat of eviction from
their land by the forest department. Agriculture in this area does not provide subsistence income
throughout the year to the farmers. About six months of the year they migrate to other areas in
search of wage employment. The surrounding forest does not provide any means of livelihood
except for a very limited period of one month, when ’tendu1 leaves are collected.
Literacy rate is very low particularly among females of the area Primary school enrolment is
around 50 per cent and it is still low among the female children. Child labour is highly prevalent
he e particularly among the girls. Most of the children engage in houeshcld work and help in
agriculture.
There are limited health services is in the area. Government health facilites are not available
within the cluster of villages, and people have to go to the nearest town to get simple medication.
Most of the hosueholds depend on private health care system
The participating NGO, Navdeep Pragati Yuvak mandal (NPYM) is involved in this area,
helping the community to assert their rights over forest land, forest produce and increasing
productivity of agriculture through land leveling, rain water harvesting and providing agriculture
inputs.
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PART II
MAIN FINDINGS
CHAFFER IV
TRENDS IN EMPLOYMENT AND WAGES
I. Urban employment and wages
The trends in employment and wages in the last two years has been analysed separately for
urban, rural and tribal areas Labour Force participation has been considered as the key indicator
to understand the shifts.
Labour For.ce Participation Rate (LFPR) has been defined as the number of persons working for
more than 20 days a month (previous month of the survey period) between the age group 15-59
years. The LFPR for all the groups is given in the table (4.1)
LFPR among the urban households show a mixed trend It has remain ed almost the same in the
case of Ahmedabad slum population but it had declined in the case of pottery workers. The male
participation declined from 87.2% to 81 1% and female participation from 73.7% to 68.5%
between April 94 and Dec'.95 in the case of pottery workers. In Ahmedabad slum area male
participation has increased from 68% to 72% during the same period. The female participation
increased from 2.2% in April 94 to 13 % May 95 and subsequently declined to 8.8% in Dec 95.
Tables (I) & (2) presented in the appendix provides detailed employment pattern of urban
groups over the period under study. In Ahmedabad slum (pottery), the main source of
employment are the ceramic units which are categorised as part of the manufacturing. This sector
has employed 85% to 90% of the total workforce during the period. During the four rounds of
the study, this rate has almost remained the same. Male and female employment has remained
the same over the study period. The proportion of females working in pottery was 40% in April
94, 37% in May 95 and 40% in December 95. Apart from pottery work, people of the area are
engaged in construction and services. Construction has attracted both men and women workers,
but more and more women are entering into this activity over the period.
!/
.. ,
A
* *
7 j
yU..( U 3
30
O
TABLE 4.1
LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION RATES
April 94
Groups
December 94
May 95
M
F
T
M
F
T
M
F
T
M
F
T
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
87.2
73.7
80.6
90.9
79.8
86.0
87.1
68.5
78.1
81.1
68.5
74.9
Ahmedabad Slum
68.0
2.2
41.2
66.8
13.5
43.4
67.6
13.0
43.6
71.9
(8.8
44.2
Ahmedabad Rural
83.9
52.5
68.8
82 5
50.7
67.2
79.4
65.0
72.3
81.6
9.2
46.0
Kutch Rural
87.7
44.6
67.0
83.6
30.1
57.7
84 4
23 2
57.8
64 1
5.5
35.6
Sabarkantha Rural
81.1
40.2
613
82.0
54.8
68.8
83.9
46 5
94.7
46 8
71.3
Junagadh Rural
80.2
55,1
68.5
83.8
62 1
73.3
78 2
63.7
71.2
85.4
51.4
68.5
Sabarkantha Tribal
84.8
40.9
63.5
87 3
47.6
67.6
86.4
44.9
66 2
94.0
35.0
65.5
Noles :
1.
2.
December 95
Labour force participation gives the number of persons in the age 15-59 years who are employed.
Participation for males and females has been calculated separately.
31
65.8
In Ahmedabad slum the employment in manufacturing has remained the same between Dec 94
and Dec 95. The share of manufacturing in employment in this group is 50%. Within the
manufacturing only 20-23 % of the employment is in textile mills. The remaining employment
is in small scale manufacturing which has shown an increase over the period. The small scale
units include tiny units of welding, metal fabrication, sugar candy making and such activities
These units are unorganised and usually do not come under labour and environment laws. Work
in these units is often hazardous.
This trend is indicative of the fact that the organised sector is not able to sustain employment.
As a result of this, the role of unorganised employment has increased in urban slum areas
Coming to wage rates, there has been a stagnation in real wage rate among the pottery workers
between May '95 and Dec.95. The money wage per day has increased from Rs. 19 to Rs.30
pi
between Sept.'93 and Dec.95. Translating this into real wages reveal that the real wages have <■"
increased from Rs 20 in April 94 to Rs.25 in Dec.95. In this, the increase between May '95 and
Dec'95 is very marginal
Among the textile workers, the money wages have actually declined from Rs.63 in Sept '93 to
Rs. 50 in Dec.95, reaching an all time low of Rs.43 in DecT4 This decline is automatically
reflected in the decline in real wages as well as table (4.2) demonstrates
The increase in wages in the construction sector in urban areas is a feature observed in the last
two rounds viz., May 95 and Dec.95. This could be one reason for an increase in employment
rate of this sector witnessed during the Dec.95 round The wage rate has increased on an
average from Rs. 33 to Rs.40 between May.95 to Dec.95.
Among both the urban groups job loss has been witnessed. Table (4.3) gives the data on job loss
among the urban workers.
Many changes are taking place in both ceramic and textile industries in the State which reflects
on the employment situation. In Gujarat, the ceramic industry has been facing sickness since the
eighties and a number of units have been closed. Even those units which are operating are
working at 50 % of installed capacity'. Among the Ahmedabad Pottery households surveyed, both
males and females have lost jobs from ceramic units between April 94 and Dec 95. During this
period 97 persons, 54 males and 43 females lost jobs. Almost all the jobs lost were from the
32
TABLE 4.2
AVERAGE WAGE RATES IN URBAN AREA FOR MALES (In RS).
Ahmcdnbad Slum (Pottery)
Sectors
Almiedabad Slum
SepL93
Apri 94
Dec. 94
May 95
Dec. 95
19
21
(20)
25
(22.5)
29
(24.5)
(25)
Manufacturing (Pottery')
30
Manufacturing (Textile)
Sept.93
Const ruction
-
-
-
Services
40
(34)
33
(33)
34
(29)
40
(33)
38
(32)
26
(22)
Dec. 94
May 95
Dcc.95
65
(62))
43
(36)
45
(38)
50
(41)
34
(29)
42
(34)
33
(28)
38
(31)
43
(36)
44
(37)
''
63
Manufacturing (Odicrs)
Apri 94
36
43
(41)
35
(31.2)
Notes :
(i)
To arrive at real wage rates for April 94 we have used Sept 93 as the base. We had done a study in Sept 93 in which die wage rates in various activities were collected. So we decided to
use this point as the base. To arrive at die real wage in April 94. we have divided die wage rate in April 94 by die ratio of cost of living index for Sept. 93 and April 94. Similarly exercise
was done for arriving at die real wage rate for Dec. 94. May 95 and Dec. 95.
(ii)
We have used die cost of living index lor urban industrial workers for urban workers.
(iii)
z ,
Figures in bracket give die real wage rates.
C-- ' ■ ' ;
zLr- ./'■
■'
-
i
.
,
>
■
-
'AzfC-.f!.,-
33
TABLE 4.3
JOBS LOST IN URBAN AREAS (Nos)
Study Period
Ahmedabad Slum
Ahmedabad Slum (Pottery)
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
April 94
20
19
39
35
-
35
December 94
19
12
41
6
1
7
May 94
8
4
12
36
2
38
December 95
7
8
15
32
3
35
All Rounds
54
43
97
109
6
115
pottery units. The major reasons for loss of job are retrenchment, closure of units and under
utilization of productive capacity in that order.
In Ahmedabad slum area, 109 males and 6 females have lost jobs between April 94 and Dec 95.
It is to be noted that in this group, to begin with the female labour force participation is very
low (13%). Fifty percent of the jobs lost are from the maufacturing sector which include textile
mills, metal fabricating units and chemical units. The other 50 % were not able to retain their
jobs in the construction, trade and transport sectors, which in any case are in the unorganised
sector. Women have lost jobs from textile units and from trade activity The main reasons here
are retrenchment, closure of mills, conflict with employers and under utilization of capacity.
34
WOFI'E?. DIZS OF HAZARDOUS OCCUFATIO1I
Janben , aged 30 years has been living in Navdeep Pottery since the last 10 years
This unit issituated in Naroda Industrial area. She lives with her three children
in the two room dwelling 'Kholi' inside the factory premises. The owner provides
them this accommodation without any sanitation facilities.
Houses have
electricity connection but they avail electricity only at night. During summer
it is too difficult to stay at home in the afternoon. When the research team
visited this unit it was afternoon and it was very hot. Most workers were outside
the house.
Janben and her husband were working in the glazing department of the pottery
unit. They worked on piece rate basis. If they worked for 8 hrs in a day one
person can earn Rs. 35 per day. Sometimes they have to work for 10 to 12 hrs
whenever owner calls them because they live in the factory premises. In a normal
month (excluding the monsoon months) they get work for 20 days per month. During
the monsoon they work only for five to ten days a month. During these months
they have to borrow Rs 500 to Rs. 1000 from the owner. After the rains the owner
cut this money from their salary.
Three years back Pethabhai Janben's husband suffered from some respiratory
disease. Janben showed him to the Government hospital. The doctor gave him some
medicine but it was not so effective. After that they went to ESIS hospital where
doctor diagnosied that he was suffering from T.B. Pethabhai was admitted in the
ESIS hospital for ten days. Still he did not recover. At that time somebody had
told them to go to the Kothari Charitable Trust Hospital situated at Rajkot, 260
km away from Ahmedabad. But even this effort did not help. Again they came back
to Ahmedabad. The owner refered him to a private hospital and spent Rs. 6000 for
his treatment. But this did not help him and finally he died after one year. When
he died he weighted only 27 kgs'. He has 2 eft behind his wife and three children.
To meet this health expenditure, Janben had sold her jwellery for Rs. 3000. She
had also borrowed the Rs. 15,000 from the owner. She is now left alone to work
and earn to maintain her children and to repay all the debts.
B5
This family had twelve members and lived in D'colony in Naroda road. The joint
family consisted of three brothers Givabhai, Hirabhai, Mohanbhai their wife and
six children. The eldest brother Givabahi was a regular employee of Prabhat
Pottery. The other brothers and his wife did casual work. They could manage the
household with income from the multiple sources.
A year back Givabhai was forced to leave the pottery unit since there was no
regular employment. Pottery units pay on the system of piece rate and therefore
when there is no job there is no pay. He would get work only for about five days
a month. Things worsened when the kilns were fired only once in a period of three
months. They could get work only for a period 5 days prior to the firing. With
this he was not able to maintain the family. So he left the factory to find
casual work. He was given about 5000 as compensation and he was told that the
remaining amount will be given to him later when the mill is completely closed.
He now work as a casual labour earning about Rs.30 per day.
While talking to the family the researcher met another worker from the same
ceramic unit, she was employed only for five days in three months. The rest of
time she works as casual labour. The workers have been told that the unit will
be closed and all the assets sold after which all workers will be compensated.
The process of sale on. But whether the worker will be compensated is to be seen.
Where will all these workers go for employment?
Two years back Prabhat pottery could provide on an average 20 days employment
throughout the year. Many pottery units in the last three years have shifted from
to tunnel kiln which is cost effective and gives higher quality output. The
employer is a dalit workers and he says he has no assets to keep as collateral.
to get loan for investing in improved technology. So he has no other option but
to close down. Similar situation also exist two other unit where a dalit are the
owners.
Four months back the family split and the three brother now live separately.
Givabhai had to build a house for which he and his wife have taken loan from the
employer which they will repay by working for him. Mohanbhai the youngest brother
has taken Rs. 2000 loan for his wife's delivery from him employer which he has
to work and pay back. Part of his salary is cut to repay the loan. Hirabhai has
build a small room behind the original house spending Rs 5000.
Mohanbhai's wife being the youngest didnot have many responsibilities in the
joint family. Now she finds it difficult to manage the house with the single
income of her husband. She therefore decided to purchase a sewing machine last
month. She was lucky because her mother, sister and brother together gave Rs 6000
and is in no hurry to take back the money. Now she earns abour Rs 10 per day by
sitching readymade sari blouses for a cloth merchant who pays a Rs 3 per piece.
There are so many uncertain!ties but with a smiling face she hopes that she will
get more orders and will be able to earn better and help supplement the family
income.
Abilashbhai is a retrenched textile mill worker, fee stays with his wife Kamalben
and two daughters aged 6 years and 6 months. Abilashbhai migrated about 16 years
back from a village in Uttar Pradesh looking better prospects. His family lives
in a two room house in a crowded chawli in the city.
He worked in Saraspur textile mill for 16 years. As a textile mill worker he was
earning about Rs 2000 per month. Two years back he was asked to leave because
there was not enough work. He is now working as a daily labourer polishing tiles
in newly constructed houses. Now as a polisher he earns on a day he is employed
Rs.30 which is about Rs.700-800 per month when he gets 25 days of employment.
He pays Rs 300 as rent and electricity for the house. The remaining amount is not
enough to meet even the basic needs of the family. If he works in two shifts he
can earn more. He does that very often during crises. Earlier because he was a
regular worker he could buy basic food item from the shopkeeper on account. The
shopkeepers were confident and he was able to repay. But now that he has lost his
job they are reluctant to give him on account. He has about Rs. 1000 loan on
account and will be able to pay only if he get regular employment.
When he was a mill worker he could save out of the salary and send money home.
In his village there are 5-7 family members. Now he has stopped sending any
money. He has taken a loan of Rs.5000 for his sister's marriage at 3% interest
in his village. He also took a loan of Rs 3000 from the mill. He has to repay
these amount. This also includes part of Rs. 6000 which they had to spend when his
brother’s wife was not well and had to be treated in Kameshwar Mahadev. All her
ornaments have also been pawned during the last year to meet expenses of various
nature.
When he was retrenched he was given about Rs.50,000 as compensation. He has
purchased land in the village. His family in the village cultivates on this land.
He doesn't get any benefit from the land. They do not want to go back because
they will not be any work there. In this city they can atleast hope for at 15
days employment a month. Even if it is of hazardous in nature they are ready to
work.
The women in the chali are socially constrained to work outside the house. But
they are willing to get engaged in homebased job if help is provided. This will
help them to earn and supplement the household incomes.
There is little hope for Abhilash bhai and his family. He cannot hope to get back
his job in textile mill. There are many Ablishbhai's already in the city. Unless
the government policy changes and there is restruction of the textile industry
and new market are tapped, retrenchment of workers from this sector will
continue.
(KSSM)
3?
W9?_iCIifG Til OP.GAillSGD SHGTOS*. WITHOUT SOCIAL SSCUr'.ITZ
rr
Mohanbhai Vania, lives in Delhi Chawli in Naroda with his wife, three sons,
daughter in law and grandchildren. Mohanbhai was a permanent employee in a
private iron product manufacturing company.
He started working in the year 1966 the year the company stared. His salary at
that time was just Rs. 150 then in the next year it increased salary was Rs.180.
The company was giving bonus and medical facility also. Even bills from out side
medical shop prescribed by company's doctor were reimbursed. They did not have
canteen subsidy. They were quite comfortable and happy with the situation. His
salary increased to Rs 1800/- by 1992. But the company stopped providing other
facilities.
In 1992 when he was just 46 years old he developed serious health problem.
He
first took medicine from the company's doctor. But he did not get cured. He went
to some private doctor who diagonised it as T.B.and treated him.
He continued
the treatment for two months and spend around Rs 4000/-. Then he started taking
medicines from civil hospital at Ahmedabad. There he took medicines for 6 months
but again the medicine did not improve his health. Since last four months he is
taking medicines from ESI hospital on his sons's card who is working with some
factory.
During this period he became very weak and was not able to work with the heavy
iron pieces.
He could not be shifted to another department, because in that
factory in all the departments the work is very hard and his health condition did
not permit him to good to do such work.So finally in 1994 he had to leave the
job. He received Rs.37,000 as a compensation.
He used the money to buy a second house for his son in the same row and remaining
amount he used for his son's ma.-riage. So now there is no money left for his
treatment.
His younger son is working with a spinning mill and earning Rs 700 to 800 per
month. While the other son is working in a fruit market and earning rupees 1000
to 1200 per month. At present Mohanbhai feels better with the medicine from ESI
hospital.
But some times when problem develops he has to spend money for the
treatment which costs about Rs 300 to 400 or some times even Rs 700 to 800 per
month.
They have already mortgaged their gold and silver ornaments for Rs 10,000 for
Mohanbhai's treatment.
According to him in the Iron company, in the moulding department many people have
developed T.B.
He say this is because while breaking the mould is made of
jaggery and claycertain amount of some smoke develops, which the workers inhale
and this causes breathing problems.
The factory
started in 1966 with 125 workers and in 1994 it employed 3000
employees.
The company has grown fast but their pay scale has remained quite
steady considering the rate of inflation.
(KSSM)
WOr'-i'.IilG III OAGAiIISdlD SdlCTO?. WITHOUT SOCIAL SECUP.ITZ-I
Ganga Singh Keha Singh Rajput is the head of a six members family, his wife, two
sons, daughter and daughter in law. They live in Delhi vali chawl in Naroda.
Gangasingh was an employee of the Vijay Mill for 25 years i.e from 1963 to 1988
till the time the mill closed down. He was working in the binding department.
According to Gangasinh he is eligible for compensation of Rs.60,000/. But he
received just Rs 17,000. The remaining amount he expects to get in installments.
He utilized his compensation for his elder daughter's marriage. His second
daughter is 18 years old and he is waiting for the second installment for getting
her married. There is no other way he can get money for marriage expenses.
Gangasinh eldest son was just 14 years, he was forced to give up education to
help the family as another pair of working hands. He was worked with a fruit
merchant as a loader and earned about Rs 8 per day. His two sons are now rickshaw
drivers and they take vehicle on rent basis and earn about Rs 25 to 30 each per
day after paying Rs 40 for rent to rickshaw's owner and meeting petrol expenses.
Females of the household make rolls of cotton 'Puni' and they earn about Rs 20
per day together. They are paid Rs 8 for 150 packets and each packet contains 18
Punis. The raw cotton is provided by traders and packets are taken to make cotton
yarn, which is further used for weaving.
A year ago Gangasingh's wife was suffering from stomach ache. First she was
treated by a private doctor, later when she did not improve she was taken to the
Sharadaben hospital, where she had to undergo surgery to remove a turner from the
stomach. During this illness they spend around Rs 4000. This amount was arranged
by her sons, through loan from their friends, for which they have to pay
interest. Out of this, only a small amount has been paid back. She is still not
completely okay and has to take medicines regularly. They are spending around Rs
400 to 500 per month for medicines.
Ganga singh owns 9 bigha of land alongwith his three brothers in their village.
But it has already been mortgaged years back for Rs. 12,000 to meet the daughter's
marriage expenses. He exchanged his house in the village for the house in Delhi
Vali Chawli.
Earlier when he had a permanent job things were not so difficult. They could buy
basic items for the house on account from the local shops. Now the shop keepers
are not giving anything on account because he doesn't have a permanent source of
income. We cannot buy even a days provision without ready cash.
(KSSM)
3^
II Rural employment and wages
Labour force participation in the rural areas studied. In Ahmedabad rural area, shows an overall
increase between Apr.94 to May 95. But in the subsequent round viz., Dec 95, witnessed a drasti'c
decline. This decline is particularly high among females, this may be attributed to the non
reporting of activities done by women.
In Kutch area too, the first three rounds witnessed some w'hat stable labour force participation
rate but a decline is witnessed during the last round from a high of 57 8 per cent in May '95 to
36 per cent in Dec 95. In this area, the decline is seen in both male and female.
Sabarkantha rural the overall participation rate has steadily increased from 61 per cent in Apr.94
to 71 per cent in Dec. 95. Male participation has increased from 81 per cent in Apr.94 to about
95 per cent in Dec 95. Female participation though it declined in May 95 remained the same in
Dec 95.
In Junagadh rural although the overall participation remained the same, we can see fluctuations
between the rounds It has increased from 68 5% to 73.3% between April 94 and Dec 94 and
declined in May '95 and Dec.95
Thus the data show that there has been no drastic shifts in labour force participation except in
the case of Ahmedabad rural and Kutch rural areas which have witnessed a decline in labour
force participation rates.
The detailed employment patterns in the four rural areas are given in Tables 3 to 6 in the
appendix.
In Ahmedabad rural, the number of farmers and agricultural laborers have increased The
livestock activity' in w'hich women are predominantly engaged increased from 28 per cent to
about 38 per cent between April 94 and May 95 and then suddenly shown a decline, in the last
round As mentioned earlier this is a reporting problem with reference to women's activities as
in Dec 95 cutting grass has been reported under household activity'. During May 95 there w'as
a sharp decline in men involved in agricultural labour However overall there is an increasing
involvement in agricultural w'ork. The involvement is sporadic. Agricutural laborers mostly go
to construction activity. Eventhough the number involved in farming has increased many poor
farmers are being partially delineated from their land
One feature observed in this area is a steady increase in non household manufacturing The
figures show' that between Apr.94 and dec.95, the share has increased from 6.7 per cent to 12.6
per cent. The locational advantage could be one more reason for men to opt for un organised
manufacturing w'ork.
In Kutch rural there is a marginal but steady decline in the proportion of farmers over the four
rounds. However there is a sharp increase in the number of agricultural laborers from 28 per cent
40
EMpicrynENT
pATTFW - MA'-E
Q>H A v/VM CrtAPH -
TDA^ fivAAU
Dome B^j v^om^IjsJ
BtuWNttfiDMCCDAR)
koRK
\. CVlTlVAToiU,
l- UV{ ST,..X
\
%f/
<1
^R.)CUL.TUP.Al. 15y
£owtt\cL£> JOCAK
4-flrjpo/?
ft. Hat
l-ASou^
liv^iTocK A.CwiXJ
3
12..
<.-;.?
J-
"<
Mt
M
^A<UUL7U/!AC tA5
’-riiiiirs 97=;?. kG?.xcuL'ru?_i\L LkiiD
Large tract of agriculture land is getting minded in Mandvi and Bhuj of Kutcch
This clay is used for iron moulding,
face pack by consmetic
companies etc., as it is a good water holding material.
This material has high
for Bentonite.
export potential.
Mining companies are bying the agriculture and indiscriminately where ever they
see the land has
The land is purchased with a range of Rs.6000/- to
Bentonite.
6 Lakhs per acre as per
the quantity and quality of available Bentonite
.
According to one local person who sold of his 7 acres of land just five years
back for Rs. 6000/- per acre,
says now it costs 1 Lakh per acre in the same
area.The open cast mining is done by bulldozers removing the top soil. In this
process many farmers will turn into daily wage workers who work in grinding units
of the Bentonite mine. Women who are in grinding process get Rs.35/- per day and
man get Rs. 45/.
Indiscriminate mining is going to make adverse inpact on the
agro ecosystem.On top of this one ecosystem will be disturbed.
Most of these
mines are even not regulated under the Mine Act.
(A/RTl J)
SUBSIDlSZilG TrlS
TPJIDSP.S
Animal husbandry is the main occupation in many rural areas in Gujarart. It is
the main source of income for many families. This has lead to the formation of
co-operative and given rise to private diaries.
Co-operatives set the price based on the of fat content in the milk. They also
provide services like free vetienery services, subsidised cattle feed, insurance
to cattle and loan for purchase of cattle. The private sector doesnot provide any
such services. However the prices in the private sector tends to be higher than
in the government.
The households take membership in both co-operatives and private milk buyers. If
a family has four animals it gives part of the milk to the co-operative and
reeives price set by the co-operative and receives other services for all the
animals. The private milk traders get their share without any investment and
social committment.
(GVST)
in Apr.94 to 67 per cent in Dec.95. Employment in construction has also declined sharply in
this period From the data it can be inferred that there is a complimentarily between agriculture
labour employment and construction work
In Sabarkantha rural there is an overall decline in number of agricultural laborers. There is an
increase farmers and in those engaged in livestock activity. The proportion of person engaged in
construction has increased from 0.9% in April 94 to 13 1% in Dec 95 The increase is seen
among both males and females However during the last two rounds i.,e between May 95 and
Dec 95, there was a decline in number of women employed in construction work. Manufacturing
in the April 94 and Dec 94 has accounted for 1% of the employment but since then has increased
to 3.4 per cent in Dec 95. These are mostly male workers. Many of them are working in food
processing units which have recently come up in the area.
The increase in agriculture and livestock can be attributed to good monsoon during the last three
years. In this area we also see an increase in the total area under cultivation The shift from
agriculture labour to construction is primarily because of higher wages in construction How the
households balance their income from different activities are presented in the cases below.
In Junagadh, there is a very small section of farmers. Most of the population is involved in either
agricultural labour or construction work This area which has agriculture labour of 71 per cent
in May 94 has seen a decline in their numbers to 59 per cent by Dec.95 A steady decline was
seen both among men and women workers till May 95. Though the last round has seen a tum
rround. it did not reach the earlier figures.
There is an increase in employment in fishery and other services among males. The PRA in this
area has revealed that there is an increase in employment in stone quarrying During the last three
years this area has witnessed an increase in the leasing of land to private companies. One feature
observed is that, the proportion of work force engaged in construction has increased from 28 5
per cent in Dec 94 to 40 5 per cent in May 95 but it has declined to 20% in Dec 95. This
decline can be attributed to male workers who are shifting to other un organised activities.
43
TABLE 4.4
AVERAGE WAGES RATES IN RURAL AREAS (MALE) IN RUPEES
Sc
P
93
Apr
94
Dec
94
Mny
95
Dec
95
12
15
(14)
15
(13)
18
(15)
18
(14)
NHH
Manfg.
20
23
(22)
27
(24)
33
(28)
29
(24)
22
(20)
17
(14)
25
(20)
38
(32)
38
(32)
Services
Sept
93
Apd
94
Dec
94
Mny
95
Sept
93
Dec
95
Apd
Dec
94
Kutcli Rumi
Dec
95
Apd
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
30
(25)
30
(26)
26
(25)
25
(21)
32
(27)
33
(26)
40
(34)
36
(30)
34
(33)
50
(45)
70
(59)
66
(54)
35
(29)
37
(29
34
(32)
30
(26)
33
(28)
26
(21)
49
(42)
56
(47)
Mn
95
Agr Lab
Constru
ction
.hinngndh Rum!
Sidunknnthn Rumi
Ahnicdnbnd Runil
Secton
17
33
19
(18)
37
(36)
20
(17)
23
(20)
20
(17)
22
(17)
39
(33)
38
(31)
26
(22)
26
(20)
35
(30)
27
(23 )
17
24
(23)
32
(27)
26
(22)
30
(26)
54
(54)
5)
(37)
Noles :
(i)
We have used the cost of living index for industrial workers to deflate the wage rates for N1 III manufacturing and that for agricultural wages to arrive at real wag
rates of agricultural labours and construction workers and construction workers and index for urban non manufacturing to arrive at the real wages for services sccto
(ii)
To arrive at real wage rates for April 94 we have used September 93 as the base. We had done a study in Sept 93 in which the wage rates in various activities wei
collected. Therefore we decided to use this point as the base We had done a study tn Sept 93 in which the wage rates in various activities were collected. So we decide
to use this point as the base. To arrive al the real wages for April 94, we have divided the wage rates in April 94 by the ratio of (he cost of living index for Sept. 9
and April 94. Similar excxcise was done for arriving al the real wages rates for Dec. 94 , Mav 95 and Dec .95.
(iii)
Figures in brackets give the real wages rate.
44
WHXLE 2'0?. THE 0W1IE?. XT XL A SUiIiIZ DAY 2'02’. THE z/OI’-iCE?.
XT XS A ?J\X1IZ DAY: TWO TALES
Mohan bhai Vadi aged 55 years lives in a hutment in a barren on the Ahmedabad
Kotla highway in village Chandiel. This is the only hutment in that field. This
field belongs to a meat seller who buys goats and keeps them for slaugther in
this field. Mohanbhai and his family are watchmen of this slaughter house for
many years. Mohanbhai, nis wife and young son stays in this hutment which has
barely aroof and wall. Few dry straws makes the roof and broken bamboo mesh makes
the wall. Not able to withstand the heat Mohanbhai spreads his Charpoy under the
solitary mango tree in the field. The Charpoy was so weak that Mohanbhai could
not the offer the two researcher a seat. He was feeling uncomfortable tha he is
not able to offer. We all stood and started conversing, meanwhile the owner of
the slaughter house also joined. The young boy (owner) lives in Ahmedabad and
comes every day to look after the management of the slaughter house.
In the last two years the sale of meat has increased. The price has increased
from Rs60 to Rs 80 and this owner has now started selling the meat to Bombay
market for further export. In contrast to this Mohanbhai and his family has not
received any increased wage. Whatever he gets is just enough to buy minimum food.
His son says, "for me having a cloth to cover the head is also a luxury and those
who have a turban I calls them fortunate." While saying this he indicated a small
peasant with a turban passing the field.
This family who has ben living in this field before but a year back his wife
asked the owner if they could move to the village as they do not have any
privacy. They moved to Village Kuha and lived with the Banjaras (nomads) on the
Panchayat field. The goats were kept with in Kuha village. Everyday they have to
bring the animals for slaughter. The owner did not find it convieneicnt as there
was risk involved of running over while crossing the highway. The owner asked
them to :ome back to the field which they family doesn't lake. Ishaoen wife of
Mohanbhai works sometimes as agricultural labourer. Staying in the village helps
her to seek employment. Being in the highway away from the village she looses her
opportunity to work elsewhere. Her involvement in the agricultural work gives
then some addtional money to meet unforseen expenses. This family trationally
belong to a artisan group who used to make rings to provide a base to carry water
on the head. Since this particular item is no more in demand they stooped
producing it.
This family doesnot have access to drinking water, sanitation. The son does't go
to the school. They have not gone to the doctor for a long time. The family
doesnot have any hope, they have never received any benefit from any of the
government poverty programmes and also donot expect to get in the furture.
(CESC)
L\U Q
SOCIAL CUS'rOi-'S A1ID LACK O5‘ SOCIAL SSCOS'.ITZ TC-UIS
g'yr'>,rs;:» I'f'1'0 AGP.ICUL'l'UItAL LABOUItSJIt
Manguben is a 65 years old lady. She is from a village called ' Chandiel' , near
Odhav industrial area. She is the mother of six children, four daughters and two
sons. Ail her daughters are married. One of her sons is married and has one son
while the second son is unmarried.
It seems there is a severe scarcity of drinking water in the village. They have
hand pumps, but three years after installation the pumps have stopped working.
So at present they have to depend upon the private bore well in the village or
they to go to a well across the river (around 4 Kms .) The women are very busy
from morning 8 to 12 noon collecting water.
Five years ago the family owned 5 bighas of land. They were cultivating a variety
of crops like Wheat, Rice, Bajara, Rajako etc. In addition to this Manguben's
husband Ramsigh bhai was working in a mill in Ahmedabad city. Three years back
they married their three daughters. They spent money according to their caste's
and family's traditions.
Things took a dramatic turn when one day Ramsingh bhai fell ill and he lost his
job. They went from one hospital to another for treatment. They took him to the
Government hospital but due to non availability of doctor and medicines, they had
to take him to the private doctor at 'Kuha'. But even there he could not get
proper treatment. Finally they admitted him at V.S. hospital in Ahmedabad. There
he was hospitalized for three months but even here the treatment was not
effective and his condition didnot improve. They transferred him back to his
house and after two months he died. The amount he received as compensation was
utilized during the one year of and treatment.
After that Manguben married her fourth daughter, spending minimum for the
marriage according to their custom and traditions wlich amounted to Rs.15,000.
At this time only the two sons were working as casual labour. It was difficult
to arrange for this amount.
There are two to three 'Shahukars' in the village
who lends at 2 to 3% interest per month. Since the land has no irrigation
facility they could not depend on farming to earn enough to pay back any loan.
They ultimately mortgaged 3 vigha of their land to a big Rajput farmer, who has
facility for irrigation. This way they do not have to pay interest against the
loan received.
So now Manguben and her sons who were farmers have turned to agricultural
labourers. This incident happened about two years back. They still are not in a
position to repay the money and release their land. They feel that only a
miracle/ magic can help them to get their land back.
This was the case of Manguben, but in the village there are so many familiies who
own land but has no irrigation facility and they mortgage land during crises,
and unable to pay the money they loose their land. In this process rich farmers
are becoming more richer, while poor farmers are loosing their land.
(CESC)
L • b-
Chamanbai
Moti bhai Bhangi belongs to the lowest
cast rank in thevillage
Chandap. Her family scavenger, for the village known as bhangis .This family has
been traditionally cleaning the village and in return the village upper castes
provide cooked food . This system has declined a great deal. Now the bhangi
family only cleans the village street on some festive occasions or cleans the
corrpound of houses for families at the times of death, birth and marriage. In
return different families supply cooked food for few days. Since it is difficult
to manage the house by just depending on the food supplied by the villagers,
Chamanbai's husband learned driving and was working as a tractor driver for a big
farmer in the village. He was earning five hundred rupees and one time food.
During last two years he started feeling weak and is suffering from fever and
cough and cannot not drive. Now he does not have a job. Last year the panchayat
asked Chamanbhai to clean the Panchayat premises. After an year long of cleaning
the panchayat refused to pay as they claimed that they didnot have a grant.
Chamanbhai laments how long we are going to serve people when they have no
concern for us. On the other hand she feels the villagers are the only asset. If
the family is hungry someone will feed them. She has never visited a PDS shop and
rarely purchases from the market to cover the day to day food needs. On most of
the days one meals requirement is supplied by somebody.
Even though preliminary diagonsis of Chamanbai's hussband health would declare
T.B, he has refused to accept it. He is getting treated by unregistered
practioner for the disease but not T.B. He refuses to go to any other doctor.
Last year their three year old girl suddenly died . They didnot go to local
hospital when her vomiting started. It continued for a day. Both Chamanbhai and
her husband accepted this as desire of Mathaji.
This family as per government anti poverty programme is eligible for all kinds
of subsidies but despice his own house in a complete dilapedated condition has
not helped him to get housing support (Indira Awas Yojana) . When Chamanbhai opted
for Tubectomy (family planning) he was not even provided the financial support
that is due in the programme. Two children who go to school do not get their
scholarships regularly. The family has not received any government support. This
family being lowest among the lower caste is not allowed to collect water from
the common water points.
They have to seek someones help to fill their earthern pitchers as villagers feel
water will be polluted if the Bhangi touch the water source. It there is no body
to help them in fillling the water vessels they have to go to long distance to
fetch ater from natural streams. In performing the rituals at the death of their
daughter they had to face hardship in collecting water.
In the rural areas, agriculture labour wage and wage for other activities are shown in table (5.4).
The average money wage rates for agricultural labor has shown an increase in Sabarkanta rural
Kutch rural and in Junagadh rural in all the four rounds. It remained the same in Ahmedabad
rural between May 95 and Dec.95, though the initial period has seen an increase in money wages.
Average wage rates for manufacturing (household and non household) workers is higher than in
agriculture and construction. It has shown an increase over the first three rounds and has declined
in the last round from Rs.33 to Rs.29 between may 95 and Dec.95 in Ahmedabad rural area.
Similar decline was seen in other areas as well.
Wage rates for construction in the rural areas have showed a decline in Ahmedabad rural between
April 94 and May 95 but has increased subsequently in Dec.95. In Kutch and Sabarkantha rural,
the decline was steady till Dec.95
In the Junagadh area it has shown a steady increase all
through.
Although the money wages have shown an increase in the rural areas, the wage structure
particularly in agriculture is very low therefore it would not result in any substantial
improvements in the living standards of the poor. Non agriculture employment provides better
wages but the w’ages in this case seems to be fluctuating over the period.
Although wage rates in construction are higher than other activities it is known that this sector
has harsh working conditions.
Tribal employment and wages
In Sabarkantha Tribal below overall participation has remained the same (Table 4-1) Male labour
force participation which has been around 85 per cent in the three rounds has increased to 94%
in Dec .95. Female participation has shown a overall decline with fluctuations in the interim
periods.
The main occupation among the tribal households is farming (Table 7 in appendix) More than
80% of the employment in April 94 and December 94 was in agriculture and allied activities.
However in May 95 the number of farmers declined to 34 per cent and it was 40 per cent in Dec
95 There was a decline in agricultural laborers from 26% to 3.3% between April 94 and Dec 94.
It has increased to 29.5% in May 95 and it declined to about 10% in Dec 95. This fluctuations
in employment rates in agriculture could be due to seasonal variations as the predominant
cultivation is Kharif. the Kharif information is collected in April 94 and May 95 data
Level of livestock also shows an increase from 3.75 per cent in April 94 to 23 per cent in May
95 and further to 32 per cent in Dec 95. This increase has mostly been among the women. There
is a decline in construction workers and an increase in mining and quarrying workers. The
proportion of persons involved in these two activities put together has increased from around 3%
in April 94 to about 11% in May 95 and to about 15% in Dec 95. This increase can be due to
45
LI'/ELI-IOOD
SI'PJITE&j? J COyEltlE'iEifT E£jI?LO Z^IEifT
^EO&PJ^lME GiJrYELE *1'0 M>'DstE33 U'clE iTEEDS
Nagjibhai doesnot want to migrate in search of work nor wants to send is young
daughter. He feels that working on one's own field or in the village is more
economical and human rather than earning elsewhere with higher wages. He owns one
and a half acres of land of which one acre is irrigated. During Kharif he
cultivates Maize on the drier area and Urdh, Moong and Tuvar on the irrigated
land. During Rabi, wheat is sowed. There is a well and diesel pump which is used
by two families. He does the sowing and work for most of the time along with his
family on the land. His wife and eldest daughter(15 years) help him. If the
monsoon is favourable this gives him employment for about seven month. During the
remaining months he seeks employment out side the village. He goes to Palanpur,
Ambaji for work which include loading and unloading in truck, cutting tree etc.
Last year he did not migrate because there was work in the village. Under the
government employment scheme a pond was dug in which he got employment for one
and half month. The wage rate for men was Rs. 25 per day and for women Rs.20 per
day. Two persons from his family were employed. This year he along with seven
other persons went in a group to Palanpur to seek employment. After travelling
so far spending Rs 100 as trasport they got three days work and they earned Rs
150. When he came back to Ambaji he did not have any money and had to walk from
Ambaji to his village which is around 30 Kms. In the work place they stay in the
open and cook their own food. In fact they carry all basic essential like wheat,
rice, masala, oil and cooking vessels when they migrate.
This year for the first time his eldest daughter went in a group to a 'Campa'
(big farm) near Idar to work on cotton for a month.
This group consisted of
young boys and girls of the village. They carried essential food and vessels.
They stay on the field in the open and cook their own food. They work from 6 in
the morning to 11 and then from 3 to 7 in the evening.
They only do the
agriculture work.
When the research team asked him why he send the young
daughter so far for work, he replied that there was need for money in the family.
The situation has worsened over the last two year.
The money, she brought a
necklace (Jewllery) for herself which is an asset for the marriage. This
additional income also hepls to cover the mounting costs health care.
During the last delivery his wife had some problems and had to be immediately
shift to a hospital. Four persons carried her in a bag made of thick cloths for
about five kilometres and then hired a jeep for Rs. 150. She was taken to a
private hospital in Poshina and luckily the child was bora it survived.She stayed
in hospital for two days. He spend about Rs. 1200 for the whole episode.
(NPIM)
U5 Q .
S'1‘?.UGGLI£IG ‘1'9 DG'/GLOr' r\. ST.-LBLG Ll'/SLIHOOD STPJVl'SGZ
Nanabhai Motibhai lives in Kalsawad village in Poshina tribal area in Sabarkantha
district. The house has two rooms and is kutcha wall made of mud and dung
flooring. The roof is tatched with palm leaves. His family includes his wife two
sons one daughter-in-law, daughter and two grandchildren. He owns two acres of
land of which one acre is irrigated by well with a pump which he sells water to
another family. Both the families share the cost of running the pump During
Kharif he cultivates maize in the drier area and in the irrigated area Tuwar,
Urdh and wheat during Rabi. He also owns livestock which his daughter and younger
son looks after.
The agriculture work on his own land provides employment for six months. As it
is difficult to cover the household expenses from income from land so his son
put up a small provision shop next to their house five year back. He got a
subsidy of Rs.5000 from the government. He has a loan of Rs. 2500 on account for
the goods purchased from the trader. About six months back they put up a chakki
i.e flour mill with a total cost of Rs. 25,000. The government gave them a
subsidy of Rs 10,000 and the family spend Rs. 15,000. This was mobilized from
various sources. He took Rs.5,000 from a merchant and has to pay back Rs. 7000/by October after the Kharif crop is harvested. He sold five goats for Rs. 5000
(Rs. 1000 each) and mortgaged gold at Poshina for Rs. 5000 for this he has to pay
3% interest which will amount to Rs. 8000 by October. The 'Chakki' brings in Rs.
50 per day. They earn about Rs. 150 from the shop. They have a total interest
loan of about Rs. 17,500.
He is saving Rs.60 every month in savings Bank.
He has only paid back on Rs.
2000 for the Chakki by selling grains. They have Rs. 1000 in their saving
account. But they need Rs. 1500 to cover the 'Chakki' to protect it from the rain
so they cannot repay any loan immediately.
Things would have been better if Nanabhai's wife had not fallen ill.
She had
severe pain in her stomachand had to be taken on a emergency bases to Lakshmipura
to a hospital run by Seth Kasturbhai Lalbhai Trust. She was hospitalized for 12
days.
They took her to Himatnagar for laboratory test. They spend about Rs.
2000/- for test, doctor's fee and medicines. They were waiting for the test
result when the doctor treating her had to leave to attend a training. The test
result came one day late and he said he will do the surgery when he gets back.
Since they did not have money they went back him and hasn't gone back yet. She
has taken all the medicines prescribed by the doctor. She has been suffering from
pain for the last six years. According to her the cause of this pain is the
Tubectomy (the new method) which she underwent about seven years back.
In the mean time the f ami ly took her to Dantha for local treatment in April. The
treatment included using a hot iron and scaring the area of the pain. She says
she feel better but she is not completely cured. They have spend about Rs. 300/on this treatment to meet expenses on medicines they sold a buffalos calf for Rs.
2000 .
The doctor has returned and has send messages through their neighbour asking her
to come and undergo the operation. But they have not gone because there is no
money. It they have to go back they need atleast Rs. 4000 i.e Rs. 2000 for food
and stay, Rs 1000 for transportation and Rs 1000 for medicines. They are waiting
for the harvest (October) and hoping that they will get enough money to spend on
the treatment. In case there is an emergency they will have to sell food grain
or livestock. They hope that it would not be needed and they can do it after the
harvest.
(NPYM)
b.
the increased mining activities in the surrounding areas
TABLE4.5
AVERAGE WAGE RATES LN SABARKA.NTHA TRIBAL (MALE) IN RUPEES.
Dec. 94
May *95
Dec. 95
25
(24)
25
(21)
23
(19)
25
(20)
Mining and
Quarrying
25
(24)
28
(24)
25
(21)
25
(20)
Construction
25
(24)
28
(24)
24
(20)
25
(20)
Services
-
-
31
(26)
31
(24)
Sectois
A piil 94
Agricultural
Labour
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
We have used the cost of living index for agricultural laborers to arrive at real
wages rates for workers in all the sectors
We have used September 93 as the base point to arrive at the real wages rates tn
April 94. We have divided the wage rates in April 94 by the ratio of cost of living
index of September 93 to April 94 Similar exercise was done to arrive at real
wages rates in December 94.
Figures in bracket give the real wage rates.
Coming to wage rates in tribal area (table 3-5). the average money wage in agriculture
has shown a stagnation between April 94 to May 95. There is also a decline in the wage
rates in mining and in construction workers Thus the real wages rates have also declined
between April '94 and Dec 95. In this area there is no significant difference between
wage rates in agriculture, mining and construction activities. The female wage rates in
all activity is less than male wages. Significant difference in wage rates between male
and female is seen in services where males earn Rs 31 whereas females earn only Rs 11
per day.
DI. Extent of Child Labour
46
Child labour is measured by the number of children in the age group 6-14 years who are
regularly employed. In Ahmedabad slum (pottery) children work along with their parents
in the pottery units. This group shows a seasonal variation in number of children
employed There was an increase in the number of children engaged in Dec.94 and a
decline in May 95 and an increase in Dec.95. This seasonality is seen in female children
who work, whereas the number of male children who work remained around 3-5% during
the period of study (Table 8 in the appendix)
In Ahmedabad slum there is an increase from 1.1 per cent to 1.92 per cent among male
working children and an increase from 0.9per cent to 3.5 per cent among female working
children They work mostly in book binding, metal processing units and other unorganised
activity in the city.
Household income is a very important determinant of the level child labour The low
wage structure in pottery along with piece rate wage system has been a major factor for
children from this group to seek jobs.
In the rural areas there is an overall increase in the number of children working in two
areas The increase is mostly among male children except in Junagadh rural where there
w'as a sharp increase in the number of female working children
The overall decline in the number of children working in Ahmedabad rural and Kutch
rural was seen during the period The decline is seen both among male and female
children
In Sabarkantha rural there has been an increase in number of male working children and
a decline in female children Junagadh rural also shows an increase in number of working
children from 3.2% to 9% between April 94 and Dec 95. Although there was a decline
in female working children between April 94 and Dec 94, it increased thereafter
In Sabarkantha tribal area there was a sharp increase in the extent of child labour between
April 94 and December 95. There was a decline in number of children working between
December 94 and May 95 However it further increased between May 95 and Dec 95. The
point to be noted is that this area had the highest population of working children even in
May 95. Here 29% male children and 49% female children are working
In the rural areas children are primarily engaged in agriculture and livestock activity. In
tribal area many girls leave school to take care of the cattle. A considerable number of
them engage in caring of their siblings and also children of neighboring houses which is
commonly seen among the poor households.
Secondary Occupation
We have defined secondary occupation as an activity in which a person is engaged for
47
less than 18 days in a month We have calculated the proportion engaged in such
occupation as a proportion of the total labour force
In both the urban groups, workers are employed in one main occupation. Given the
decline as well as the lowLFP rates particularly among Ahmedabad slum households one
would expect a large number of workers to be engaged in secondary occupation to
maintain their livelihood. But secondary occupation does not exist among these group.
This could be due to the type of employment opportunities available in urban areas.
In rural areas, we find that a small portion of the work force is engaged in secondary
occupation. These activities include agriculture, livestock as well as construction As a
proportion of total labour force we find that Sabarkantha rural and Junagadh rural has the
largest (18.5%) number engaged in secondary occupation in Dec 95. They are engaged
in livestock activity and there are larger number of women who are engaged in secondary
occupation in these areas. In Ahmedabad rural about 16% of the work force is engaged
in secondary occupation in Dec. 95. It was 17.5% in May 95. They are mainly engaged
in agriculture labour. In the other areas, only about 1.5% of the work force is engaged
in secondary occupation. Non availability of jobs throughout the year and the seasonal
nature of agriculture is a major reason for people getting involved in secondary'
occupation.
In tribal area we find that about 3.2% of the work force are engaged in secondary
occupation in Dec 95. In May 95 it was about 17% Their activities include agriculture
related work, forest produce collection and construction. Collection of forest produce is
mainly a female activity.
The PRA transcriptions of livelihood strategies given below provides the variety of mixed
activity the rural and tribal poor are involved in.
48
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CHAPTER V
TRENDS LN CROPPING PATTERN AND FOOD CONSUMPTION
I. CROPPING PATTERN
Landholding pattern and area under different crops for Kharif and Rabi seasons are
studied separately to get the trends. In Ahmedabad rural majority of the households who
are dependent on the land are small farmers. The average size of the land has declined
from 4 acres to 1.5 acres between Apr.94 to Dec.95 (table5 1).
TABLE 5.1
PATTERN OF LAND HOLDING
Groups
Average Size of land(in acres)
No of Cultivators (%)
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
Ahmedabad
Rural
79.5
86.5
78.8
77.7
42
1 8
2.0
1.5
Kutch Rural
58.9
60.7
62.8
52.1
13.6
13.1
12.3
11.3
Sabarkantha
Rural
60.6
72 6
70.5
74.5
2.7
2.3
2.5
2.2
Junagadh
Rural
30.7
37.3
40.5
37 1
6.1
2.5
2.3
1.2
Sabarkantha
Tribal
97.6
100
100
100
2.6
2.7
2.4
1.9
Notes:
(i)
No of cultivators give the number of households who cultivate on own land as a
percentage of total number of households.
This decline is due to the mortgage and sale of land to meet increasing expenses on health
and on social occasions This will further clarified under the section on credit. The case
mentioned under employment also reveal this trend. Recent amendments in the land law
which has lifted the ban on the purchase of land by owners residing in the 5 kms radius has
accelerated the process of land transfers from rural small farmers to urban rich who want to
52
develop farm houses and captive plantations. But the number of farmers in the is area has
remained same which indicates marginalisation of land ownership. This can be seen in other
areas as well.
The average size of land holding was highest in Kutch rural (11.3 acres), in Dec. 95. In
other areas it was between 1.2 to 2.5 acres in Dec 95. This means that in most of the areas
farmers come under small and marginal cultivators category.
If we see over the four rounds, in Kutch there is a steady decline in average size of lands
holding In Apr.94 the average land holding was 13.5 acres and it has declined to 11.2 acres
in Dec.95. In Junagadh the average landholding has declined sharply compared to any other
area between April 94 and Dec.95 from 6 acres to 1.2 acres. In rest of the areas there was
marginal decline in average land ownership.
Apart from purchase of land in rural areas by the urban rich as in the case of Ahmedabad
rural, in Junagadh there is an increase in purchase of land for captive plantation and
horticulture. The introduction of drip irrigation in the last few years has also encouraged the
cultivation of these crops. Similar trend can be seen in other areas as well, which have shown
decline in average land size.
There is no change in the proportion of irrigated land available for cultivation in Ahmedabad
rural, Sabarkantha rural and Sabarkantha tribal as seen from the table 9 in the appendix. In
Kutch rural there is an increase in proportion of irrigated land. In Kutch rural there is an
increase in irrigation due to drip irrigation system which is been encouraged by the local
NGO, VRTI and in Junagadh rural it is due to an increase in private wells.
To study the changes in cropping patterns we have looked at the area under each crop. We
have looked at area under Kharif and Rabi crops separately. By comparing area under crops
between different Kharif and Rabi season we get a clear picture of the actual changes that
has come about in terms of crops taken up in these areas. Table (5.2) gives the details of the
crops grown in each area along with the area under each crop.
In Ahmedabad Rural we find that there is no change observed in farming activity' with
respect to area under different crops during the two kharif and rabi seasons. Farmers of this
area grows mainly one crop during kharif. Bajri and paddy are grown in kharif period. With
decline in water availability the farmers have stopped growing wheat during the last rabi
season (May.95) which has resulted in decline in area under wheat. In Kutch there is a
overall decline in area under different crops between the two crop seasons during the last two
years. This could be due to non availability of water, drought conditions and thereby a
overall decline in agriculture activity in the area
53
TABLE 5.2
AREA UNDER CULTIVATION (CROP WISE)
Bajari
Sabarkantha Tribal
.funagadh Rural
Sabariointlia Rumi
Kutch Rumi
Ahmcdabad Rumi
Crops
IN ACRES
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
5*
137
50*
133.9
-
153
5
12.0
1*
6
-
5.4
-
1.4
3.2*
2.2
-
1
8*
-
Wheat
212
56
9
52.4
50
-
61
24.0
135
24.5
-
9
-
Castor
4
56
-
12.8
-
70
13
10.0
75
94
0.5
59.8
-
-
Jawar
-
4
6
8.7
3.5
490
6*
85 0
-
7
-
7.1
Paddy
■
103
-
114.7
-
-
-
-
-
-
3.1
Groundnut
-
-
-
1.7
-
475
83.5
176 0
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
7
34.0
-
-
15.0
-
-
11.1
3
125*
156
Horticulture
-
Pulses
-
8
24
-
-
3.0
196
32
22
-
-
-
93
1.0
3.5
-
■-
2
-
-
-
-
-
-
199
2
300 7
-
2.0
2.0
-
-
-
-
109.3
-
-
-
42.0
1
125
4
/217.8
. *5
-
-
-
1.0
-
. 266
22
162.0
r </
3.9
4.0
171
9.0
0.3
-
-
2.0*
-
10*
191
125
151.3
7
-
Maize
-
Cotton
-
-
-
-
2.2
405
152
1160
-
13
-
86.8
-
-
5.0
-
3
24
Others
19.6
11.8
6.0
10.7
34.5
23.5
55.5
16.0
59 8
96.9
14.7
35.2
4.3
0.4
1.0
5.0
0.5
77.1
0.0
Total
289.6
367.8
71.0
410.0
94.2
1794.5
421 0
450.1
282.8
549.9
320.7
458.0
214.7
29.4
358 4
202.0
395.5
269.1
383.0
/
Notes:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
N >
11.0
tr*.
1 = April 94 (Rabi) and 2 = Dee 94 (Kharif) 3= May 95 (Rabi).
Kharif season is from mid June to mid October, rabi from mid October to mid Febuary and summer is from mid Febuary to mid June.
Olliers in Ahmcdabad rural include variyali. vegetables and fodder. In Kutch rural it is Variyali. Isafgul, Raido fodder vegetables and Tai. In Sabarkantha rural it includes variyali, fodder, isafgul. raido and cotton seed
Junagadh it includes vegetables, isfagul and fodder. In Sabarkantha tribal it includes lai and isafgul.
* indicates summer crop.
t I
r -r
’ i ’ v— !
’
54
C9iTSU£'i?TI9iI C?.9P T9 SI9P.TI CULTURE : LriiTD ALIE1U1TI9H
Nathabhai Naranbhai is a head of a 7 members family,
in
Bidada village near
Mandavi (Kutcch) and ownes five bighas of land. He has been cultivating maize and
pulses for the family consumption.
Just one and half years back, husband of eldest daughter left his wife and two
children in the hospital, as she was suffering from T.B.
When the girls family
got this massage they rushed to the hospital and found that she had just two
rupees.
They took charge of the situation and spent about Rs.
6000/- on her
medical care. As her condition did not inprove and they were loosing lot of money
on treatment,
they shifted her to Bidada Trust hospital,
brother was working as a driver.
where Nathabhai's
They arranged for free treatment using the
contact in the hospital. Today she is under treatment. During this period her
children who are just four and two and half years old
were taken by her in-laws.
While the daughter was in the hospital, the wife of Nathabhai has to undergo an
operation for a tumour in the stomach .
This was done in Civil Hospital Bhuj.
There was no charge for the operation but despite that they had to
Rs.
3000/-
for food and accommodation for 15 days.
spent around
At this time,
Nathabai
himself suffered from Pthyfoid and has to undergo a long treatment. To meet all
health expenses
Nathabhai mortgaged his 5 acre of land for just As. 4000/- and
also pawned gold and silver ornaments for Rs. 7500/.
He is not in a position to repay any loans.
He was now working as a dai ly
labourer with a big farmer. He is getting Rs. 40/- per day for the work.
His son
is also doing casual work. Nathabhai's employer is a business man from Mandavi,
which is around 22 Kms . from Bidada.
for Rs. 7 Lakhs.
He has bought this land from a Patel farmer
The Patel farmer was growing cotton crop on this land. When the
water level when down and turned saline the farmer had no option but to sell the
land. The present owner has able to purchase this as present liberalisation of
land laws allows people to buy land even if they stayed beyond five km. away from
the land. Nathubhai wonders if he does not able to repay his laon he might have
to get alienated from his land which is at present mortgaged.
(VRU?
There is sharp decline in wheat grown in this area. In Kutch Rural there is decline in
cultivation of bajari and groundnut. There is an increase in cotton, castor, pulses and also a
slight increase in area under Jawar cultivation in Kharif season.
In Kutch rural in the case of food crops we find that there is a decline in the area under
bajari and increase in Jawar. There is also an increase in area under castor, pulses and cotton.
Cotton is mainly grown in the villages where there is irrigation is available. In Rabi season
we find a decline in wheat cultivation. The area under others category in both season has
showed an increase. Others include raido, fodder and horticulture. Overall there is trend
towards cash crops Part of Kutch lack irrigation facilities. The local NGO, VRTI has been
encouraging horticulture by assisting the farmers with drip irrigation system.
In Sabarkantha rural we find a decline in wheat and castor during the rabi season. This
decline is compensated by the area under pulses and maize. A larger proportion of the
agricultural land in this area is irrigated. Therefore they are able to take up rabi and summer
crops also. During the kharif season farmers started growing cotton which is mainly
cultivated for seeds. There is an increase in area under this kind of cotton between the two
kharif seasons. This increase is at the expense of maize, castor and pulses. In this area
there is also trend towards growing cash crops like variyali, raido and isafgul in a limited
extent during the kharif season. This is described as a recent development.
Junagadh rural is still a mono crop area (groundnut). Farmers used to cultivate mainly
groundnut during the kharif season. The area under groundnut has increased across the two
kharif seasons studied. There is also an increase in wheat cultivation during the rabi season,
especially due to improvements in irrigation, through private wells and pump sets attached
to the wells. The soil is highly saline and this limits the choice of crops in this area.
In Sabarkantha tribal, the system of inter cropping is followed In Kharif, farmers sow Pulses
like urdh, tuvar along with maize. These are the major crops during this season. From the
area under different crops, it can be seen that there is a perceptible shift in cropping pattern,
where farmers are opting for cultivation of pulses in place of maize. Although the land
holding size is only about 2.5 acres about 50% of the agricultural land is irrigated. Therefore
some farmers cultivate during the rabi season as well.
We see a major change in the crops grown during rabi. In April 94 out of the total cultivated
area, 196 acres was under wheat In May 95 we find that only in 32 acres of wheat was
cultivated. New crops which have been introduced are castor, cotton and groundnut. Farmers
have started growing new cash crops like variyali which was sown in 58 acres in May 95.
This crop requires a lot of care being very delicate. This would require women to participate
in growing this crop. A larger variety of crops are being tried out in tribal area and all of
them are cash crops.
55
!DA5< Qu^AL
~
Kh AgAf CgORS
TSkbjSW
POOD cflwmW - ptfc CHAM
kHARIf CRoPS
viiiAcct tawana -tower
Rfc(?»| CROPS
|-3r| ->Awa<
(kXOMNONUl
ggj BMM'
fyZ]
(nUVAft.
j=]
TA<-
fiTI Moo^<a
5«
An attempt has been made to estimate the cost of cultivation of various crops. We have
estimated using PRA and focus group interview techniques which has provided reliable
information. Table 5.3 provides data on cost of cultivation of various crops and the value
realised.
TABLE 5.3
COST OF PRODUCTION FOR MAJOR CROP (in Rs per acre)
Fertilers
and
Pesticid
es
Labour
Seeds
and
Other
inputs
Output
per
acre in
kgs
Total
Cost
Value
realised
Value
of
Residue
Gain
/loss
Bajari
646
371
149
360
1132
1080
200
-148
Paddy
834
343
1286
450
2463
1800
200
-663
Wheat
670
1150
2520
1200
4340
4320
300
280
Groundnut
140
724
639
140
1505
5760
-
4255
Variyali
1020
2210
2620
400
5850
6000
-
150
Castor
1150
1075
810
500
3035
4250
-
1115
Colton
1036
1765
1220
600
4021
'15000
300
(fodder)
10979
Maize
690
915
720
1000
2325
4500
250
2178
Crops
Notes :
(i)
Costs have been calculated using information collected during all village studies
conducted during july-August 1995.
(ii)
In the case of labour we have imputed value for family labour. We have imputed
value except for paddy sowing and transplanting. This work is done mostly by female
and thej' did not tell us the wage rates for the activity and how long it took them to
complete it.
(iii)
Other cost include cost of renting, tractors and bullock for ploughing diesel for
irrigation and other machinery used
(iv)
Total receipts has been calculated using market price of the output.
Food crops are grown for consumption by the family by small farmers. Assuming that the
total output is marketed, we find that crops like bajari and paddy are not cost effective. In
some cases if we add the value of the crop and all other forms of residue it would just cover
the cost of cultivation. Farmers grow food crops because it provides food security and
59
fodder. Cash crops particularly cotton is more cost effective for farmers. Cotton is a
traditional crop for most of the areas under study. After cotton, another traditional crop,
ground nut provides sufficient surplus for farmers. This was grown mainly in Idar and
Junagadh areas as Kharif crop
Farmers in Kutch withdrew from cultivating cotton as there was a major disease three years
back. They have started adopting this crop again. Variyali is labour intensive crop that has
come into picture recently. This does not provide much surplus but farmers even in tribal
area are taking up this crop on a limited scale Most work on this crops done by women
which implies additional pressure on women.
From the PRA and group discussions we found that, the introduction of cash crops has
resulted in increased use of fertilizers and pesticides The crops also needs frequent weeding
and hoeing which are all activities done by women. This would put pressure on the women
and they will have to work longer hours outside and lead to extension of their day itself.
In a situation where the poor people do not access to Public Distribution System (PDS) small
farmers shifting to cash crops can have serious adverse impact The food availability will
decline and with no source of subsidized food to compensate for the shift to cash crops, the
households will have to be satisfied with less food. This will have serious implication on
health and nutrition- particularly of women and girl child.
The case presented under rural employment from Idar region clearly show the lack of access
to basic food items.
DL TRENDS IN FOOD CONSUMPTION
In both urban and rural areas consumption of food is mainly through purchase from local
shops. In rural areas are given w'ages in kind especially after the harvest.
Public Distribution system (PDS) has a list of essential commodities like wheat, rice, sugar,
edible oil and kerosene. This system is supposed to enable the lower income groups to buy
essential commodities at a price lower than the market. Special relief cards issued during
drought and famines to enable the affected to get additional quota of essential commodities
apart from the ration cards provided to the households. This system is prevalent in tribal
areas and drought prone areas like Kutch. But poor people buy very small amount from PDS.
The basic information on the study villages show' that some of the villages do not have a
ration shop. The households have to go to the neighboring village (at an average distance of
2 kms) to get the provisions supplied by these shops. Some of the villages especially those
in the tribal area, have only mobile ration shops. These shops are irregular and households
do not get adequate information on their operation During the monsoon this area gets
flooded and transport difficulties would hinder the mobile ration shop's movement. There
60
are private shops at a shortei distance most often within the village. As and when the need
arises the households purchase from the local shops Some villagers keep some portion of
the produce that they have harvested for self consumption Agriculture labour in some rural
areas are provided wages in kind, which ensures that some amount of grains are available
at the household level.
HL SOURCES OF PURCHASE Of COMMODITIES
In Urban Areas
In the urban areas, households on an average have purchased about 7 kgs of rice from the
ration shops and about 9 kgs from the local shops in the reference month during the last
round of data collection i.,e Dec.95 (Tables 10,11 in appendix). In the case of wheat, it was
12 kgs from the ration shop and about 40 kgs from the local shops. In the case of
Ahmedabad slum population they mostly consume wheat from the local shops. The pottery
worker areas consume apart from wheat, Bajari, Jawar to some extent. These inferior grains
are purchased from the local shops If we see the trend over the four round period, there has
been a decline in overall food grain consumption among the Ahmedabad slum (pottery) area,
where in Apr.94 a family used to purchase 106 kgs and presently in Dec.95, the consumption
level has fallen to 70 Kgs. A less degree of decline in food grain consumption is seen
among the Ahmedabad slum population (table 5.4).
TABLE 5.4
FOOD GRAIN CC NSUMPTION AMONG THE SAMPLE POPULATION
(Average per family, For one month period, in kgs.)
Groups
April 94
Dec 94
May 95
Dec 95
Ahmedabad Slum (Pottery)
105.9
92.6
108.9
70.1
Ahmedabad Slum
104.7
85.6
89.5
96.7
Ahmedabad Rural
400.1
197.1
287.0
201.9
( 947.86
195.41
188.79
86.83
Sabarkantha Rural
66.9
178.3
143.8
110.8
Junagadh Rural
35.3
138.7
155.9
88.8
Sabarkantha Tribal
117.2
192.4
166.9
141.2
Kutch Rural
Notes :
(i)
The reference month is the normal month previous to our survey
61
Urban households purchase rice, wheat and kerosene from the ration shops Rest of the
commodities like. Pulses are entirely bought from the local shops When edible oil is
available through the ration shops, they buy which is usually available during festivals,
otherwise they have to buy at the private shops.
Rural Areas
In the rural, the households of Ahmedabad buy on an average about 5 kgs of rice from the
ration shops and about 10-15 kgs of rice from the local shop in Dec.95. They purchase more
wheat from the local shops as compared to ration shops. For bajari, jawar and maize the
households have to depend entirely on the local shops. They buy kerosene , oil and sugar
from both the sources. The detailed total consumption of food grains shows that there is
a decline in the overall consumption across the four rounds (Table 5.4). Tables 12- 16
presented at appendix gives details of items and sources of consumption goods purchased
during the reference month in rural areas. In Ahmedabad rural some households receive on
an average 31 Kg of rice and 37 kgs of bajri from the employer as part of the wages.
In Kutch rural there is a decline the consumption of food grains over the study period. In
Dec 95 the households were not receiving any foodgrains as payment in kind from employees
for work.
Junagadh rural the households receive wheat, bajari, jawar and pulses as wages. In
Sabarkantha also labour get kind wages in the form of food grains. The households in these
two areas are to a greater extent dependent on the farmers and land owners for employment.
Although bajari is not available through the PDS its consumption has increased in all the
areas over time. In these two areas the overall consumption of food grains has increased over
the four rounds (table 5 4).
In Sabarkantha, the tribals depend mostly on the local shops for their consumption. This is
because of the unreliable nature of food grain availability through ration shops. The mobile
ration shops timing is very erratic and hence people are not able to access this service. In this
area the houses are scattered (distance from one house to another is half a kilometer) access
to a single outlet is difficult as the information about the arrival of the mobile shop would
not reach all the houses during the period of its stay at the village.
Those who work as agriculture laborers, get wheat and maize from their employers as part
of kind wage during the harvest. However this mode of accessing food grains has shown a
decline between April 94 and May 95, which means that most of the employers are resorting
to complete cash wage payment. At the aggregate level, the consumption levels have
increased in this area, from 117 kgs per month during Apr.94 to 141 kg in Dec.95. It is to
be noted that the consumption level in Dec.95 is less compared to the figures recorded for
Dec. 94 and May.95 periods.
62
The shift to cash crops b\ these small farmers would result in food crises in the rural areas.
Though this is not visible in the areas studied in a large extent, there is a shift among some
sections of the farmers in a limited way to cash crops which could potentially endanger the
food security. From the PR.A data we can see that in rural areas, many farmers keep the
entire amount of bajn and jawar produced for self consumption In tribal areas maize and
small portion of pulses are kept for self consumption But it is revealed that these food
grains are insufficient for the whole year and farmers had to depend on private and
government shops for food grains during the year.
Given the poof0 ration shops in terms of fixed amounts of grains per family
and prices which are not very different from the local shops, there is higher dependency on
local shops to purchase basic commodities.
63
CHAPTER VI
TRENDS IN ACCESS TO CREDIT SERVICES
I. ACCESS TO CREDIT IN URBAN AREAS
Credit plays a very vital part in stability of the livelihood of the poor. The PRAs
transcriptions in the section on rural employment clearly indicates it This section tries to
capture the purpose , amount and source of credit.
In Dec.'95, in the urban areas, about 49-58 per cent of the households have reported availing
credit. The trend in taking credit in the two urban areas provide divergent pattern. Among
the pottery' workers of Ahmedabad city, there is a decline in percentage of households
availing credit, from a high of 84 per cent in Apr.94 to 58 per cent in Dec.95. In the case
of Ahmedabad slum group, the trend witnessed was mixed in nature as seen from the table
(6-1).
Most of the households end up taking credit from multiple sources, which are mainly
informal and intra family in nature. Access to formal sector credit is nil among both the
urban groups. The incidence of credit from informal sources has increased over the four
rounds of period in both the urban areas, as seen from the table (17) presented in the
append x.
In both the urban groups loans from intra family has decreased. This is linked to urban
employment opportunities.
Coming to amount of credit availed, in both the groups, a majority of the households have
taken loans of size below Rs.5000. At the sometime, the incidence of loans in the range
Rs.5000 to Rs.10,000 is considerable in Ahmedabad slum area (Table 18 in the appendix).
The average loan size over the period in urban areas has shown a sharp increase in
Ahmedabad slum area while it has increased marginally in Ahmedabad slum pottery area
(Table 6.2).
64
TABLE 6.1
DETAILS OF LOAN AVAILED
Groups
No of Households taking credit (%)
No. of Loans taken
April 94
Dec 94
May 95
Dec. 95
April 94
Dec 94
May 95
Dec.
95
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
84.1
H -L Cvc u?
89.5
61.7
'58.4 .
97
118
52
46 ,
Ahmedabad Slum
46.4
36.6
57.8
48.8
97
64
106
83.y
Ahmedabad Rural
56.2
44.1
48.3
41.4
143
109
116
97 I
Kuteh Rural
55.7
68 0
67.4
15.1
179
208
191
36
Sabarkantha Rural
39.7
67 4
70.2
25.5
131
244
236
181
Junagadh Rural
39.9
32.4
32 2
44.7
61
59
88
65
Sabarkantha
Tribal
44.4
79.2
69.0
60.1
117
218
172
131
Notes : (i)
(ii)
No of Households taking loans gives the households who have taken atleast one loan as a proportion of
total number of households surveyed at that time point
*
No of loans taken also include all multiple credit taken by the households.
TABLE 6.2
AVERAGE SIZE OF THE LOAN
April 94
December 94
May 95
December 95
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
4171
3330
4456
4446
Ahmedabad Slum
777
8385
6820
7123
Ahmedabad Rural
2824
1894
3129
3063
Kutch Rural
6121
10832
12344
5261
Sabarkantha Rural
8074
5724
5596
3193
Junagadh Rural
2987
3286
2600
2640
Sabarkantha Tribal
930
510
172
543
The increase in credit amount in Ahmedabad slum area is due to an increase in health
expenditure and for working capital in income generation activities particularly among the
households who are displaced from employment in textile mills and other sectors. The
incidence of loans taken for income generation in this case has increased from 9 per cent to
20 per cent between Apr 94 to Dec.95. Most of the loans taken are for household purposes
and for festival and special occasions. The details of reasons for taking credit are presented
in the table (19) in the appendix.
In Ahmedabad slum (pottery) there has been hardly any credit taken for income generation.
Most of the credits are for households expenditure, social occasion and health purpose.
The households in both the urban areas pawned/sold assets for meeting various expenses.
There is an decrease in pawning/selling of assets in Ahmedabad slum (pottery) whereas there
is an increase among Ahmedabad slum households. It has increased by 100%. Assets
mortgaged/sold are mostly consumer durables and items of jewellery and tools. In Dec. 95,
about 40 per cent of assets pawned were for health and household expenditure purposes in
Ahmedabad slum (pottery). While mortgaging is mainly for household and health purposes,
there are incidents of households acquiring assets. Over the four round period, the incidence
of households acquiring consumer durables has declined, which was of the order of 90 per
cent in the earlier rounds. Households have increasingly acquiring assets related to their work
purposes like tools.
65
IL ACCESS TO CREDIT IN RURAL AREAS
In all the rural areas, the number of loans taken by the households has declined between
Apr.94 and Dec.95 except in Junagadh area in which there is an increase in incidence of
credit (Table 6.1). The reason of such decline can be understood from the purpose for which
loans are availed.
In all the areas, the average loan amounts are below Rs. 5000 per loan in all the areas. Over
the four round period, a average loan size varies. In two areas it has remained at the same
level, and in two areas it has shown a marginal decline (Table 6.2).
In Ahmedabad rural area, about 72% of the loans are below Rs 2000 and only about 4% of
the loans were above Rs 10,000. In Junagadh rural a similar situation exists with no
households taking any loan above Rs 10000. In Sabarkantha rural about 40% of loans are
below Rs 2000, about 50% between Rs 2000-10,000 and rest above Rs 10,000. In Kutch
rural the household avail loans of all ranges in somewhat equal proportion About 10-15%
of the loans are above Rs 1 5,000 In Sabarkantha tribal 99% of the loans are below Rs 5000.
No households have taken loans above Rs 15,000 (Table 19 in appendix).
Looking at the purpose for which loans are taken it has been found that in all the areas put
together loans for household and special occasion expenditure has declined over the period.
On the other hand loans for income generation has shown an increase from 15% in April 94,
46% in Dec 94 to 31% in May 95. Loans for health has also increased no 21% in May 95.
66
TABLE 6.3
SOURCEWISE DISTRIBUTION OF THE CREDIT AMOUNT (%)
Sources of
Loan
U
R
B
A
N
R
U
R
A
L
April 94
May 95
Dec 94
Dec 95
A
P
A
P
A
P
A
P
Informal
40.4
49.00
28.06
45.05
40.35
53.80
84.51
78.30
Intra
Family
30.38
38 00
35.15
53 85
53.89
44.94
15.36
20.00
Formal
29.22
13 00
36.79
1.10
5.76
1.26
0.11
0.77
Informal
62.1
53.25
317
36.79
28.09
36.62
34.59
35.52
Intra
Family
29.75
42.31
67.22
48.06
47 99
56 9
47.80
57.73
Formal
8.12
6.39
17.61
6.85
8
4.44
15.14
1 08
23.92
Notes
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
A = Amount, P = Persons
Informal sector includes loans from landlords, employers, shopkeeper etc.
Intra family includes Ioans from other families and relatives.
Formal includes loans from banks, agriculture co.operatives and other cooperatives.
Figures are percentages to total
In urban areas (Table 6.3) the households access to formal credit declined over a study period
in terms of both amount availed and amount disbursed In the rural areas although the
amount of loan received formal sources increased the number of persons benefiting is
declined.
In terms of sources of credit, limited extent of credit was available from formal sources
(Table 17 in appendix). Most of the households depend on informal and intra family sources
for credit In Ahmedabad rural, there has been a steady increase in dependence on informal
sources of credit. The same was the case with other areas like, Junagadh, Sabarkantha tribal
areas. It has declined in Kutch area, where intra family dependence on credit has increased
substantially. Intra family sources were sought in Sabarkantha rural area as well
67
Sr'i-IILZ C9U1ITS, HOT GOVSWS'SliTT POLICIES!
Oil TsISIIt OWH
?09?. SUP.VI'VE
Twenty Kilometres from the Tehsil headquarter, Idar in Sabarkantha district is
located a village Chandap. Dalits and backward caste constitute 80% of the
population. About 30 families in village were traditonal leather workers. Most
of these leather worker families have some agricultural land. Traditionally these
families were living from scavenging and supplying leather goods for agricultural
purpose. In return villagers used to give grains at the time of harvest. This
Indian Jajarnani system stopped a few years back. Today most of the families
supply leather goods on demand. Eight years back a leather cooperative was formed
with 400 members. They have their own tannery and marketing systems. This
cooperative is defunct at present. The tannery has very old technology and is
water intensive. At present the individual families have been tanning which ip
equivalent to just drying the hyde and sell it to middlemen who come to village^
Eventhough the leather cost has increased many fold because of incentives
provided to leather manufacturers in SSIs its benefits has not reached the
village. While talking to them the research team discussed with the local
voluntary agency to link up other primary leather producer groups so that instead
of middlemen making profits communities can
help each other for income
generation.
Danabhai has five bigha's of land which has a well. Last year alongwith maize
(consumption crop) he also sowed castor in one and a half bigha and expected to
earn about Rs 4000. The crop failed because he could not water it adequately
since the water level in the well went down. This year he again sowed castor in
2 1/2 bigha. He plans to use the income for health care and repair of the house.
One of his young sons aged 16 died this year. They took him to the district
hospital in the last moment hiring a private taxi. But it was too late. The
daughter was also having the same illness, but she survived. Danabhai's family
believes that Mathaji (god) will take care of the sick. He himself is suffering
from some stomach ailment. He finds the 'local doctor' (unregistered practioner)
diagonisis and medicine more effective than the government doctor's medicine. He
went to the hospital but after the first visit never went back. His wife is
suffering from rheumatism and she has been shown to a private medical trust. She
has not gone back after the first visit. This year they have spend about Rs 6000
on health care.
Danabhai feels his livelihood is supported by his own effort, support of the
relative and villagers and grace of Mathaji. Though village support has been
reduced, his sister's son has been a great help to him. He is a shool teacher.
This year he extended an interest free loan of Rs 3000 with which he purchased
a buffalo. The milk sale has been an addtional income to cover the health
expenses. His elder son got a loan from the Cooperative Bank to buy a bullock
cart. This brings him fifty rupees per day whenever (150 days in a year) he gets
a cartage order.
Danabhai doesnot have any expectation from any government policy or programme.
He looks at life as a gift of god.
(GVST)
Is There
Met?
to Beil
the- Out:
Where is the Surety
Jayaben Ramabhai's family has 8 members and live in a village near Mangrol town.
Jayaben has five daughters of which one is married and two sons. They have their
own house and 5 bighas of land (which is jointly owned by six brothers). It was
quite a happy family until a year back when disaster struck them. Ramabhai had
an accident. Ramabhai was a mason, earning 100 rupees per day. While at work
he fell down into a from the scafolding. He suffered very serious injuries of
leg, hand and head. Those who were around took him to the government hospital at
Keshod. But doctor refused to treat him, because of his serious condition. He
was referred to Dr.Mangadia's (private) hospital at Junagadh, where he was
hospitalized for fourteen days. He was accompanied by his wife Jayaben. The
farmer for whom he was working when the accident took place was also there for
eight days and arranged for Rs. 5000 to 7000 for the medicines
and hospital
bills.
They did not compromise on anything during the treatment particularly
medicines. Relatives staying in Mangrol arranged for the food for the couple.
Doctor said that he will be able to work within two months but after a year he
is not able to work, he can just walk around.
They had taken a loan of Rs. 12000 from relatives without interest for their
daughter's marriage. They were sure that they could repay that money, because
he was earning. But due to this accident, they are not able to repay a single
paise of the loan. They have taken around Rs 7000 from the farmers during
Rambhai's illness. They also took around Rs 7000 for the house from relatives
on interest of 2.5% per month. So they are under pressure to repay Rs. 26,000. The
relatives known the situation of the family, they are not troubling them. Jayaben
was accepting the truth that loan from the bank at very low interest is very
good. But at the same time they don't understand our personal problems. If we are
not able to repay the loan regularly, they may take our house or other assets.
Most of our loan do not take.
On one side this family has to repay Rs 2 6,000 of loan on the other side the
family has two daughters and the two sons who are studying.
The only earning
members are the mother and two young daughters.
They are doing daily labour in
which they are earning per day around 30 to 35 rupees together. Secondly they
have joint farming which is totally depend upon the rain.
They cultivate
groundnuts.
According to her if rain is adequate, the yield is around 18 mann
or 360 kgs, groundnut from the one bigha. The selling price of groundnut is Rs
5000 for 20 mann or 400 kgs. Pesticides, seeds and labour costs around 900
rupees. Ramabhai is thinking of shifting to a place where he can earn more money
like stone quarrying.
When we were preparing this case, two persons of the family were suffering from
fever. They are taking medicine from private doctor not from government hospital
eventhough they have to borrow money to pay. Because they were saying that in
the government hospital they are giving only some medicine from the hospital and
the rest they have to buy from the medical shop which is one and the same.
(GKSK)
Coming to reasons for taking credit in rural areas, household purposes and special occasions
have dominated the scene in all the areas over the four round period But in Sabarkantha
tribal and Sabarkantha rural areas, the share of credit for income generation purposes has
shown a sharp increase in the last round, compared to earlier period. The share of credit for
health purposes formed portion in the reasons for taking credit in rural areas in all the four
rounds (table 19 in appendix).
In the rural areas of Ahmedabad, Sabarkantha and Kutch there was a overall decline in
pawning/selling of assets In the tribal area, there is an increase in number of assets sold. The
type of assets pawned/sold has changed over the time. In April 94 the assets pawned/sold
were consumer durables and tools. In Dec.95 it was consumer durables tools, livestock and
others In Sabarkantha tribal, almost all the assets pawned/sold are tools, livestock, consumer
durables and other items. The purposes varied across the rounds but mainly for consumption
and health purposes. Increasingly in Kutch area, many households started pawning assets for
income generation purposes The selling and pawning of assets like land and livestock is an
indicator of distress.
Coming to assets purchased, many households in rural areas have purchased assets like
livestock. Over the period, there has been a decline in acquiring assets like livestock and
land and an increase in consumer durables in rural areas This confirms the state of distress
among rural poor.
68
CHAPTER VII
TRENDS IN ACCESS TO AND UTILIZATION OF HEALTH SERVICES
Access to social services, especially expenditure on health directly affects the household
economy. In this section nature of access to health services and expenditure pattern has been
captured.
L Incidence of Illness
The information collected on the status of health in the study area is related to the period six
months pnor to the survey at each round.
In Ahmedabad slum (pottery) area, the number of persons reported illness ranged between
6-12 percent. (Table 7.1). Similar fluctuations in the number of persons falling ill are seen
in Ahmedabad slum area (see appendix table 20 for prevalence of illness).
TABLE 7.1
INCIDENCE OF ILLNESS AMONG THE GROUPS
Persons Falling Sick(%)
Groups
ij
April 94
Dec. 94
May 95
Dec 95
II Ahmedabad Slum (Pottery)
8.7
11.6
5.7
9.4
| Ahmedabad Slum
10.8
7.6
19.2
8.8
Ahmedabad Rural
14.9
11 3
8.8
4.9
Kutch Rural
18 0
17.2
18.5
10.4
Sabarkantha Rural
16.4
24.9
17.6
11.4 -
Junagadh Rural
86
9.6
12.9
9.1
Sabarkantha Tribal
18 6
18.0
19.5
26.3
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
Person failing ill gives the number person in each area that fell ill to the total
population of that area. < fo' i
Figures relate to over the six months period prior to our survey.
69
In rural areas. Ahmedabad, Kutch and Sabarkantha have shown a decline in the incidence of
sickness. In Junagadh it has remained between 9 -13 per cent The increase in incidence
of illness is seen in tribal area of Sabarkantha from 19 per cent in Apr '94 to 26 per cent by
Dec.95
Among the urban households cough, cold fever, and malaria was highly prevalent. In all the
rounds about 60 -65% of illness reported among both males and females belonged to this
category’ Apart from these about 8% of the cases reported in April 94, 21% in Dec 94 and
15% in May 95 were respiratory problems This can be related to the prevalence of
occupational diseases like silicosis among the ceramic workers and byssinosis among the
textile workers as most of the units do not follow any safety norms.
In Ahmedabad rural there is a high prevalence of skin diseases (scabies) Both males and
females complained about aches and pains. It was about 8-10% of the illnesses reported This
can be related to the nature of their work. Heart related problems are more prevalent in
Sabarkantha rural and Junagadh rural area It can be linked to the custom of close marriages
that these communities follow in these areas.
Tetanus cases were reported among Sabarkantha tribal households. The incidence of tetanus
among new bom and mothers has increased. This could be indicative of poor implementation
of government ANC and PNC program in the tribal areas Information collected during the
PRA among women revealed this point. During our survey in all the rounds at least one case
of tetanus among women has been reported
Gynecological problem is higher among rural women as compared to urban women Rural
areas lack gynecological services. In many cases they have to travel long distances to private
clinics to get treatment This was revealed during our group discussions with the women, as
part of the study Women do not consider this is a disease and are even diffident to talk
about it and therefore many times it is unreported
70
II.
Health Caie Facilities
In both urban and rural areas, there has been no discernible improvement in the health
facilities provided by the government over the past two years In urban areas, different
categories of workers are entitled to and can access different kinds of services. Those
employed in the organised sector can access the Employee State Insurance Scheme (ESIS).
Similar provisions were not available for'those who are employed in urban unorganised
sector who have to depend on government clinics/hospitals and private hospitals.
In the rural areas, the health care facilities include the Primary Health Centers (PHCs) and
the sub centers. All government health programs like immunization, family planning,pre natal
care (PNC) and anti natal care (ANC) programmes are implemented through these centers.
Most of the rural areas do not have access to a big hospital. To access this facility they have
to come to the nearest urban centre.
In the rural areas the distance between PHC and villages is a major factor in its utilization.
The service map for two villages in each study area has showed that the villages are at an
average distance of 8 kms from the PHCs. Non availability of adequate transport make it
difficult for the families to access the PHC when it is essential. In many cases the private
doctors are closer and therefore the households find it convenient to get treated there. This
is particularly so in the case of minor ailments. For major illness they go to the nearest
government hospital.
In terms of treatment, most of the Ahmedabad slum (pottery) population visit government
hospitals (Table 7.2).
71
(AfcHQe^c ttwrwu
6MVMA4A*.
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O£
HaieiTAC
I okjw ipe«a»ia
MftCrturuHA '($<)
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ujU^
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tkm$r
CioaILum
B’PfrfiarvS
ti<j k.i^
RidcT
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<iMl’,J• tP<•
<aSTC JWI|
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THs^l
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dime
kxxlzun^
# likowc hcixkHUMBHATI CRAUI
I chih
baJl
^«lvr cloq^i'^
(kODiy AR, NAW)
rv'-* cUf-^
u^Uuj 1
S CV>< (dretA
SCrRuicG And opportunity ima? ammgdasaJ) *<-um (kobiyA*XJAU?lO CUX8At>?)
service KnD offdK-W!?.'.'. t-,A(p For.
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ShtMcGs
Atsjd
MAp
MATHASRA VILLAS
^l.c.
TABLE 7.2
SOURCES OF TREATMENT
Groups
Government
Private
NGO and Others
April
94
Dec.
94
May .
95
Dec 95
April
94
Dec.
94
May 95
Dec 95
April
94
Dec.
94
May 95
Dec
95
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
34.6
27.0
56.5
53.8
65.4
70.4
39.1
43.6
-
2.6
8.3
2.6
Ahmedabad Slum
33.6
20.7
22.8
18.3
51.1
71.2
71.4
78.6
15.3
8.1
5.8
3. 1
Ahmedabad Rural
20.8
20.1
26.6
14.1
79.0
78.0
73.4
84.7
-
1.8
-
1.2
Kutch Rural
14.2
2.6
3.4
5.9
75.8
85.0
89.3
79.4
10.0
11.5
7.2
14.6
Sabarkantha Rural
7.2
33.9
3.9
7.1
89.4
63.8
96.1
92.9
3.4
2.6
-
-
Junagadh Rural
57.3
45.2
39.4
2.6.8
38.2
53.3
58.7
70.5
3.6
1.4
1.8
2.7
Sabarkantha Tribal
6.6
3.2
3.9
0.4
88.1
9'0.5
93.4
96.4
5.3
6.3
2.8
3.1
'
Notes :
(i)
These figures are percentages
(ii)
The figures give the number of person using a particular source of treatment as a proportion of total number of
persons falling sick and going for treatment.
(iii)
Others include treatment by Unnani and other local system of medicine.
(iv)
Figures relate to six months prior to our survey. Figures are percentages.
72
In this area there was an increase in illness treated in the government hospitals from 35 per
cent in Apr.94 to 54 per cent in Dec 95. This was followed by a sharp fall in the use of
private clinics. This can be linked to the increase in the number of silicosis cases that have
been identified with the help of local NGOs. Workers suffering from occupational diseases
use the ESIS because only through this system, can they get free treatment and also
compensation from their employees.
In Ahmedabad slum on the other hand, many households visit private clinics for treatment.
They go to private doctors for minor ailments and to the ESIS or government hospital only
for major illness. It is revealed during the study that many workers in this group are suffering
from byssinosis Many households express lack of confidence in the government facilities
and thus opt for private services.
f
X- THETIMES OF INDIA, AHMEDABAD. SATURDAY. APRIL9.1994
3
Byssinotic mUl-hand
commits suicide
By A Stuff Reporter
AHMEDABAD, April 8.
HE apathy of the Employees
State Insurance
Scheme
(ESIS) and red tape have led to
one more mill worker, Mr Shymbabu Ramdayal, 45, to end his life
. by jumping in front of a running
train while on his way to work at
, the Jahangir Mill.
Hunderds of textile worker like
Shyambabu are suffering fron. the
killer disease called byssinosis.
According to the Mill Kamdar
Swasthy Suraksha Mandal, those
;i concerned with safety in mills I the Ahmedabad Textile Mill-ownI ers Association, ESIS, and rhe laI bour commissioner are well aware
of the nature of this disease. But
no one is ready to take concrete acI tion to identify and rehabilitate af
fected workers.
T
;
I
Shyambabu, who had worked
for 26 years in a textile mill, is sur
vived by his wife, three daughters
and two sons. He had told his wile
that the pain of the disease w.-s Inc
coming unbearable. Though he
had been complaining of chest
pain and breathlessness for eight
years, the ESIS had never both
ered to diagnose the problem. In
fact, when a textile worker comlai ns of chest pain, the first test to
e conducted is for byssinosis.
It was left to the Mill Kamdar
Swasthy Suraksha Mandal, a
workers' organisation that has ta
ken up a byssinosis control pro
gramme, to conduct the tests. Last
year it was found that Shyambabu
was suffering from a high level of
byssinosis. His case was referred
to the Industrial Hygiene Labora
tory, which also conducted the test
at the Bapunagar general hospital.
and confirmed the disease.
Despite repeated reouests to
the authorities concerned, Shyam
babu was not allowed leave under
occupational disease; nor was be
shifted from the card room, which
has the highest concentration of
cotton dust, to another depart
ment.
He had therefore to frequently
keep away from work, and to meet
his domestic expenses, had to bor
row heavily.
E
In the rural areas, because of low accessibility and poor quality of services the PHCs are
under utilized The data shows that in rural areas, there is a high level of dependency on
private health services In all the rural groups, except Junagadh rural, more than 80 per cent
of the sick persons are treated in by the private doctors in Dec.95 In Junagadh area people
used to access government services to the extent of 57 per cent of illnesses, in Apr.94 But
the utilization rate has declined to 27 per cent in Dec.95 which is still high when compared
to other rural areas which have between 1 to 14 per cent of usage of government health
facilities
73
The PHCs implement all the government programs But they are inadequately provided with
staff and equipment In many cases even basic medicines are not available Essential drugs
like antibiotics and anti malarial take a long time to reach the PHC even after an order has
been placed. Most PHCs have facility for testing for malaria Any serious case is referred to
the nearest government hospital There is no facility for moving the sick persons and they
have to dependent on private transport These factors have also encouraged the households
to often use private clinics.
III.
Health Expenditure
The table (7.3) below gives the average expenditure per sick person and average credit taken
for health purposes. Table 21 in the appendix gives the proportion of expenditure met by
mortgaging assets
The average expenditure on health showed a declining trend However when the expenditure
was disaggregated in to different ranges it shown that expenditure below the range of
Rs. 1000/- has increased in all the areas This category fells under minor illness, the increase
of doctor face and cost of medicine is the main case of this. The expenditure on the case
Rs 1000 to 5000 has remained the same over the last 2 years This ranges between Rs.2000
to 2500. At this range at times causes difficulty for the family to arrange for the resources.
In the last category which is above 5000 are very few cases and expenditure ranges from
Rs.7000 to 35000 In such cases the family takes care of the sick by pawning and selling all
households assets (see table 7.4)
The high level of health expenditure has lead the households to borrow and mortgage/sell
assets to meet these expenses In Ahmedabad slum (pottery) the proportion of households
availing of loans has increased in 1995 rounds compared to earlier period. This group showed
a major shift in terms of source of treatment in Dec 95 as compared to earlier period. About
54 per cent of the cases are now been treated in government clinics as compared to 27% in
December 94 In Ahmedabad slums there is a sharp decline in the number of households
taking loans. There is also a decline in the proportion of households mortgaging/selling assets
for health purposes.
There is an increase in loans taken for health in all the rural areas, except in tribal areas. In
the tribal area the households taking loans have remained the same between the last two
rounds. There has been an increase in many areas, mortgaging assets for meeting health
expenditure (Table 21 in appendix)
Under the prevailing conditions any cut in government spending on health, will make it more
difficult for the poor to access government health care services. In the rural areas the families
are already heavily dependent on private sector and are also in debt for health purposes.
Increase in health expenses would lead to further indebtedness. The case presented below
provides a detail account of how poor people manage their medical care.
74
TABLE 7.3
EXPENDITURE AMD CREDIT FOR HEALTH
Groups
Expenditure per sick
person (Rs)
Share of credit in
Expenditure(%)
Share of loan for
health(%)
Apr
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Apr
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Apr
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Ahrnedabad
Slum
(Pottery)
1253
323
468
514
18.6
17.8
17.3
21.
7
41.
7
80.
5
86.
21
89.78
Ahrnedabad
Slums
1465
1285
703
795
28.9
20.3
15.1
14.
5
61.
8
65.
6
57.
20
24.97
Ahrnedabad
Rural
555
571
963
687
7.0
15.6
25.0
27.
8
26.
8
25.
3
60.
55
86.06
Kutch
Rural
753
1391
137
5
584
10.1
13.9
19.4
19.
4
21.
2
22.
7
41.
53
37.96
Sabarkanth
a Rural
1813
519
813
105
4
21.9
15.6
31.4
41.
1
27.
5
59.
2
51.
71
31.85
Junagadh
Rural
1187
418
596
524
11.5
16.9
15.9
18.
5
10.
2
16.
9
75.
73
44.98
Sabarkanth
a Tribal
440
227
234
171
10.5
10.1
15.7
10.
7
11.
5
24.
4
24.
43
14.82
Notes :
Expenditure per sick person has been computed with respect to number of persons falling sick in each area.
Expenditure is for per sick person during a six month period.
(ii)
Share of loans for health is given as a proportion of total loans taken in each area.
(iii) Share of credit in health expenditure is given as proportion of total health health in each area
(iv)
Figures relate to six months prior to our survey.
(i)
75
TABLE 7.4
RANGE EXPENDITURE ON HEALTH
>5001
1001-5000
<1000
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
Ahmedab
ad slum
iPotter
y)
373
274
284
472
2336
1900
2833
2214
10750
-
-
-
Ahmedab
ad Slum
226
297
242
303
2597
2413
2475
2403
14571
8666
-
9000
Ahmedab
ad
Rural
172
290
248
310
1861
1678
2048
1846
11333
6000
10000
9500
Kutch
'Rural
220
303
359
206
2164
2355
1858
2283
10283
36600
13909
35000
Sabarka
nt ha
Rural
423
272
292
464
2051
1885
1956
1896
11000
6000
7666
7000
Junagad
h Rural
240
118
188
254
2262
1943
2196
1900
10002
10000
-
8500
Sabarka
ntha
Tribal
186
14 4
147
137
2076
1620
2475
1614
8500
-
-
-
HEALTH
S£?.VTC£S
: SdOUlITIlIG COST,
XT-'I ?
C.-ilT POO?. l-^^'OPJJ
Anariben of Gainer village (in the tribal area of Poshina) lives with her husband,
one son, daughter in law and six grand children. Both sons are married and the
younger son lives seperately. Rambhai the oldest son who lives with the parents
is suffering from paralysis.lt was painful for the old parents to see a healthy,
young son suddenly developing paralysis of lower portion of the body. They took
him to the Government hospital located in the village but it was closed due to
non availablity of doctor. The next nearest Government hospital was at Delwada
which is 7 kms from Ganer but that was also closed due to the same reason. The
patient had to be taken to Idar which is 100 kms from Ganer to a private
hospital. He was admitted for 2 days but the doctor could not diagonise anything.
He charged around Rs.2000 for X'ray, consultation and for the bed. Then he was
transfered to Ahmedabad civil (government) hospital and hospitalized for ten days
where they spend around Rs. 8000 which included medicines, transportation,
accommodation and food.
There was no improvement in the patients condition so
again they had to bring him back to the house.
They took him to village 'Mati' in Rajasthan. After that they took him to
'Poshina' (20 Kms.) in a stretcher to a 'Vaidhya' for 'Desi' or herbal medicine
continuosly for 15 days. They used to commute daily 40 Kms., walking part of the
distance as there is no facility of any transportation not even a state transport
bus.
Here they gave only 25 rupees and one coconut to the Vaidhya.
But there
was no improvement so they terminated that treatment.
The line of treatment continued, they further took him to Udaipur, Dungapur,
Chittodgarh and every hospital in big cities or small town near Poshina. Other
family members n’ver thought about the amount they have spend. All' efforts ras
in vain and .Ramb lai is still in the same condition.There is no improvement . ind
he has to be helped by someone to move from one place to the other'.
During this whole process, they have almost utilized all saving, mortgaged their
property and in addition they taken some credit also.
They sold their 4 goats
for Rs. 2800 sold out grains for Rs. 6000, two bullocks for Rs. 10,000 two
buffaloes for Rs.15,000 and again grains for Rs.5000 which was kept for
households. Above all this they mortgaged their ornaments for Rs. 11,000 and not
able to repay, they lost all the ornaments. Rambhai' s brother in laws are well
to do so they gave credit of Rs. 16,000. A poor class family had to spend around
Rs. 65000 to 70000 for the treatment of one individual.
Rambhai's wife is also attending Rambhaiand is unable to work outside the house.
Children are small and are studying in a school. Parents are old to work and they
can only help in looking after the children. So there is no body who can support
the family. So the brother, who lives next door to the family is taking care of
the family.
The situation of employment in this village is also very critical. During monsoon
they are working in their field and cultivating Corn, Urdh, Rice and Tuwar. They
are working on others field for one month. While for remaining seven months they
are migrating to Visanagar, Mehasana or Pratij to work in big farms for cutting
Bajara. They are getting Rs.20 per day irrespective of gender. But in this type
of employment, they are getting five days employment while three days they have
to wait for the job. The brother wife and kid migrates for work. Tney take along
with a small boy of about 14 years from the village to look after the kid while
they work. The boy is paid part of their earnings of both cash and kind.
At present Rambhai' s father-in-law has taken him to his place to take care of
him. The mother of Rambhai was a very sad person, she was crying and was
remembering the assets they have lost for the sons treatment. She was saying that
they will have to sell off other remaining asset, our land, a pair of bullocks
and goats if we have to repay all the loans.
(NPYM)
X-JUUifTIifG x!E_-.LTi! SEE.’/IUEE TUElIS EAr'ldE?. I1IT9 H^.UPE?.: WzIEItE IS THE
SGCIkL SECUP.IT I
Ambalal Margaji Bariya lives in a 'Vadod'-Khola village near Kanabha. They have
five children, of which one daughter and two sons are married. They are staying
separately. Now in Ambalal's family there are only four members, himself, his
wife and two unmarried sons. Only one son has studied upto 5th standard, while
all others are illiterate.
Previously he owned seven bighas of land. He has given two bigha land each to his
two sons. He has only three Vigha land for farming. Ambalal has one bullock, one
buffalo.
He took Rs. 12000 loan for his daughter's marriage by mortgaging the land. He then
repaid the whole amount by selling fifty babul trees from his field. Trouble
started about five years back when Ambalalbhai suffered health problems
continuously. They had to take heavy loans, some amount with interest while other
without interest to meet health expenses. Since the last two years it has been
diagonised that Ambalalbhai is suffering from Tuberculosis (T.B). The treatment
started in 1994 when they first visited a private doctor at Kathalal. The doctor
did not diagonise the problems but hospitalized him for eight days. Doctor was
not ready to relieve him but due to lack of money they left the hospital and took
medicines for four days. Then after one month his health deterioted. Again they
took him to Nadiad hospital where doctor diagonised it as T.B. The doctor at
Nadiad referred him to Ahmedabad Civil hospital with reference letter and told
them that he will send the case paper directly to Ahmedabad.
However when he
reached Ahmedabad, they did not find the case paper. His family took him to
'Shadara' hospital and he was hospitalized for four days.
From there he took
medicine for one month and again came back.
He ^continued this treatment for
three months but there was no improvement in his Condition. Again they went to
'Bahiyar' to a private doctor. He visited this doctor nine times within a span
of three months. But his condition did not change. Again they changed the doctor
and went to ' Haldarvas 1 to Dr Padhiyar (private doctor) and also went to Kuha PHC
to get free medicines. Since last four months he is taking medicines from Kuha
and Haldarvas.
He spent Rs 14,000
for the treatment,
transportation,
accommodation and food.
This was not the only health problem faced by Ambalal. Even while he was been
treated for T.B, he got paralysis two years back. For this he directly went to
Ahmedabad to a private doctor.
There he was hospitalized for three days.
The
total expenditure for one day was around Rs.3,000, and in total he spend around
Rs. 9,000 for three days. But he could not be cured, so the money they spend was
vain. His left hand is still paralysised and he cannot use this hand. Now he is
taking medicines from Haldarvas private hospital. They have to spend around Rs.
700 to 800 per month.
Six years back Ambalal's wife was operated for Histeactomy (removal of uterus)
and hospitalized for 11 days.
The total hospital bill was around Rs. 7000
excluding food and accommodation of relatives.
During all this crisis he mortgaged his one bigha of land for Rs.4000 for his
treatment. He released this land by paying the money he mobilised by selling one
bullock for Rs.3000. He also took credit of Rs.10,000 from his elder brother with
two percent interest and from brother-in-law around Rs.8000 without interest. All
this amount was used for treatment and household expenses.
Above all this he sold his wife's silver bangles for Rs.3500. At this point of
time he has a loan of Rs.20,000 to various persons.
Due to his ill health he
cannot do any work. Only his wife and elder son (15 years) are working as casual
labourers and earning about Rs. 20 each per day during the season. They get
employment just for ten to twelve days per month.
In three vigha of land he is cultivate wheat and bajara. If the crop is good they
get around 80 to 90 mann (one mann is equal, to 20 kgs) of wheat. Bajra they keep
for own consumption. In the village they have government borewell from which they
can get water for irrigation.
But due to the scarcity of electricity and
borewell being few in number about one borewell irrigates about 70 to 80 bigha
of land. They are not getting enough water as and when required, which is very
harmful to their crop. So they are growing grass in the farm. They are selling
the wheat to a merchant who comes to the village from Ahmedabad for Rs. 50 to 60
for 20 kgs.
(CESC)
THE n r r,5?6F*\ qs1 CHOOSIrTG BETWEEN THE DEVIL ArlD THE DEEP
EE-k
Lilaben is a forty year old lady who lives in Chandap village in Idar Taluka with
her husband and children. They were farmers. Three years back she underwent
Tubectomy (family planning operation) in a government hospital. The government
workers had promised her a plot of land in return for undergoing the operation.
But this promise was not fulfiled and all she got was Rs 200 as per the
government scheme. Ever ,vsince the operation she has been contionously having
gynecological problems. For 15 days she suffered from Lucoria and for 15 days she
was bleeding. In the last three years she has visited many government and private
clinics. There is no improvement in her condition. Doctors in the government
clinics says she is fine while the private doctor is of the opinion that she has
to undergo Hysteractomy (surgery to remove the uterus). Lilaben is in a state of
H ilpma and whose advice she has to follow. The operation would cost the family
Rs 8000 to 10,000. She suspect that the private doctor is motivated to just make
money.
During the last one year she has lost weight. Her health has deteriorated
considerably. Expenditure for her treatment ' has increased. Last month she
borrowed Rs 3000 from her father and Rs 100 from her brother-in-law. Her family
is in better economic condition and has been able to help her. But how long can
they do this?
,
(GVST)
HEALTH CAPE SEP.VICEE; PIOUirTIffG COSTS: CAfI THE POOP.
AS'E'OPD IT -11 ?
Badabhai is about 60 years old. He along withn his wife and children live in
Chochar village in Poshina tribal area. He has been unwell for the last five
years and not able to work outside to earn his livelihood.
He is suffering from T.B. His eldest son took him for treatment to Poshina
(taluka headquarters) to a private hospital but the medicine was not effective.
Therefore they started treatment at Lakshmipura village which is 20 kms from
Chochar. He is taking medicines worth Rs 100 per week. He claims that the
medicine is having some positive effect on his health. So far he has spend Rs
4000 on the treatment.
When the research team was discussing he waiting for his son to come home in the
evening. He was waiting for him because his medicines had got over the previous
day and only if the son comes with money he can buy the medicines. This is not
the first time that he was unable to buy medicines Twice in the course of the
treatment it had happened that he had to miss two days of medicines because he
had no money to buy them.
t
(NPYM)
Kalabhai Dudhabhai Gohil heads a twelve members family in Bhatgam village near
Mangrol. His family includes his wife three sons, two daughters, two daughter in
laws and five grand children. They have their own house, seven vigha of land and
one motor rickshaw. All the children are grown up. No body is studying except
grand children. One of their son is 10th pass while other is 9th pass.
Three years back the second son was found to have a problem in the heart. He had
to be operated at Civil hospital Ahmedabad.
Govt gave 75% of the cost of the
valve which had to be replaced by surgery. This subsidy is available to poor
people who are officially identified as poor. Despite this subsidy they has to
around Rs 50,000 on food accommodation, transportation and remaining 25% of the
cost of the valve. They raised around Rs 7000 while for the remaining they had
to take loan from other relatives without interest. They were able to repay all
the loan through sale of agriculture output and daily wages.
Then just a year after, they bought a motor rickshaw for the youngest son. The
father gave 15,000 from his savings, arranged Rs.40,000 from relatives without
interest and the remaining Rs 30,000 he borrowed from a shopkeeper at a fixed
installments of
Rs. 2000 per month. Every thing was moving smoothly.
Unfortunately the youngest son met with an accident and was seriously injured.
He suffered injuries on the
hand and head, and was bleeding from his nose
profusely. He was taken to the Mangrol hospital, but he was in a very serious
condition so they
transferred him to Junagadh (district headquarter) to a
private hospita. It was Sunday, at Mangrol an ambulance was avaialble but there
was no driver. So they had to transfer him to Junagadh by a private taxi which
costed Rs.200. At Junagadh5 the doctor took his X-ray and other reports then
referred him to Rajkot to another privi te hospital. The patient was hospitalized
and treated for ten days.
»•
At Rajkot they paid Rs.13,000 as hospital bill. Doctor gave medicines and
injections for one month which costed the family Rs. 2,400/. Then after some time
when medicine was over he developed some problem so they again took him back to
the same private hospital at Rajkot, where the doctor was on a foreign tour. So
he was taken to government Civil Hospital, at Ahmedabad. There they stayed for
three days, where some further tests were conducted for which for 2,600/- rupees
had to be paid. The panchayat gave a letter of recommendation and therefore they
paid only Rs 1000 for that. They came back home and will be going to the Civil
hospital after a week when the report are ready and the doctor will decide about
the treatment for the hand which is weak and almost paralysed.
So at this point of writing this report Kalabhai has to return around Rs 70,000
to 75,000 of loan.
All the amount which was taken by Kalabhai was without
interest except the installment he has to pay for the rickshaw to the shop
keeper. The oldest son is looking after the agriculture. Middle one is a heart
patient, so he is unable to do hard work. Still he is involved some local level
fish trade. This gives him work for only six months during the season. The
youngest is unable to drive the rickshaw. So they have given the rickshaw to a
driver to whom they are paying a salary of Rs 1500.
So from the income of
Rickshaw they are paying Rs. 2000 as installment and Rs.1500 to driver as salary.
At times the income is less than Rs 3500, they have to give from there daily
wages. Kalabhai is working with a tractor owner for land leveling and gets Rs 70
to 80 rupees per day by working for 13 hours of the day. i.e morning 7 a.m to
night S.p.m. Females of the house do not working outside the house. They have
their own land. They cultivate groundnut, but it is totally dependent on rain.
They have a well but it is dry. He said that they pay Rs 80 to male and Rs 50
female laboueres per day during full season as agriculture wage and Rs 40 for
male and Rs 30 for female per day during off season.
(GKSK)
PART 111 : SIMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
CHAPTER Vffl
SUMMARY FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATION
From the four rounds of monitoring of living conditions of the poor under SAP regime
through household survey, PRAs and case studies the following issues have emerged. These
summary interpretation are based on the results presented in part II of the report, which were
contextualised with the theoretical exposition on elements of SAP in Part I
At the outset it is to be noted that the sample households for the study consisted of urban
slum dwellers, rural population and tribals. As expected the living conditions and resource
endowments would vary across these sections So are the characteristics of these groups with
respect to type of occupation, consumption and utilization and access to various services like
education, health and public distribution system
Increasing number of women are coming into work in urban areas during the past three years.
But many of the are entering into urban informal sector which does not follow fair labour
practices. In the pottery work women work but in the case of slum dwellers of Ahmedabad
women do not work outside. Only about 40 per cent of our sample households presently
work ir textile mills The rest are engaged in various kinds of occupations. But tie revealing
point h ire is the decline in real wages among textile workers and near stagnancy in real
wages in the urban informal sector and among pottery workers. Construction has witnessed
some rise in real wages, but the rise was not adequate going by the trends in other sectors
The reasons for this stagnancy in both textile and pottery industries are mainly, closing down
or lay off of factories and low capacity utilization resulting in lower labour use. These two
can be seen as direct fall out of SAP policies which have helped the owners in
indiscriminately taking such actions It is observed by many reports that, in pottery industry
work is continuing just to ensure that the land and premises are not occupied by others. The
data on the loss of job and reasons for the same, testify the fact that it is the urban traditional
manufacturing sector workers who are the victims of SAP related industrial policy changes.
One important feature observed in the urban employment scenario, is total neglect of
implementation of labour laws in the factories, like minimum wages, accident relief,
provision of health, compensation etc. According to the participating NGOs, who are in
constant touch with the labour department regarding the workers rights, there is an element
of complacency among the labour department staff, who often observe that their role is going
to be minimal in the coming years due to the liberalisation process. This is a matter of
serious concern, as many NGOs have apprehended of this situation, when SAP was
introduced in 1991. Role of the government in safeguarding the interests of the poor is
relegated to secondary position after the liberalisation The same is true with respect to
availability of services like health and education in rural and urban areas, which we shall
77
This has affected employment situation in rural areas An analysis of cropping pattern reveals
that there is, in a limited extent, introduction of new crops in the rural areas, which could be
due to the market potential of certain crops We do not see any dramatic changes in cropping
pattern, but a gradual shift towards more valuable crops compared to the earlier food crops
But this is not leaving farmers with better surpluses. The net profit from cultivating crops
(food and non food) seems to be low and often negative compared to any other occupations,
except perhaps, cotton and ground nut which are in any case high input cost crops, which
are grown in Junagadh and Kutch areas. The reasons for this are many. Farmers argue that
there has been an increase in cost of inputs due to rise in prices of fertilizers and pesticides
over the past three years. Not only that, the wage rates have gone up for certain crop
operations which has increase the cost of cultivation. Water availability is another factor for
not opting for cash crops
In sum. for many small and marginal farmers, cultivation is yet another occupation, with low
returns, but they do continue it as it is the tradition of the family. The farm by-products
would often compensate the low levels of production and returns Most of the small farmers
produce subsistence crops like, Bajri and Maize for self consumption which ensures food
security-.
Food consumption is one of the important aspect of livelihood systems. A decline is /'
witnessed is the average monthly food grain consumption during the four rounds of the study.
The decline in some areas is quite s.eep and in some areas it is somewhat less. Lack of
purchasing power due to decline in employment opportunities and wages could be the main
reasons for this decline With the inflation rate measured by the whole sale price index, for
the most part of the period under study, at over 10 per cent, there could be little surprise to
witness the decline in aggregate consumption of food grains at the family level. It is not
difficult to visualize at this juncture that, this situation puts women and girl children in more
vulnerable position with respect to food intake
Most of the rural and urban households purchase food grains and other commodities from
local private shops and not from government run ration shops, which were supposed to
provide food grains at a cheaper rate. The data shows that in many rural areas ration shops
are not available and they encounter host of other problems related to these shops like,
irregularity’ in supply, unreliable timings, corruption etc. The other reason for the decline in
purchase from ration shops, at the aggregate level, could be due to the fact that there has
been very' little difference in terms of price, between ration shop food grains and open market
food grains. The price rise of ration shop food grains, uniformly across all varieties of rice
and wheat, has certainly put the rural poor consumer in a disadvantageous position. The
decline the practice of wage payment in kind (grains) for agriculture labour, for harvesting
operations, has further reduced the food security of these poorest sections of the laboring
class.
This depressing situation with respect to employment, wage and agriculture has resulted in
an increase in number of households taking loans for household purposes. Analysis of data
79
on credit needs and sources, revealed that there is an increasing dependency on informal
sectors but a decrease in dependency on intra family sources for credit, which are often for
household consumption purposes There is very limited access to formal sector credit among
the families surveyed which shows that these sectors were not touched by the formal banking
operations But where ever there is incidence of formal sector credit, especially in tribal area,
which has special schemes for development, it was for income generation purposes.
Surprisingly the urban population had no access to formal sector credit. In rural areas, there
is an overall decline in number of loans taken over the past two year period, but the
incidence of loans taken for health purposes and for household purposes has increased, which
shows that households are not in a position to meet their consumption demand and are in
vulnerable stage with respect to health
Most of the ailments reported being minor,'reflect the general poor state of living conditions
of the poor communities But incidence of TB, other occupational diseases reflect that there
is very little concern with respect to occupational diseases. Expenditure on minor aliments
has increased in all access In some of the major ailments the expenditure goes up to 10 to
35 thousand In such cases the family dependent on all assets to mobilize money for meeting
the expenses. Poor people have very little access to government health care in rural areas
But due to a variety of reasons. The situation with respect to utilization of government health
care in urban areas is relatively better, mainly due to the treatment available for workers of
pottery and textile industries in government hospitals for their occupational diseases and in
general provision of health care to the members of their families in government hospitals. But
many urban) houi eholds reported that they lack confidence in health care systems of tl e
govemmentiand 1 ence resort to private clinics. Over 90 per cent of tribals resort to priva e
treatment. Non availability of facilities, lack of medicines, transport problems and etc
prohibits rural people from accessing government health care With the rise in cost of
treatment and medicines, increasingly, households are incurring high cost to health purposes.
On the average, about one third of the expenditure on health was met by households resorting!
to credit which has seen an increasing trend over the four rounds period. Similarly, the
incidence of households completely depending on credit for treatment has increased in all the
areas. It is to be noted that the types of illnesses for which high expenditure is required has
increased over the period, reflecting the fact the fact the poor people are prone to lethal
diseases.
The decline in health status of the people, with respect to their inability' to meet the rising
costs of treatment and their resorting to credit is an indirect outcome of the SAP policies.
The direct linkage in terms of rise in drug prices and cost of treatment is documented in
various reports and publications. But what is most disturbing is the inability of the
households to meet the expenditure due to lack of employment and decline in wages. This
would reduce the ability of the people to work as their health deteriorates unless they get
treatment in time. This coupled with the fact that there is a overall decline in average
consumption of food grains complete the depressing nature of living conditions of the poor
under the SAP regime.
80
CHAPTER IX
POLIO RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the empirical evidences, subsequent interpretations and deliberations with the NGOs
on the strategies for rectifying the situation, the following policy recommendations are put
together which would help in administering mid way corrections to the present policy regime.
The present economic and political scenario provides an excellent opportunity for the policy
makers to introduce human face to the SAP policies.
From the data, it can be concluded that urban workers are the most vulnerable sections, and
are affected by the SAP policies during the two and half years
*
With respect to employment, there is a need to address urban employment situation
and work conditions Ensuring implementation of labour laws and policy changes
with respect to closure and retrenchment of workers needs to be addressed in the light
of the hardships faced by the workers.
*
Government needs to address the issue of ensuring minimum wages and work
conditions in the urban informal sector, construction and other services, where
workers, mainly women are exploited the most
Adequate protection measures are necessary with regard to reabsorption, re-training
and rehabilitation of workers who were laid off due to closure of industrial units in
urban areas
In rural areas, there is a need to develop agriculture sector, in terms of government
investments and credit support. Implementation of minimum wages is one important
issue that needs attention
*
Support to non agriculture activities would be an important task which would help
improving income of landless and other self employed sections.
*
Changes in agriculture pattern and reduction in overall consumption of food grains
is an issue that needs attention Ensuring food grains at cheaper rates was to be one
strategy, which would ensure food security But the price rise in PDS shops has
neutralized these gains. Agriculture labour and other laboring class needs protection
from hunger, through a well targeted PDS.
*
The increase in cost of health care expenditure, has been forcing people to seek credit
for health case This issues needs immediate attention Adequate provision of medical
facilities in rural areas and credit support mechanisms for health purposes (eg. health
insurance) are needed to support the poor. Perhaps a decentralized health insurance
81
can be widely promoted
Occupational health is one area, which needs attention in urban areas, where workers
are exposed to hazardous working conditions Adequate safety mechanisms are
necessary' to ensure this.
Special attention need to be taken up to control communicable disease like T.B as
rural poor people suffer most and spend maximum on such disease.
82
REFERENCES
Heller. Peter S.; Bovanberg, A.Lans; Catsambas, Thanos Chn, Key-Young; and S.Parthasarthi
(1988). The Implications of Fund-Supported Adjustment Programme for Poverty-Experiences in
Selected Countries. International Monetary Fund, Washington D.C.
Kakwani, Nanak; Makonnen, Elene and van der Gaag, Jacques (1990), Structural Adjustment and
Living Conditions in Developing Countries, Working Paper Series, 467, The World Bank,
Washington D.C.
UNICEF, (1987), Structural Adjustment with a Human Face. UNICEF, New York.
W’oodward, David (1988). Debt, Adjustment and Poverty in Developing countries; The Impact
of Debt and Adjustment at the Household Level in Developing Countries. Vol II. Save The
Children.
Backer, Isabella(ed) The Strategic Silence; Gender and Economic Policy, Zed Publication. The
North South Institute, Ottawa, 1994.
APPENDIX
TABLE 1
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT AMONG AHMEDABAD SLUM (POTTERY) HOUSEHOLDS
Sectors
April 94
Dec 94
Total
Female
Male
May 95
Dec
95
April
Dec 94
94
May
95
Dec 95
April
Dec
94
May
95
Dec 95
94
Manufacturing
45.77
48.36
47.00
44.95
40.26
42.21
37.79
39.89
86.03
90.57
84.7
9
84.84
Construction
0.54
4.10
6.45
5.55
2.54
2.87
4.15
6.06
3.08
6.97
10.6
0
11.61
Trade
0.43
-
-
0.51
-
-
-
0.0
0.43
-
-
0.51
Services
3.39
1.64
2.65
2.02
0.43
0.41
0.51
3.82
2.05
2.65
2.53
Others
0.86
0.41
2.30
0.51
-
-
0.46
0.0
0.68
0.41
2.76
0.51
Total
134
(56.78)
133
(54.51)
125
(57.60)
106
(53.54
102
(43.22)
Ill
(45.49)
92
(42.40)
92
(46.46)
236
(100)
244
(100)
217
(100)
198
(100)
Notes:
(i)
Others in this group include those engaged in transportation and repair services.
(ii) Services include services and personal services included in 90,91, 92, 93, 94, 96 groups in National Industrial classification 1970.
(iii) Figures are percentages to total, Total = 100
(iv) Figures includes all employed in a specific activity for more than 20 days in a month.
(v) There was no one engaged in trade during Dec '94 and May '95.
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••a
TABLE 2
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT AMONG AHMEDABAD SLUM DWELLERS
A pill
Total
Female
Male
Sectors
Dec. 94
May
95
Dec.
95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
April 94
Dec.
94
May.
95
Dec
95
51.6
23.6
27.9
50.7
20.0
30.7
51 2
23.7
27.8
94
Manufacturing
(a) Textile
(b) Others
21.5
16.2
5.3
46.6
22.9
23.6
45.3
18.3
27.0
46 4
22.4
24.4
0.4
0.4
0.0
5.0
0.7
4.3
5.3
1.7
3.6
4.7
3.4
21.9
16.6
5.3
Construction
6.0
10.0
9.0
12.9
-
3.6
3.33
2.4
6.0
13.6
12.3
15.2
Trade
10.6
13.6
14.0
13.2
0.4
2.2
3.00
0.7
11.0
15.8
17.0
13.9
Services
47.5
3.2
5.3
8.1
1.1
1.1
1.00
0.3
48.7
4.1
6.3
8.5
Others
10.9
13.3
12.7
9.1
1.1
1.4
1.00
2.0
12.2
14.7
13.7
11.2
Total
257
(97.0)
242
(86.7)
259
(86.3)
265
(89.8)
8
(3.0)
37
(13.3)
41
(13.7)
30
(10.2)
265
(100)
279
(100)
300
(100)
295
(100)
1.4
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
(iii )
(iv)
(v)
In April 94 others include those employed in transportation banking and legal services hotel and restaurants, repair
services and those who could not specify their activity.
Services include all activities services and personal services which come under code 90, 91, 92, 93, 94 and 96 of
National industrial ciossification 1970.
Figures are percentages to total and total = 100
Others include repair services and those engaged in transportation.
In April 1994 a large section reported service while they are working in manufacturing (It is an problem of understanding
of concept sendee). This issue was classified in the subsequent rounds.
2
TABLE 3
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENTEDABAD RURAL (%)
Total
Females
Males
Sectois
Apr 94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Apr
94
Dec 95
May
95
Dec
95
Apr
94
Dec
95
May
95
Dec
95
Farmers
27.42
20.15
21 99
35.21
1.12
0.37
0.65
2.69
28.54
20.52
22.63
37.88
Agricultural
Labour
17.54
15.04
1.30
25.00
5.41
3.73
0.49
4.57
22.95
19.77
1.79
29.57
Livestock
6.18
5.22
3.09
3 49
22.95
31.53
39.58
0.27
29.13
36.75
42.67
3.76
Manufacturing
(NHH)
6.34
8.95
6.19
12.10
0.37
0.37
0.00
0.54
6.71
9.33
6.19
12.64
Construction
2.05
5.78
18.08
4.03
0.19
0.37
2.44
1.07
2.24
6.15
20.52
5.10
Services
3.36
3.36
2.11
2.42
0.19
0.19
0.49
0.81
3.55
3.55
2.60
3.23
Others
2.43
1.68
3.42
7.53
0.37
0.75
0.16
0.27
2.80
3.43
3.58
7.80
Total
346
(64.31)
336
(62.6
9)
345
(56.19
334
(89.78
200
(37.31)
38
(10.22
)
536
(100)
614
(100)
372
(100)
)
269
(43.81
)
538
(100)
)
192
(35.69
)
Notes : (i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
(v)
Others include those engaged in forestry, logging, trade and transport.
Service include all services which come under code 90-96 of NIC 70.
Non household manufacturing include work in food processing, textile, chemicals, ceramics and miscellaneous industry'.
Male + Female = Total and Total = 100, (Figures are percentages to total)
The figures include children below 14 years and persons above 59 who are employed.
3
TABLE 4
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT IN KUTCH RURAL
Female
Male
Sector
Total
April
94
Dec.
94
May 95
Dec. 95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
April
94
Dec.
94
May
95
Dec.
95
Farmers
IS.4
16.4
18.6
14.86
2.4
2.3
1.1
1.24
20.8
18.7
19.7
16.10
Agri Labourers
19.0
23
18.2
61.61
8.8
10.0
12.8
5.26
27.8
33.0
31.0
66.687
Live Stock
1.4
1.4
1.1
0.62
5.3
5.3
0.4
0.0
6.7
6.7
1.5
0.62
Household
Manufacturing
1.2
1.2
2.4
0.93
2.0
2.1
1.9
0.93
3.2
3.3
4.3
1.84
Construction
9.8
8.2
70
1.24
55
4.3
3.2
0.0
15.3
12.5
10.2
1.24
Trade
3.9
4.1
3.8
4.33
0.6
0.6
0.00
0.0
4.5
4.7
3.8
4.33
Transport
2.0
1.9
2.1
0.62
0.0
0.0
0.00
0.0
2.0
1.9
2.1
0.62
Services
9.6
10.5
9.0
8.05
0.6
0.6
0.6
0.31
10.2
11.1
9.6
8.36
Others
8.8
7.6
16.6
-
0.2
0.2
1.1
-
9.0
7.8
17.7
-
Total
364
(74,4)
382
(74.6)
369
(78.8)
298
(92.26)
125
(25.6)
130
(25.4)
99
(21.2)
25
(7.71)
489
(100)
512
(100)
468
(100)
323
(100)
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
Household Manufacturing include cotton spinning in the house and maltress making.
Others include those engaged in work in hotel and restaurant and repair services and other services.
Figure are percentages to total and total = 100
4
TABLE 5
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT IN SABARKANTHA RURAL (%)
Apri94
Dec 94
Total
Female
Male
Sectors
May
95
Dec
95
A piil
Dec 94
May
95
Dec
95
April
94
Dec 94
May
95
Dec 95
94
Farmers
23.9
28.2
25.3
29.1
4.2
14.2
10.0
4.3
28.1
42.4
35.3
33.4
Agricultural
Labourers
33.5
18.6
17.7
16.8
25.6
16.5
13.9
17.6
59.1
35.1
31.6
34.4
Livestock
1.3
1.8
1.7
2.5
0.2
1.2
1.5
4.4
1.0
2.8
3.2
7.0
Stone Quarrying
0.4
0.6
0.6
0.0
0.4
0.2
0.2
0.0
0.9
0.8
0.8
0.0
Manufacturing
0.0
0.0
3.9
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.5
0.3
0.0
0.0
4.4
3.4
Construction
0.8
3.8
5.9
9.2
0.1
3.4
6 1
3.9
0.9
7.2
12.0
13.1
Services
4.9
3.3
3.3
3.6
0.4
0.9
0.9
0.6
5.4
3.0
4.2
4.3
Others
3.0
5.2
10.9
3.4
1.1
2.1
2.5
1.0
4.0
8.5
13.4
4.4
Total
454
(68.0)
519
(61.3)
546
(64.8)
583
(67.6
)
214
(32.0)
327
(38.7)
296
(35.2)
279
(32.4)
668
(100)
846
(100)
842
(100)
862
(100)
Notes ' (i)
(ii)
(iii)
(vi)
(v)
Others in Sabarkantha rural includes those engaged in Household industry and transportation.
Household industry includes carpet making jewellary making and those involved in traditional crafts.
Services include services and personal services includes in code 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 and 96 of National Industrial clarification
1970.
Manufacturing includes those working in food processing, textile, industry, chemical and jewellery making for male work in and
embridory and lac making for females.
Male + Female = total and total = 100. Figures are percentage to total.
TABLE 6
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT IN JUNAGADH RURAL (%)
Sector's
Female
Male
Total
April 94
Dec.94
Maj 95
Dec 95
April 94
Dec. 94
May 95
Dec 95
April
94
Dec 94
May
95
Dec
95
Farmers
3.61
2.72
3.85
2.70
2.89
1.13
2.94
2.70
6.50
3.85
6.79
5.40
Agri
labour
40.24
26.02
18.55
31.70
31.08
24.89
20.36
27.76
71.32
50.90
38.91
59.46
Livestock
0.24
0.23
0.23
0.0
0.48
0.23
0.0
0.0
0.72
0.45
0.23
0.0
Fishery
0.24
0.90
0.0
1.72
0.00
0.00
0.0
0.0
0.24
0.90
0.0
1.72
Constructi
on
8.68
18.78
24.66
14.74
0.96
9.73
15.84
5.65
9.64
28.51
40.50
20.39
Services
3.38
2.94
2.71
2.95
1.20
0.44
0.23
0.25
4.58
3.38
2.94
3.20
Others
4.09
8.15
6.10
7.86
2.88
3.84
4.52
2.22
6.97
12.00
10.63
9.83
Total
251
(60.48)
264
(59.73)
248
(56.11)
251
(61 67)
164
(39.52)
178
(40.27)
194
(43.89)
156
(38.33)
415
(100)
442
(100)
442
(100)
407
(100)
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
In Junagadh Rural others in Sept. 93, April 94 and Dec. 94 include household industry, transport, trade and stone quarrying, stone
quarying accounted for about 2.5% employment in December 95. Manufacturing in Households include textile were it is monthly
embroidery and lace making and jewllery making.
Services and personal services includes activities which come under code 90. 91, 92, 93, 94 , 95 and 96 of National Industrial
classification 1970.
Male + Female = Total and Total = 100 Figures are percentages to total.
TABLE 7
PATTERN OF EMPLOYMENT IN SABARKANTHA TRIBAL (%)
Total
Female
Male
Sectors
April 94
Dec 94
May
95
Dec
95
April
94
Dec 94
May
95
Dec
95
April
94
Dec 94
May
95
Dec 95
Farmers
57,51
42.35
31.91
36.97
3.76
16.81
2.29
3.19
61.27
59.20
34.20
40.16
Agri Labourers
16.47
1.85
12.44
5.88
10.11
1.51
17.02
4.54
26.58
3.36
29.46
10.42
Livestock
1.73
8.24
8.84
14.12
2.02
14.62
14.24
17.99
3.75
22.86
23.08
32.11
Mining and
quarrying
2.31
1.51
2.78
2.86
0.00
1.01
2.45
0.84
2.31
2.52
5.24
3.70
Construction
0.58
5.38
4.42
6.05
0.29
3.19
1.47
5.21
0 87
8.57
5.89
11.26
Services
1.73
1.51
0.65
1.34
0.87
0.17
0.16
0.67
2.60
1.68
0.81
2.01
Others
1.73
0.34
0.66
0.34
0.87
1.51
0.66
0.00
2.60
1.85
1.32
0.34
Total
284
(82.1)
364
(61.2)
377
(61.7)
402
(67.56)
62
(17.62)
231
(38.82)
234
(38.30
)
193
(32.4
4)
346
(100.0
0)
595
(100.0
0)
611
(100.0
0)
595
(100.00
)
Note :
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
Others include those engaged in forestry, plantation and trade and repair services.
Services include all activities included under code 90-96 of NIC 70.
Male + Female = Total and Total = 100. Figures are percentages to total.
7-
TABLE 8
EXTENT OF CHILD LABOUR (%)
December 94
April 94
Groups
December 95
May 95
Male
Feinai
e
Total
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
0.00
5.55
2.50
3.00
16.00
9.00
4.35
6.52
5.22
4.92
14.0
9.01
Ahmedabad Slum
1.14
0.00
0.57
2.00
0.00
1.00
1.92
1.80
1.86
1.92
3.51
2.75
Ahmedabad Rural
8.72
4.90
7.28
12.50
15.00
13.50
14.48
8.94
11 94
11.66
3.67
9.16
Kutch Rural
9.5
9.4
9.3
2.0
5.1
3.8
4.4
4.9
4.6
1.84
0.64
1.25
Sabarkantha
Rural
3.30
6.90
3.53
7.00
16.00
11.00
10.29
12.88
11.54
12.85
10.39
11.71
Junagadh Rural
2.41
14.80
3.25
5.00
5.00
5.00
4.35
11.27
7.36
5.62
13.43
8.97
Sabarkantha
Tribal
3.53
6.21
4.76
42.00
57.00
54.00
28.57
48.70
37.61
39.44
53.04
45.56
Notes :
(i)
(ii)
Child labour gives the no. of children in the age group 6-14 years who are working as a proportion of total number of children in
this age group. These figures are percentage.
Extent child labour among male and female children has been calculated seperately.
TABLE 9
TRENDS IN IRRIGATED LAND
Irrigated Land (%)
Groups
Non Irrigated Land (%)
Apr
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Apr
94
Dec
94
May
95
Dec
95
Ahmedabad
Rural
52.5
50.4
51.1
40.7
47.5
49.6
48.9
59.
3
Kutch Rural
23.3
22.8
26.7
22.4
76.7
77.2
73.3
78.
2
Sabarkantha
Rural
63.4
.77.5
78.9
79.5
36.6
22.5
20.3
11.
5
Junagadh
Rural
6.0
23.0
11.8
35.3
94.0
77.0
88.2
64.
7
Sabarkantha
Tribal
44.0
50.8
52.5
51.1
56.0
49.2
47.5
49.
9
Notes:
(i)
Irrigated + Nonirrigated = total agricultural land.
(ii)
Non irrigated land also includes land which have not been cultivated for a long time.
TABLE 10
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) AHMEDABAD SLUM (POTTERY WORKERS)
April 94
Item
r
May 95
December 94
December 95
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
Rice
10.S0
Il 10
8.76
10.93
7.17
9.1
6.48
9.26
Wheat
15.70
29.20
30.00
23.37
10.67
31.23
11.67
26.75
Jawar
-
10.00
-
-
-
30.00
-
-
Bajari
-
24.10
-
19.55
28.72
-
15.86
Maize
-
5.00
-
-
-
-
-
-
Pulses
-
4.80
-
4.14
-
3.78
-
3.55
Kerosene (in
Liters)
8 60
6.30
10.10
9.52
13.33
10.16
10.91
9.69
Groundnut
-
5.10
3.00
4.34
-
4.03
-
4.93
Sugar
2.60
5.10
1.30
6.54
3.43
3.50
2.6
3.67
.
1°
Table 11
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) AHMEDABAD SLUM
Item
April 94
December 94
May 95
December 95
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
PDS
Local Shop
Rice
5.76
14.16
8.38
11.40
6.61
11.80
10.50
12.61
Wheat
20.52
36.42
-
43 17
13.13
42.96
20.00
41.96
Jawar
1.98
4.38
-
-
-
-
-
-
Bajari
4.98
6.36
-
8.64
-
15.00
-
11.67
Maize
4.98
5.16
-
4.00
-
-
-
-
Pulses
6.12
6.66
-
5.23
-
4.60
-
4.36
Kerosene (in
Liters)
17.82
13.80
19.19
12.08
19.57
12.28
19.87
11.68
Groundnut
4.62
5.94
2.80
4.83
1.20
4.71
1.8
4.48
Sugar
3.18
3.66
2.14
4.56
2.48
5.18
2.38
3.45
TABLE 12
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) AHMEDABAD RURAL
Item
April 94
December 94
December 95
May 95
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
Rice
6 77
10.29
56.25
12.35
27.36
13.75
5.75
19.69
25.00
3.49
22.82
31.55
Wheat
15.32
25.45
72.50
17.00
15.23
-
12.41
26.73
30.00
11.78
39.17
12.50 |
Jawar
-
15.63
-
-
40.00
-
-
80.00
-
-
-
-
Bajari
-
26.91
171.00
16.67
38.10
10 00
15.00
37.44
15.00
-
43.02
37.63 [
Maize
-
-
-
2.27
4.33
-
-
20.00
-
-
Pulses
1.00
1.76
-
-
*
-
2.00
2.02
-
-
1.91
Kerosene (in
Liters)
5.10
2.20
-
2.00
2.59
-
6.25
4.84
-
5.04
3.00
■
Groundnut
2.57
2.00
-
5.81
5.55
-
2 00
2.58
-
-
2.69
-
Sugar
1.85
4.85
-
1.00
2.67
-
2.18
4.61
-
2.06
✓ 4.97
12
-
TABLE 13
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) KUTCH - RURAL
I
Item
April 94
PDS
Local
Shop
December 94
Employ
er
PDS
Local
December 95
May 95
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ,
er
Shop
Rice
25.81
53.39
100
7.52'
14.46
-
2.65
13.75
-
3.13
9.77
-
Wheat
55.27
144.50
107.76
13.39
28.42
35.00
12.40
27 22
22.50
11.98
34.58
-
Jawar
-
62.50
65.00
-
30.00
-
-
8.50
10 00
-
-
Bajari
-
176.63
117.02
-
37.87
31.75
-
27.94
42.50
-
27.37
Maize
-
40.00
-
-
-
-
-
13.33
8.00
-
-
Pulses
-
31.81
-
5.00
7.22
8.25
-
9.75
10.00
-
6.37
Kerosene (in
Liters)
32.03
-
-
6.75
-
-
7.00
15.00
-
6 01
5.0
Groundnut
6.86
20.19
-
0 97
4.01
-
1.08
.3.55
-
1.70-
5 85
Sugar
14.81
32.97
-
2.56
10.68
4 00
2.97
7.84
-
2.28
4.28
13
-
1
TABLE 14
COMMODITIES CONSUMEED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) SABARKANTHA RURAL
April 94
Item
December 94
December 95
May 95
PDS
Local
Shop
Employer
PDS
Local
Shop
Employer
PDS
Local Shop
Employer
PDS
Local
Shop
Empl
s-ye*
Rice
1.07
1.29
0.33
3.25
4.72
-
3.59
3.51
-
4.77
4.43
3.0
Wheat
9.00
18.13
10.55
12.51
30.84
30.04
10.28
27.00
29.23
9.97
11.73
22.0
Jaw ar
-
-
-
-
6.75
-
-
5.00
-
-
5.00
4.8
Bajari
5.14
3.38
-
5.00
13.56
10.63
-
9.74
10 00
-
5.72
7.6
Maize
2.18
10.55
3.33
8.75
29.46
22.80
-
22.56
22.94
-
9.38
21.0
Pulses
1 57
1 16
0.92
2.75
2.54
6.50
5.00
2.07
-
2.00
2.26
2.6
Kerosene (in Liters)
1.75
3.08
0.42
4.94
5.19
-
5.1
5.59
-
5.82
5.18
8.J
Groundnut
0.28
0.88
0.33
1.78
2.11
2.00
1.49
2.17
-
2.00
2.12
3.2
Sugar
0.78
0.96
0.50
2.27
2.83
11.00
2.23
2.81
-
2.56
2.42
2.0
TABLE 15
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) JUNAGADH RURAL
.April 94
Item
December 94
PDS
Local Shop
Rice
2.37
Wheat
9 55
Jaw ar
-
Bajari
-
11.30
-
Maize
-
0.83
Pulses
-
Employer
PDS
Local Shop
1.69
2.91
3 59
9.59
12.57
December 95
May 95
Employer
PDS
Local Shop
Employer
PDS
Local Shop
2.83
2 20
-
3.13
2.44
Emplover
-
26.61
15.00
13.00
19.69
23.27
11.75
17.36
40.00
-
-
-
49.00
-
-
32 55
-
38.09
-
-
24.09
20.00
-
21.56
-
-
-
-
-
-
1.79
-
-
-
-
0.58
0.52
-
4.44
-
8.85
6.18
-
-
2.19
-
-
-
8.87
5.73
-
-
-
Kerosene (in Liters)
3 87
1.53
-
6.90
7.18
-
Groundnut
1.02
1.75
-
1.36
3.93
-
1.09
3.51
-
1.97
2.53
Sugar
2 29
1.59
-
2.66
4.03
-
2.58
2.77
-
2.53
2.65
-
1
TABLE 16
COMMODITIES CONSUMFED FOR HOUSEHOLDS PER MONTH (in kgs.) SABARKANTHA - TRIABL
i
Item
April 94
December 94
December 95
May 95
PDS
Local
Shop
Employe
r
PDS
Local
Shop
Employe
r
PDS
Local
Shop
Employ
er
PDS
Local
Shop
Empll
Rice
2.56
1.55
-
5.13 '
4.23
-
13.64
9.28
-
5.59
3.00
J
Wheat
9.00
10.73
8 89
36.73
39.63
20.00
38.33
32.23
12.00
32.46
25.77
J
Jawar
10 00
16.94
-
-
26.67
-
40.00
-
-
-
-
•j
Bajari
-
19.17
10.00
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
JI
Maize
3.33
9.63
10 00
-
39.97
20 00
-
21.46
-
40.00
34.39
Pulses
-
1.67
-
-
3.00
-
-
-
-
3.00
-
Kerosene (in
Liters)
1.71
1.79
-
3.31
\
2.59
-
3.32
2.53
-
4.03
2.5
Groundnut
1.92
1.23
-
1.31
1.24
-
1.43
1.46
-
2.00
1.44
J
Sugar
1.81
1 67
-
2.01
2.21
-
2.46
2.23
-
2.38
1.37
-•
IG
-
• • • • • • • • •••••• • • • • • ♦ • • < • • • • • • • nrw • • • • • • • • • *
TABLE 17
SOURCES OF CREDIT
Groups
April 94
December 94
Dece. 95
May 95
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
Ahmedabad
Slum
(Pottery)
45.6
54 4
-
-
61.9
38 1
-
-
65.4
32.7
1.9
-
89.1
10.9
-
-
Ahmedabad
Slum
40.9
28.4
28.4
2.3
14 0
82.8
1.6
1.6
48.1
50.9
-
0.9
73.5
25.3
-
1.2
Ahmedabad
Rural
25.9
66 4
2.1
5.6
33.9
58.7
4.6
2.8
50.0
45.7
1.7
2.6
53.6
40.2
5.2
1
5.7
0.6
0.52
22.2
66.7
11.
- i
59.2
34.5
35.1
43.8
19.7
29.8
61.78
7.85
abarkantha
Rural
83.2
9.9
5.3
1.5
39.3
34.4
26.2
-
38.1
50.4
11.4
-
55.8
34.8
9.4
-
Junagadh
Rural
41.0
45.9
6.5
6.6
33.9
45.8
16.9
3.4
52.3
43.2
4.5
-
70.8
29.2
-
-
Sabarkantha
Tribal
35.9
60.7
-
3.4
35.3
61.0
2.8
0.9
32.0
68.0
-
-
67.2
26.7
6.1
Kutch Rural
1.4
1
■
a
Notes :
(i)
l=Informal, 2=Intra Family, 3=Formai, 4=Others.
(ii)
Figures are percentages.
(iii)
The figures give the share of each source of credit in the total number of loans taken by each group of households.
I?
TABLE 18
VALUE RANGE OF BORROWING
April 94
Gloups
December 94
May 95
December 95
<200
0
2001
-500
0
5001
-100
00
1000
11500
0
>150
01
<200
0
2001
-500
0
5001
-100
00
1000
11500
0
>150
00
<200
0
2001
-500
0
5001
-100
00
1000
11500
0
>150
00
<200
0
2001
-500
.0
5001
-100
00
1000
11500
0
>15
001
Ahmedabad
Slum
(Pottery)
46 4
35.0
13.1
2.1
3.1
59.3
25.4
1 1.9
1.7
1.7
50.0
30.8
9.6
3.8
5.8
60.9
36.9
13 0
6.5
-
Ahmedabad
Slum
43.3
18 6
23.7
6.2
8.2
26.6
29.7
18.7
9.4
15.7
29.2
35 8
22.6
5.7
6.6
44.6
27 7
13.2
4.8
9.6
Ahmedabad
Rural
67 1
21.0
8.4
07
2.8
72.5
22.9
4.6
-
-
72.4
16.4
6.9
2.6
1.7
60.8
23.7
14.4
-
1.0
Mulch Rural
49.2
21.2
16.8
39
8.9
26.5
23 6
15.9
7.7
16.4 . 23 6
35 6
4.6
3.1
13 1
30 6
44.4
16.7
2.8
5.5
Sabal kaulha
Rural
38.2
20.6
19.1
4.6
17.6
35 2
34.8
22.4
2.5
4.1
41.5
25.0
42
38
5.5
66.8
18.2
10.5
2.8
Junagadh
R uial
60.7
27 9
9.8
1.6
-
55.9
35 6
1 7
3.4
3.4
68.2
26.1
5.7
-
-
64.6
27 7
7.7
-
' 1
Sabai kaulha
Tubal
88.0
10 2
0.9
0.9
-
98.2
0.9
0.9
-
-
94.2
52
06
0.6
-
96.2
3.0
0.8
-
-
Note :
<i_>
Figure are percentages to total borrowing in each area.
19
TABLE 19
REASONS FOR TAKING LOAN
Group
Ahmcdabad Slum
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
1
2
3
4
5
49.5
28.9
1.0
186
2.1
49.2
28.0
1.7
17.
8
3.4
48.
1
34.6
-
17.
3
-
58.7
19.6
-
21.7
-
35.1
26.8
9.3
28.9
-
9.4
23 4
28.
4
20.
3
18.
22.
6
49.1
10
4
15.
1
2.8
30.1
34.9
20.5
14.5
-
; Pollen I
Ahmcdabad Slum
------
| \hincdubad Rural
May 95
December 94
April 94
60 1
12.6
18.9
8
7.0
1.4
48.6
8.3
22.
9
15.
6
4.6
32.
8
19.8
21.
6
25.
0
0.9
38.1
15.5
13.4
27.8
5.1
10.1
1.7
37.1
5.3
37.
0
13.
9
6.7
32.
5
16.2
28
8
19.
4
3 1
38.9
25.0
16.7
19.4
-
1
Mulch Rural
9.6
66.3
12.4
Saliaikanlha Rural
21.9
32.5
21.1
21.9
2.4
11.9
15.6
46.
7
15.
6
10.
2
13.
6
31.4
22.
9
31.
4
0.7
17.1
7.7
33.7
41.4
Junapadh Rural
55.7
19.7
9.8
11.5
3.3
16.9
18.6
11.
9
16.
9
35.
6
36.
4
31.8
13.
6
15.
9
2.3
64.6
7.7
9.2
18.5
-
Sabarkaniha Tribal
42.7
15.4
0
29.1
10.3
2.6
25.2
3.7
56.
7
10.
1
4.6
14.
7
40.7
27.
3
15.
7
1.7
26.7
4.6
56.5
-
-
Notes
(i)
(Ji)
(iii)
1 = Household expenditure, 2 = Expenditure on Special occassions, 3 = Income Generation, 4 = Health, 5 = Others (other include repayment of debt, and hou;
purchase)
Figures give loans taken for each purpose as a proportion of total number of loans taken. The figures arc percentage.
Reference Period for the first round is one year and six months for the other rounds.
TABLE 20
ILLNESS PREVALENT AMONG THE GROUPS
April 94
1 X pr of Illness
Rural
Rural
IJ iban
Tribal
December 95
Tribal
11 than
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
Rand
Tribal
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
l ever. Cold.
Cough &
M.ibna
42
.2
46
.1
44
3
42
.9
72
.5
69
.0
57
.2
66
.7
56
.3
52
.1
74
6
80
.0
39
.6
43
2
40
.0
32
.2
66
.1
6
9
46
.1
37
.0
41
.8
46
.2
84.0
80.0
Respiratory
8.
1
2
6
6.
7
2.
5
3.
7
•
21
4
12
.7
12
.6
8.
7
1.
6
1.
9
15
.4
14
.4
11
.5
9.
3
2.
1
13
.5
14
.8
14
.1
23
1
2.0
2.4
MomaJi Related
18
.5
11
.3
19
.5
17
.2
11
0
12
.4
7.
6
8.
7
8.
3
7.
6
15
9
15
.5
10
.2
11
8
27
.6
6.
9
11
9
14
.3
22
.5
13
.6
18
.2
9.
5
8.0
10.4
Rept oduct ion
0.
7
2.
6
1.
4
10
6
0.
92
3.
9
0.
7
3.
9
0.
43
7.
2
-
-
2.
3
0.
8
12
6
-
-
9.
9
4.
5
-
1.6
Skin
4.
4
0.
86
5.
3
2
7
6.
4
4,
6
3
4
-
5.
2
3.
7
4.
8
1.
9
1.
9
2.
1
9.
2
5.
1
4.
3
1.
1
1.
2
2.
5
0
8
1.0
1 6
\ehe and Paul
5
9
4
3
6.
0
7.
9
0.
9
3.
9
0.
7
4.
8
4.
1
5.
0
-
O
O ip-
7.
"8
3.
2
8.
0
0.
8
2.
1
4.
5
11
1
6.
5
4.
9
-
-
Heart related
9.
6
6,
1
6
5
6.
9
1.
8
1.
5
3.
4
1.
6
1
7
2
6
-
-
3
3
2.
5
-
4.
6
-
-
1
4
9
2,
9
2.
0
-
-
1
(Milers
10
.4
26
.1
10
1
9
3
2.
7
4
6
8.
1
1
6
11
.3
13
.1
2.
4
0.
6
19
.0
19
.8
6.
4
12
.6
4.
2
4.
3
11
.2
7.
4
10
.1
11
.9
5.0
3.0
lot.d
13
5
11
5
41
5
40
7
10
9
12
9
14
5
12
6
46
0
45
9
12
6
15
5
36
3
43
3
12
5
87
11
8
14
0
89
81
19
9
24
3
100
125
I
O
C
F
■
i
M
r-
Rtinil
00
11 rinui
0 0 00
Tribal
May 95
p
I'rtxui
December 94
Notes :
(i)
(n)
(ni)
Others include problems related to ENT, Kidney, Livery, Cancer, Tetanus, Accident and Surgery and physical disabilities. In urban areas it is mainl
surgery. In rural and tribal area it mainly includes problem related to Liver, Kidney, ENT and Disabilities.
Figures are percentages. The figure gives each types of illness as a proportion of total illness reported.
Figures relate to six months prior to our survey.
20
TABLE 21
ASSETS MORTGAGED FOR HEALTH
Groups
Households Mortgaging assets
Aprl 94
Dec.
94
May 95
(%)
Dec.
95
Ahmedabad Slum (Pottery)
25.7
25.7
13.8
40.0
Ahmedabad Slums
15.4
19.1
7.8
14.3
.Ahmedabad Rural
21.6
23.1
15.0
16.7
Kutch Rural
17.1
17.5
11.9
40.0
Sabarkantha Rural
14.3
23.4
13.6
27.3
Junagadh Rural
15.8
40.0
20.0
31.6
Sabarkantha Tribal
10.7
14.1
19.3
6.6
Notes :
(i)
Mortgaged /Pawning of assets for health is given as
proportion of total mortgaging/pawning in each area.
(ii)
Figures relate to six months prior to our survey.
TABLE - 22
RANGE OF EXPENDITURE FOR HEALTH
>5001
1001-5000
<1000
May '95
Dec
May ' 94
• 95
Dec.
’9£
April
• 94
Dec. 94
May '95
Dec.
• 95
April
' 94
Ahmedabad Slum
(Pottery)
27250
(73)
40670
(148)
2275
(8)
7550
(16)
70100
(30)
19000
(10)
8500
(3)
15500
(7)
43000
(4)
-
-
-
Ahmedabad Slum
21433
(95)
21400
(72)
35330
(146)
32425
(107)
83100
(32)
74800
(31)
99000
(40)
69700
(29)
102000
(7)
52000
(6)
-
9000
(1)
Ahmedabad Rural
27433
(159)
38560
(133)
18370
(74)
24800
(80)
48400
(26)
50350
(30)
67600
(33)
24000
(13)
34000
(3)
12000
(2)
20000
(2)
19000
(2)
Kutch Rural
50563
(230)
61452
(203)
62493
(174)
19210
(93)
103900
(48)
110710
(47)
154250
(83)
13700
(6)
61700
(6)
183000
(5)
153000
(ID
35000
(1)
Sabarkantha
Rural
44795
(106)
88160
(324)
66580
(228)
43650
(94)
192800
(94)
115000
(61)
168200
(86)
111900
(59)
154000
(14)
18000
(3)
23000
(3)
7000
(1)
Junagadh Rural
15850
(66)
15397
(130)
15625
(83)
25690
(101)
95000
(42)
27200
(14)
50500
(23)
19000
(10)
20004
(2)
20000
(2)
-
17000
(2)
Sabarkantha
Triabal
38853
(209)
38633
(268)
36570
(249)
30155
(220)
51900
(25)
27550
(17)
99000
(40)
11300
(7)
17000
(2)
-
-
-
Dec.
'94
22
Dec.
’95
April
’ 94
- Media
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