DEVELOPMENT GENERAL
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Towardaa New Theory
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The Role
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social Mobilization Groups
by Sunil Sahasrabudhey
In this paper an attempt is made to provide
theoretical frame-work for a consistent understanding
of radical politics in this country. First of all the
attempts to mobilize people on radical questions
can
be divided into two partsi One political and the other
non-political.
A strict division of this kind may
even be questionable but I shall like to stick to it
with the straight forward and ordinarily understood
meanings of •political* and 'non-political*.
The
exclusion from consideration of non-political mobili-
xaticn is simply to keep the subject matter of the
paper within manageable bounds and ought not to be
taken to imply any implicit faith or value.
The radical politics, generally speaking, does
not yet constitute a dominant trend in the
political life.
national
However it can be clearly and distin
ctly divided into two parts.
One consists of the
tnobilizational attempts of groups and organizations
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more 4?r lens localised at different place j. The other
In the former we
consists of th^ peasant agitations®
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may count orgF.nisstions like various CP (M*L) groups.
Lohia Vichar Manch (lATM) and Chhatra Ytiva Sangharsh
Vahini (hsnc’i forward referred tc by ’Vahlni*)# Where
as the latter includes. say^ the agitations of the
peasantry in TarniInada, Karnataka and Maharashtra at
Once again calling the activities of the
present•
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above mentioned groups radical or turning the peasant
agitations as of fuadamentel value may be disputed®
very groups and activists may be reluc
In fact
tant to unconditionally call other's activities radical.
I shall profor however. not to get bogged down here by
a debate on what constitutes radical politics^ radical
mobilisation or radical a^uivity.
?or firstly it will
amount to a considerable digression and secondly part
of my answer t'-
will come through
constitute radical politics.
theoretical consideration that
are to fol lew 6
i\3 is rny understanding^ the peasant agitations
arc the precursor of that iriipending radical social
Lch i « likely to transform the Indian
raovemt fit
4«
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-vf.rb.nng dC"
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The radical
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— iuobiiizational groups do not all have clear
sympathies with the peasant agitations for a variety
of reasons." The idea therefore is to explore the
social bases of such groups which may explain their
behaviour, and the state of non-development and non
unity and thus lay the basis for developing an under
standing of a comprehensive and exhaustive politics
of radical change*
Before we move on to the theoretical consideration just a few words about the choice of the groups
for consideration^
To day the CP (M-L), LVM and
Vahini are precisely those groupings which are doing
radical politics. whose ways of thought constitute
trends of thought present ».n society and >at who do not
play any significant role in nations - politics * The
CP (ML) and LVM represent that aspect of communist and
socialist traditions respectively which has not yet
come to terms -with the powers that be whose oppressive
character is not in doubt,
The CP (ML) groups taken
together may be said to exhaustively represent such an
aspect of the Indian Communist tradition but the same
cannot be said of LVM
There are other splinter
socialist groups who may not identify themselves with
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LVM and also may not be with any of the leaders who
have already taken clearly the compremising line. But
LVM is the largest of such groups. In the suirnter of
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1980 it made an effort at Bangalore to build a new
organization^ Sami .a sangathan, but it has not really
taken off yet.
Vahini does not really represent any
clear political trend historically identifiable. In
a sense it may be said to belong to the socialist
tradition and yet JP's Sarvodaya mix has introduced
important differences.
I have chosen it for our
consideration because it is the radical successor of
the Bihar Movement which can be said to constitute
the real background in which Janata Party could be
formed and the Indira Party defeated in the 1977 Lok
Sabha Elections*
So the —nportance of Vc iini.
My understanding of the character of these
groupings is based on the knowledge of their activity
and extensive discussions with the activists and
leaders over a period of five years now. It provided
!
me with opportunities to understand their political
character in great detail because almost invariably
such discussions were held with the objective of
(I represented
trying to find what is common between us
5
the g. >vp associated with lasdoor Kisan 1. ti) and if
possible work out common activity*
• ly experience is
also substantially enriched by the discussions
he Id
by and experiences of. ether members of our organ!sation*
The basic contention of the paper is that these
radical mobilisation groups attempt to mobilise tlie
Ksost oppressed of the social classes but in fact end
up representing only a cection cf the middle claes*
The class they attempt to represent cannot yet stand
up on its own
and the class they actually represent
does not have any concept of future society in so far
as that la not the class which will be the bulwark
of such e reconstruction*
Thus neither the class
*chey citwuipu re ropresenu nor the class they actually
represent constitutes sufficient social basis for a
united political movement.
This explains the state
of non-unity and non-developm.^rt of such groups
And
as we shall i5oe further, these §:roupingt5 can establish
a harmonious relation ‘with the peasant movement
provided. they give up their claims of leadership. for^
the class they actually represent is not the vanguard
class o But let us notahget down to establishing these
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propositions♦
The Theory of Bahishkrt-Paschimlkxrt Divide
wmn min amiwwiajri 1 TWiarm
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ciMKasitwo
rwacm&iewMKMaaKw
The colonial expansion and later, the imperialist
development restructured the Indian society completely^
It ruined and finished the old classes and brought into
existence. new ones.
The capitalists. the bureaucracy.
the industrial workers and the urban middle classes all
constitute the new classes. The peasantry did naturally
exist in
traditional India also but after the
invasion and .reorganisation of Indian
peasantry as a class was
transformed
British
agriculture. the
completely.
For
by
its
Apart
from
i
i
the
nature of a
class is
inf act
determined
relation with other classes and the state.
such euanges a deeper phen«v.*nenon took place which may
be called the imperialism
of categories.
This
made
educated Indians look at the Indian society through the
western spectacles.
The political and economic categoriei
developed to understand the western society and its
history were used to understand the Indian society also*
There was an intrinsic falsehood in such an approach and
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the indigenous approach. traditional or non-traditional.
always turned out to be more pwerful and more real.
The Nehruvian and the Gandhian approaches illustrate the
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point abundantly*
Today a
,elf-conscious vpn-traditio-
nal, non-modern approach has become possible because
the class that is to create a non-traditional, non*
modern society is coming into its own? slowly becoming
conscious of its capacity and destiny
I would myself
like to classify my approach as one such approach„
The British policy divided India fundamentally
into two parts.
The first part consisted of those who
found a place in the new system based on western
industry and westernised value*system. This can be
called the Paschimikrt Sama,!*
oart consisted
The other pa
of people who found no place in the dominant part^ of
the new system* This may be called the Bahishkrt SamgJ, e
and the
By and large the urban society is Paschimi
rural people are Bahishkrt*
fication but
It is no emotional identi*
arrived at starting with the first
principles of Marx’s thought*
There will be no difficulty
in doing this if one accepts at the outset that the
political and economic ca tegories developed by Marx were
expressely meant to be the analytical tools for a socio*”
historical understanding of the western society
And that
the modem development, of Indian society has little in
common with capitalist development in the West. TO
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___^YV\ention a few very striking dissimilarities:
1) The change from traditional co modern (Tn India
was not a product of struggles within cur
society; thus the change was alien to start
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with 4
2) The series of changes that changed India from
traditional to modern were all reactionary.
This is substantiated by the fact that such
changes unlike in Europe were never popular*
The history of 19th century India is the
!
history of peasant revolts and cultural
opposition .
3) Unlike Europe, the peasantry here did not
disintegrate
spontaneously under tne thrust
of capitalist development.
And i*stead trans
formed itself into a *new* class, peasantry
again. Now let us see the argument in skeletonw
The British policy first ruined Indian agriculture
vand the coupled industry.
'jystem.
Thus rupturing the traditional
In place of this a development mode was envisaged
(Arilich could provide market for the British goods and later
|f?r investment of capital in addition to the direct loot
the indigenous product and raw materials. This involved:
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1) keeping peasantry constantly at its labour
and
2) developing urban classes which would
for the British ways in general
stand
These urban
classes were constituted of those who found
a place in the opportunities created by the
new industry. the new administration. the
new educational system, the system of judi
ciary etc*
This was the Paschimikrt Sama j which gave credence to
the British Rule first and later mustered enough strength
to challenge it*
The oppression of the peasantry was of a new type*
The peasant belonged neither to the traditional system
nor to the modern-
Kot orjy that a far greater part
(sometimes 9/10) of its produce was ;taken away by the
British rulers
but that his productive activity itself
played a subordinate role now*
In traditional India
agriculture was the most wide-spread,; but not dominant*
Xt was now at the service of the dominant metropolitan
mc>de o
Thus the peasantry belonged to an economic system
whose role was to serve the growth of another dcminant
system *
This made the peasantry economically gahishkrt*
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Asa natural corollary the social values g* these people
aave way to westernised values which constituted the
ideological basis of the new development,
Their value
system also assumed a secondary position thus making
them Bahishkrt socially too., Thus it is not merely thar
the modern development divided the country into
Paschimikrt. and Bahishkrt Sarnaj but a specific relation
came to subsist between these two parts. Bahishkrt Sajnai
was in the service of the Paschimlkrt SamaJ,»
The leading sections of the Paschimikrt Samaj v/ere
opposed to the British rule because they wanted to have
their own control on government policies and therefore on
the mode of development
??hey were not opposed to the
nature of development initiated by the British. The
Sahu- oi nvL
Sana j f however, atvod in total opposition to
the new system and the new mode of development e economics#
politics, culture,
culturei
everything.
?or. it was this new inode
which had stripped it of everything that it possessed and
made it Bahi shkrt-
The world views of the two, the
Bahishkrt and the ^so^mikxt Samai find their clearest
expression in the thoughts of Gandhi and Nehru.
What is
most significant to note is that before independence this
Bahishkrt Sa mJ, is not conscious of its
nature
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and its relation with the if perial power i' mediated by
-
Absence of the
the local authority like the Zamindars,
direc
> relation with the central power is in fact one
.important reason why the rural masses remain unconscious
of their Sahlshkrt state.
The changes that have taken
place aftei' independence have made the rural masses
conscious of their Bahishkrt state and this, from the
point of view of social change, is perhaps the most important difference between pre-Independence and
post-
i nde pe ndenee India,
Post*Independence India
Independence rnear,t the rule of the
Samajj or rather the leading sections of the
Sa rad ~ the big boux-geoisie*
This meant industrialisation
at a far greater speed than in the colonial period and
alongside the spread of western values at practically tne
neck-break speed#
In the colonial period tne British
rule was generally afraid of the Pa.schlmikrt SarreJ gather
ing enough strength to overthrow it.
c
Since greater indust
rialisation would have current increase in strength of
t'ne Paschimikrt .Samaj it was kept at a low key by the
British,
But independence meant removal of all such
extraneous considerations. Thus the policy of the government
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f
after Independence in fact f attened the Paschimkrt \SamaJ»
At the same time the abolition of landjlordistn and the
agricultural policy gave rise to the development of a
section of the peasantry.
J-
Thus;almost two decades after
independence there was general political stability.
The
reason simply was that the Paschimikrt Samai was stable
as a class due to increase in numerical strength even if
there may not have been any significant
increase in the
not yet conscious
real income and the Bahishkrt SamaJ, was
could not initiate new
of its Bahishkrt nature and hence
political processes*
Mid-way through the sixties new contradictions
started emerging.
A section of the peasantry finds
itself close to the Paschiniikrt set up being still outside
of the peasantry whose
it. T is is the upper str’turn
of modern
economic condition has improved through the use
It is this section which starts raising its
1967 onwards and we find that the politics of the
technique.
head
country thereafter ia primarily determined by the contra
class and the
diction (struggle) between this peasant
industrial big bourgeoisie. Even today this peasant class
is part of the Bahishkrt Samaj — socially definitely so
of entering
and economically finding itself on the verge
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the Paschimikrt set up.
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3ut as we shalx
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paschlmikrit set up is hardly in a position to incorpo0. jj. ..-••.inn
;
Nevertheless
this peasant ciasur
rate new classes in it. -:-
in it's struggle against the --------
attempts to mobilize the entire peasantry on the rural”
This makes the entire
urban and farm vs industry divide.
Bahishkrt nature. In fact thl:peasantry conscious of it s
through the peasant agitations.
is the process that is on
as price-movements.
These agitations ought not to be seen
of their demands.
Their identification lies in the dynamic
A dynamic which is still open
ended in so far
ting class is not yet fully aware
the agita-
■of it’s destiny. These
continuity with
agitations may be seen as being in
represented a 3ahishKrt
Gandhi^i1s movements. Sandhiji
Samaj -which was not conscious
of its Bahishkrt nature.
The poorest sections of the r’^1 workers do not yer
There
easant movements.
identify themselves with thes£
The radical mobili
are Ha ri J a ns ind the farm labourers«
these poorest sections*
zation groups attempt to represent
beeome con scious
But since these poorest sections have not
of
their Bahishkrt nature because
of their role and place
have a basis
in the production process , they do not yet
the position of
of their cwh to stand up and assume
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leadership in the impending change•
c
e
The affect of the post-independenjf development
on the Pasdhirnikrt Samaj has been almost equally sign!
fleant.
By the mid-sixties the westernized development
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process came to a point where on the rate of flattening
of the Paschirnikrt Samaj started falling* This meant
that the rate at which the aspiration of the urban
middle classes were rising became higher than the rate
at which new opportunities were being created.
This is
the time since when the problem of educated unemployment
came;to existence.
It may be reminded that it is in the
mid-sixties that the first engineering college strike
takes place.
This fact of a section of the Past irnikrt Samaj
being thrown out of the dominant sy stem is of great
significance«
These classes had come.into existence and
grown as part and parcel of the new set up.
Thus this
phenomenon has consequences of civilizational dimension.
Unemployment of the educated is the measure of the
strength of this section which is being thrown out of
the system.
It’s political-reflection is chiefly the
student politics*
The radical modernization groups
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in fact represent this section of our societyo This
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section of the Paschlmikrc Samaj which h^s no more any
place in the dominant system can
&aid to be the
natural ally of the Bahishkrt Samaj in the impending
t ra n s f o rma t i on
Let us# then, before proceeding to
the question of the social basis of the radical
modernisation groups# consider some important features
or characteristics of this section of the Paschimikrt
Sama j»
(1) Economically it is being thrown cut of the
system but socially and culturally it is part
Of- the system. This situation is exactly
opposite of the upper stratum of the Bahishrcrt
Sarraj which is outside the system socially and
culturally and or. the verge of er Bering the
system
economically.
It rr-y be noted that
economically a section may be thrown out cr
incroporated in the system in a short time.
say a generation# but fox the same to happen
socially or culturally is sure tc take
a long time#
say several generations*
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(2) The economic Bahishkrtness becoming deeper and
/d'eiDca u.
u r i nl
wider day by day n^xes clear, partly to itself.
that it is impossible to recoin the old position
in the system. This has the inevitable result of
questioning the value"System which constitutes
tihe theoretical basis of this system• Emercjeuce
of a section of the intelligensia, which is
refusing to accept the •established* or 'received*
truths about the fundamentals or philosophy of
1
development, technology, science, etc. is a clear
manifestation of such a situation*
The talk of
alternatives spreading into newer and newer areas
of human knowledge and exercise is precisely
(3) There is a certain rcotlessness about this class*
It is perhaps, because it has nev^r known any
ideas other than tho^e we stern and thus simply
does not have any stortint; £>oir.t for tne creation
of a set of non-western ideas. This is resulting#
on the one hand. in a reconstruction of
{tradition6 and on the other working with ideas
like democracy and equality under the illusion
that the content of such ideas is totally
generale
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(4) It struggles on questions of fundamental
importance but on it’s own it is unable to
take the struggle towards fundamental change.
The reason is in (3)*
(5) It has the capacity to reject all that is
modem-western but has nc capacity to work out
the positive basis of the new society. In fact
on it's own the clean society that it can
imagine is only a cleaner version of the western
society.
with the
(6) It does not have clear sympathy
movements of the Sahishkrt Samaj because it is
incapable of sufficiently radical thought.
Although it has moorings for a radical change
thought pattern is still considerably
dictated by the leading sections of the
Pa schimikrt Sam j •
Thus it is led to see tradi~
forma of oppression.
tional content in traditional
This leads to it's imagined closeness with the
lowest sections of the rural society and blown
constructions of the contraup and distorted
dictions of -the contradictions between the
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—upper and lower strata in the rur<jL society.
(7) Two features of the student politics in the last
decade are most notablet One, it’s widespreadness
and two, anarchy and valulessness
it*
prevailing in
This first is because the Action of the
Paschimikrt Samaj that is being thrown out or the
system is coming into greater and greater contra-
diction with the system®
reason for the
The
second is simply the inability of this class to
own e The
find a radical mode of liberation on it’s own.
student politics can find a long term direction
onlv when it is coupled with the movement of the
Bahishkrt Samaj; today the peasant agitations.
These c□ntraditions by themselves lead us to the
conclusions stated in the beginning with regard to the nature
and state of the radical mobilization groups* Nevertheless
we may go into some detail
now*
Social Basis of the Radical Mc^bllizatign. Groups
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The activity of all the three groupings, the CP (M-L),
the LVM and the Vahini# involves organising the rural poor.
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As we shall presently see the LVM is slightly different
< from the other two.
rural poor
The CP (M-L) has been organising the
against the local rich whom they consider
zamindars or feudal land lords#
The main activity of
the Vahini has been organising the poor against the
Mahanth of aodh Gaya in Bihar,
These mobilizations are
done basically on the question of land, which they both
appear to consider the fundamental question of the
Indian revolution®
The LVM, however. has been attempting
to organise the rural youth on the question of unemployment
which, indeed. in my opinion is a far more fundamental
question than the land question
In fact the land
question is only a special case of the unemployment
question.
But the LVM too over-rates the importance
of the contradictions within the rural society and
ural poor agai/st the rural rich.
very 'ften organises the
I do not want, here, to go into the details of the
theoretical frame, works that emerge or are expressed
in their activity^
My
concern, here, is to focus
attention on the fact that they in reality represent
that section of the Paschiniikrt Samaj which is being
thrown out of the system*
It is revealing to note the
the organisation
nature cf the difficulty they face once
20
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and mobilization proceed^ to measurable
engths in
some areas.
The C«»Pe Reddy group of Andhra Pradesh has
been organising rural poor in one of the talukas of
the Karimnagar district«
It has, for a long time
been declared as ’disturbed* under the
Areas Acto
Disturbed
The activists involved in the organiza
tion work there and also the leadership openly admits
that their struggle has reached a state of stalemate.
that they have successfully waged struggle against
the landlords (called ‘Dora* there) but are unable
to turn this struggle against the state. The
Vinod
Misra group has been involved in organising rural
poor against the local r.ich in the Bhojpur area for
several years new.
They have been facing a similar
difficulty A
Eleventh party conference held
Their
some time in the last months’of 1979 redefined the
tasks.
In the four tasks mentioned the last one
talks of organising the rural people directly against
the state® They see such a development in terms of
the necessity of broad overground mobilization0 Hut
what cannot be missed is the growing realization
A
among them that. 1 anti-feudal'activity does not amount
21
The inevitable theoretical
to 1 anti-state * activity#
consequence
that the ruling class is not feudal#
is
But they cannot draw suchjconclusion^.
Because such a
conclusion for them would mean that the country has
become capitalist and the revolution will be socialist.
They are prisoners of the imperialism of categories
They on their own cannot liberate themselves from alien
thought patterns/ for they/
ultimately/ represent that
section of the middle classes which is being thrown out
of the system.
Since this class is Incapable of indepen-
dent development
it * s representatives are incapable of
developing a new and real theory of social change and
hence canno
give up a well knit theory that they are
working with.
The ca se of
Vanin: is not very' different. In the
summer of 1980/ the entire leadership resigned expressing
it’s inability to build an organisation that can become
the instrument of change.
It is no case of Indiv ideal
or organisational failure.
Seen in a wider context it
becomes immediately.apparent that the rural poor/ whom tne
Vahini attempts to organise and represent dees not as a
class constitute sufficient basis for independent
political organisation.
The Bihar movement/ in fact, is
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the most outstanding example of the movement of -hat
section which is being thrown out of the system.
Vahini represents the radical moorings of the same
but is so strictly a prisoner of the imperialism of
categories that as an organisation it cannot be
expected to change itself into representing Bahishkrt
Samaj *
The case of LVM, as stated earlier, is slightly
different.
Greater stress on the question of unemploy-
ment reflects a broader outlook and some grasp of the
fact that modern^-western!sm is the primary evil.
Compared to CP (M-L) and Vahini it also has clearer
sympathies with the peasant movement.
vascillation
is far too clear.
Yet the basic
It’s leadership
(Ki han Pattanaik in Samayik Varta) has gone to the
extent of calling# at one time, the student movement
in Orissa more important than the peasant movement.
It very Clearly identifies the i-iindu tradition as an
evil on par with the modern-western system. All this
finds a clear expression in it1 3 activity.
It is surely
not as clearly a prisoner of the imperialism of categories as Cp (m-L) is but it’s insistent emphasis on
’.quality• and'democracy1
gives the impression that
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it# as an organisation# shall not be able to cast
off the imperial network of categories.
This section of the socialists does not present
itself as a well knit organisation. Not because# as
they think, the socialists are traditionally weak on
’organisation1 but because it represents a wider
intex*est <
Although it attempts to represent the poor
est section of the rural society and ends up represent
ting that section of the Paschimikrt
Samaj which is
being thrown out of the system# still it has certain
comprehension and feeling of the new and conscious
trends developing in the Bahishkrt Sarnajt
This is
finding expression in Karnataka.
in conclusion J only wish to state ^hat a far
reaching and consistent politics of radical social
change can be developed only on the basis of a judi
cious combination of the interests of the aahishkrt
Sa n »a j a n d tha t section of the Iascbirnikrt Samaj which
is being thrown out of the dominant system. The radical
mobilization groups can have a great value in this
process prox^ided they see themselves not as leaders
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but as participants/ not as pathfinders
cleavers.
as path
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■i-is
-y,4g»lll^aA-^
Sunil Sahasrabudhey
Editor^
Mazdoor Kisan Niti
Kalyanpur
Kanpur 208 013
AC: 2.
BETWEEN QUESTION AND CLARITY
The Place of Science in a People’s Movement*
By
Dr Anil Sadgopal
Kishore Bharati Group
Village Palia Piparia
P.O. Bankhedi
Dist. Hoshangabad
M.P. 461 990
t
i
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* Vikram Sarabhai Memorial Lecture delivered
at New Delhi on August 12, 1981 under the
auspices of the Indian Council of Social
Science Research.
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
47/1,(First Floor)St. Marks Road
BAN GALORE - 560 001
1
INTRODUCTION
Whatever I am going to say this evening is based upon
the collective experience and insight gained by the Kishore
Bharati Group in the field of development and social change
since 1972. Located in village Palia Piparia of Bankhedr
Block in the eastern tip of Hoshangabad District of Madhya
Pradesh, the Kishore Bharati Group has conducted a widevariety of experiments concerned with economic growth, social
organisation, youth involvement, health and education, both
formal and non-formal. Although the economic development
and health programmes have been concentrated mainly within
Bankhedi Block and surrounding villages, the educational
and youth involvement work has allowed us to interact not
just with the people of Hoshangabad Disgrict but far beyond
with vacuous groups of people in other parts of Madhya Prades*
as well. The focus of all of these activities has been to
explore the fundamental causes of the severe poverty,
exploitation and disparity in our society, and to evolve
ways of resolving these contradictions. The strategy has been
to subject all of our experiences to exhaustive scientific
analysis <$ith the( purpose of evolving general principles
which could have wider social application. This exercise
of building up theoretical understanding through field-level
practice has been further enriched by relating whatever we
have learned with what Government agencies, other voluntary
groups, and people's movements have been learning in different
parts of the country. For this enrichment w© must thank those
hundreds of activists and thinkers who have more than
willingly shared their experiences and analyses with us, and
thus have made us a part of the nation-wide struggle for
social justice and development.
One more remark seems necessary by way of introduction.
My talk this evening will draw heavily upon the experiences
of others, including those of the Government agencies,
voluntary groups and people’s movements. These experiences
are used here as case studies for bringing out contradictions
in our society and for evolving hypotheses for further
experimentation. Nowhere these case studies are presented
as personal criticism of people who are working in these
organisations. I must convey my feelings of fellowship to
all such people for they too, just like us, must be engaged
in their own battles against injustices, irrationality,
stagnancy and other mechanisms of backwardness within
their own organisations. Through this talk, I hope to do
my little bit in breaking the isolation of these people and
thus place their battles in a national perspective.
2
FIVE EXPERIENCES
Let me begin with a meeting to which I was invited
last year around this time to review the Science and
Technology (S&T) component of education in the context
of the Sixth Five Year Plan. The purpose of the meeting
was to make recommendations to the Planning Commission to
make S&T education more relevant to the socio-economic
needs of Indian society. The Chairman of the meeting
began by inviting the experts to make their recommendations
One after another, the experts started reeling off their
views on various schemes and ideas which need to be
implemented. After three such statements, a couple of us
intervened and inquired whether a critique of the S&T
component of education in previous Five Year Plans was
available. Of course no such critique could be produced.
We then suggested that the meeting should first attempt
to .md out the manner in which the previous Plans had
tailed to relate the S&T education to the needs of society.
Only then would we have a scientific basis for making fresh
recommendations, we argued. What amazed us was total lack
or interest in the entire body of national experts who had
gathered there to spend even a few minutes on this question.
Judging the mood of the meeting, the Chairman had to escape
the dilemma by announcing, "We all know what was wrong with
the previous Plans. We must now begin afresh and make new
recommendations." The meeting then went on merrily for the
next four hours, each expert making a fresh recommendation,
often totally unrelated to what was said by others, and
ully oblivious of the fact that what was being recommended
by him or her had already been implemented in one form or
another in the previous Plans. Whenever one of us- tried
to point this out, there were hurried attempts to hush up
such uncomfortable questions so that ’we make the best use
ot the valuable time of the experts.1 At the end of the i
meeting I wondered whether these scientists and educationists
would have picked up a research problem without surveyinq
the previous literature. Obviously not. Why was then this
scientific practice of analysing the previous experience
before beginning a new piece of research work so blatantly
ignored, at this meeting on S&T education? Why didn’t this
unscientific approach disturb the national experts assembled
there for the very purpose of improving science education?
xhe story of this meeting is typical of all the meetings
which I have had a chance to attend during the last several
years - be it on adult education, or on rural development,
or on bonded labour, or on collective management, or on
r
3
appropriate technology, or on the role of voluntary agencies.
In all of these meetings, there has been a commonality a complete lack of interest in analysing the historical
experiences not only of others but also their o^n, a general
unpreparedness to learn from the past, and yet there has
been an eagerness to make quick recommendations unmindful
of the fact that these so-called new ideas have been part
of the nation’s previous experience, One is struck by the
absence of scientific methodology at such high echelons of
Indian bureaucracy and technocracy. How does one explain
•thi© contradiction?
I
I
I
I
Let me take another example.
In 1969, I attended a
UNESCO workshop of a' small group of molecular biologists
and. biochemists at -che All India Institute of Medical
Sciences. At our request, a special meeting was convened
to discuss the implications of the recent developments
in the field of genetics on the policy of malaria eradication
being followed in India and other Third World countries.
Seme of the leading authorities on malaria eradication from
nati.oral level agency were called to discuss this tissue.
You would all recall tnat this was a time when highly
disturbing reports regarding the reappearance of malaria
vere being received. The heady dream of seeing an India free
of malaria was already being doubted. There was sufficient
scientific basis to face the unpalatable fact;of mosquitos
resistant to DDT appearing on the scene. The biologists
referred to the genetic mechanism ofthe appearance of drug
resistance.
It was explained that mutations leading
to drug resistance appear randomly at very low frequencies,
maybe one in a raillion. The drug may wipe out all the sen
sitive organisms except the mutant. The mutant would then
reproduce making tne drug ineffective.
It was also explained
how the simultaneous use of two or three drugs would reduce
the probability of the appearance of drug-resistant mutants
by a million times or more. The practical output of this
theoretical understanding would be to add one or two more
insecticides to the DDT spray, and thus save the country
from the appearance of resistant mosquitoes. The malaria
experts were amused, to say the least.
The seniormost amongst them politely pointed out that
their concern was with practical programmes of eradication and
not with biological theories, which, though founded on
scientific lines, were of value only within the confines
of laboratories. He further explained that the National
Malaria Eradication Programme had been sanctioned and blessed
by funds and technical guidance from WICK, the DDT spray
4
programme was running at full steam and no changes could be
undertaken on the basis of theoretical concepts. When pressed by
the biologists, the experts reiterated that even if a few
resistant mosquitos had appeared, it would not matter since
the programme was nationwide.
"A few resistant mosquitos
must not cloud our view,“ they stressed. The biologists lost
the argument, but as all of you know, resistant mosquitos
have won the day! Why is if*, that the seniormost scientists
working for malaria eradication ignored scientific arguments
and biological facts? It is difficult to believe that they
were not familiar with the genetic arguments advanced by the
biologists. Why is it, then, that the malaria experts, and
also such an august body as WHO, pressed on with DDT spray
when scientific theory belied the very basis of the programme?
What is the fundamental reason behind this irrationality?
It is unbelievable that even now DDT spray is being piously
applied by malaria workers all over the Indian countryside, when
the entire body of scientists, not to speak of the public,
know that mosquitos are fast turning resistant. Equally
unbelievable is the fact that respectable international aid
programme continue to support and encourage this totally
unscientific waste of the nation’s resources, and continue
to buttress the attrition of Indian manpower. And probably
even more disturbing is the knowledge that ^leading, technocrats
and opinion-builders of the nation have turned a blind
eye to this contradiction in the management of one of the
ri 1 i 1 health
hoalf-h nrnhl
*
crucial
problems.
Let us be sure that we are not talking of isolated
instances. We are in fact referring to a national pattern.
Let us take a third example.
The textbooks recommended by a leading national agency
carry a chapter on population to generate awareness amongst
the children regarding this critical national problem. We
have analysed the population chapters threadbare. .These
chapters talk of the accelerating rate of population growth
which negates the fruits of increasing production and thus
creates poverty. The chapters argue that India’s poverty
problems could be resolved merely by controlling population
and by increasing production.
The thesis being presented in these textbooks does not
explain why India's godowns are full of grains, while multitudes,
who in fact produce the grain, remain undernourished and even
die of hunger. These textbooks do not refer to the problem of
distribution of resources, disparities in society, and the
extremely low purchasing power of the people living below the
poverty line. A couple of years ago, ata training course for
400 science teachers of Hoshangabad District, we asked the
If
«*•
•
5
teachers to conduct a survey of malnutrition in Hoshangabad
and surrounding villages. The objective «?»s to train these
teachers in scientific methods of data collection and a
Y
on the basis of a problem existing in their own environmen .
When given this project, the teachers laughed, for they
had read in their school textbooks that ^oshan^ad Oistrict
was surplus in wheat. How, then, could there beany malnutrition,
and that too in and around the district headquarter of
Hoshangabad? Maybe you would find cases of malnutrition
in some remote tribal villages, one of the teachers pointed
out. However, we pursuaded the teachers to go ahead wi
the survey. Within hours reports started pouring in
.
regarding children suffering from severe malnutrition rig
in the midst of the town. By evening, the teachers had
data to prove that malnutrition was characteristic or
harijan and tribal sections of the villages. We had then
the scientific basis for raising the next question, How
is it that these children are suffering from malnutrition,
while each village of the region is exporting^wheat?
And
then, suddenly, the brighter teachers asked,
13 x
that the textbooks teach that poverty is chiefly $ resu
of population growth"3‘negating the fruits of production?
should our textbooks not explain to children the percolation
or lack of percolation of the benefits of increased pro uc i
to the people living below the poverty line? How is it that
our textbooks have inanaged to ignore this basic malaise o
our society, namely, the fruits of increased production
do not reach the poor, despite being available in so-called
abundance? Does it not make you wonder that a single
scientific survey enabled the Hoshangabad teachers to see
through the population-production’myth being promoted m our
textbooks, while the irrationality*' behind this myth has
escaped the attention of a leading national agency, given
e
task of educating India’s children.
I would now like to take up one more example to
substantiate the point which I am making. Three years ago,
I was introduced to a British Council expert in the office
of one of the heads of the departments of National Council
of Educational Research and Training (NCERT).
The British Council expert explained, that he was in
India to advise NCERT on audio-visual aids, especially
on the production of slide-cum-tape modules. I inquired
whether he was aware of the conditions in Indian schools
which lacked-funds for buying even chalk and ,t^^t-p.attis.
6
or of the fact that most of the schools were.beyond the reach
of electricity and worked in single rooms often loaned to
them by the grace of a local feudal landlord* The British
expert showed awareness of all this. I naturally, then, wanted
to know the logical basis on which the British Council wanted
to take up such an irrelevant activity in the Indian school system
The expert had no answer. Yet, during the last three years,
the British Council programme has grown and spread. Hundreds
of science education workers and experts have been trained
and have become busy in producing fancy slide-cum-tape modules
feverishly all over the country in teacher-training institutes
and other science education centres. At a meeting of teacher
educators in Jabalpur last month, a number of such modules were
exhibited with great pride, for these represented the entry
of the teacher-training institutes into an advanced technology
framework, having been given a large amount of modern equipment
such as expensive cameras, projectors, and tape recorders under
a forexgn-aided programme. When anyone tried to find out what
use would be made of these prize exhibits, there was always an
uncomfortable silence. Another shocking effect of .this kind
°5
also emerged at the Jabalpur meeting. *The language
or the module was so highly sanskritized that it was totally
incomprehensible to the primaty school children for whom the
module was prepared. Even the advice on better nutrition
showed no awareness of the conditions of poverty from which these
Cixl^ren came' since the module advised the children to eat
plenty of fruits, vegetables, milk products and meat!
When the
attention of the experts was drawn to these gaps, a village
teacher quipped, “Why do you worry at all? This material would
never reach the primary school anyway." This simple truth so
well understood by the village teacher was apparently beyond the
comprehension of the national experts and international aid
agencies who are behind this programme. The irratidnality of
this activity is further emphasized by our knowledge that the
auaio-yisual teams presently engaged in producing these
expensive modules have neither shown any interest in the past
nor ability for producing simple well charts for classrooms!
suppose a question was raised in the Lok Sabha regarding this
national wastage of energy and diversion of valuable
resources, how would NCERT explain the implementation of a
programme which ignored the socio-economic conditions of
Indian schools?
, i » I... >4 ........ ..
• !
I
From what I have said so far, an impression might be
emerging that unscientific traditions and irrational, thinking
characterize only the highly educated elite and thus constrain
7
only the national level agencies. The irrational processes
in fact seem to pervade the rest of society as well. Ten
years ago I attended an All India Conference of Sarvodaya
workers at Nasik in the august presence of Shrx Jayaprakash
Narayan, The conference had decided to start concentrated
programmesi for strengthening the Gramdan movement. Each
State was asked to select three Districts for special effort
so that the energies of all the cadres could be concentrated
to show successful results. After this general session each
State unit met separately, At the Uttar Pradesh meeting,
the State-level secretary asked the workers to propose the
The
names of three such Districts. No one dared to
secretary then suggested that Balia District should be th
first to be selected 'because JP was born in this District .
He went on to propose that Agra could be the second Distric
*
‘
,
And
since the President of the State unit hailed■ from
there.
.... the
one
to
which
he
belonged.
third District should be, of course, <-with
which
almost
300 Sarvodaya
It was amazing the readiness
their
hands
’
affirming
the
proposal.
No one
workers raised 1---- --An
entire
year
’s programme
questioned the criteria of selection.
to
the
socio-economic
had been planned without any reference
conditions in a particular region, or to the availability of
potential’'response
manpower, ~or**to
or to the potential
response of the peopl®people. Why is
valid
it that the mere 1birth of Jayaprakash Narayan
that this makes . sense
to
basis of selecting a District,, and
<-- ---.
hundreds
of
trained
cadres?
Does
it
not
show
a
critical
gap
hundreds of trained cadres? E-- - in the training of these workers or possibly m the entire
tradition of Sarvodaya?
CONSTRUCTING THEORY FROM PRACTICE
eu us
u=, now try to
-u understand the basis of this wideLet
and unscientific behaviour- in our society
spread irrational
—■ — —---up a
1
It is only with this understanding
that we can 1hope to build
I
recall
at
this
moment
t°aIni°g''eoSseCi6o;ganie=iTn 1972 for 40 village
1
-
science teachers of Hoshangabad District. on the very ^rs..
day we asked the teachers to measure the length of a table
lying before them. A metre stick in hand, each teacher went
up to the table and carefully measured its length and
recorded the reading on a paper slip. At the end of the
exercise the readings were transferred from the paper slips
to the blackboard. Suddenly there was a lot of whispering
amongst the teachers. Several of them stood up and protested
against the results. The readings showed tremendous variation
- these varied from 98 cms to 108 cms. A second attempt was
made. This time the variation was reduced. The readings
• ’ •- J* t„
•>
8
now varied from 100 cms to 106 cms. On the third attempt the
range of variation was from 101 cms to 105 cms. However,
the truth was that the variation remained.
It could be reduced
by practice and improved skill, but could never be made
zero. There was a great deal of hue and cry amongst the
teachers. How could it happen? Science was concerned with
eternal truth, one teacher philosophised.
"How could the
truth be variable?” another demanded. Obviously neither
the table nor the metre stick was changing in length, most
of the teachers insisted. Year after year we have repeated
-this exercise with fresh batches of teachers until it has
become an accepted feature for about six hundred teachers
engaged in science education in the District’s more than two
hundred middle schools. That variation was intrinsic to all
scientific observation is a concept which has been culturally
and philosophically one of the most unpalatable concepts for
our science teachers.
The question is, therefore, whether such variation in
observation is a phenomenon confined to natural sciences
alone, or whether such variations characterise social
sciences as well. We now have evidence of two kinds of
variations in observation in social sciences. The first
one concerns sampling errors. As an example, an interesting
story needs to be told. - Two years ago we organised a youth
camp to study the impact of severe drought affecting
Madhya Pradesh.. ' Some of the youth had surveyed the effect
of drought on employment conditions. The data collected
by them were being examined.. One of them from the village
Kamti remarked that there was hardly any unemployment
problem in his village, for his data showed that labour
was not available for digging wells. He gave precise figures
of the wells awaiting completion.
Immediately, another
young fellow from the same village showed his disagreement
He also produced data on the large-scale migration of the
landless and marginal farmers from the same village to find
employment on railway lines and on PWD roads. A detailed
analysis followed.
I
i
It was revealed that both the young men
had presented correct data- Then what was the truth about
unemployment? The difference in the two positions turned
out to be the result of the different socio-economic
background of the two persons - one of them hailed from
a rich farmer background, while the other was a small farmer
living in the poorer part of the village. The first one found
it difficult to get labour because his people either underpaid
or did not pay at all. and also because they could not ensure
11
If
’ I
1
I’ •
II
9
long-term employment. The second one, being closer to the
reality of poverty had first-hand experience of a different
kind. The particular social background of the first observer
constrained his view, since it emerged from observations of
partial reality of the richer few. Thus in social sciences,
observational differences are often a result of the way
samples are collected which in turn is a consequence of the
socio-economic differences in the backgrounds of the observers.
It is our contention that such errors can be corrected by
scientific training as we were able tu-do during the youth
camp two years ago.
!■
I
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i
There is-a second source of observational differences,
however, which seems to be beyond the realm of scientific r
training. Let us consider an example of this. I had an
opportunity to be a member of a small team sent by the
Department of Science and Technology of the Government of
India in 1978 to Orissa to do developmental planning for a
cluster of five villages in Puri District. During our stopover
in Bhubaneshwar, the Government experts briefed us on the
results of their survey of the same cluster of villages. We
were told that the primary need of the area was for develop
mental programmes, especially a large-scale cattle development
effort involving artificial insemination centres, fodder
cultivation, veterinary services and cattle feed supply
networks. However, during our own survey, we were struck
by the drought conditions and the extreme poverty of the
region. How could such a drought-stricken area support, a
cattle development programme, we failed to understand. We
stopped by ar number of landless peasants working on the
fields of others, and asked them, "Suppose the Government
is willing to undertake programmes according to your needs,
what would you like the Government to do for you?" One of
them pointed to the barren hillock nearby and suggested
that the hillock be afforested^ Another suggested that
the contract of the local minor forest produce, such as
mahua, should be subdivided into small contracts and be
given to the poor people on bank loans, so that the rich
contractors from the north did not take away their wealth.
The third pointed out that the large tracts of the unused
Government land, as well as the land belonging to the
rich people, be redistributed amongst the landless. Not
one of them even mentioned a cattle development programme.
What then was the basis of the briefing given to us at
Bhubaneshwar? When pressed with our questions, the Govern
ment experts told us flatly that we had been talking to the
wrong people. They took us to the homes of a couple of
rich farmers who gave us good refreshment and of course
asked us to recommend cattle development,programmes to the
10
Government in New Delhi. Here was an example of observational
ifferences in social sciences whose basis must be understood,
yhen viewed from the perspective of rich farmers and the vested
interests of Government experts, large-scale and well-funded
development programmes appear to be the need of a region.
However, when viewed from the perspective of massive poverty,
r:^tr^ion of resources and changes in management practices
or the existing resources appeared to be the need. There is
a wealth of evidence to show that such differences are related
to the vested interests dominating the social structure.
Scientific training can be of little help in such cases.
It is our experience that, whenever confronted with
economic interests and questions of socio-po7.itical power
scientific processes often reach their limits. We have gone
deep into this subject,-and have been amazed by the wide-spread
influence o^ this type of observational differences on the
very directions and priorities of rural development. We first
ecame aware of this malaise of development programmes through
one of our own experiences. We had organised a small cattle
development programme, including a cross-breeding service
m Eankhedi in 1972. We had been advised by some of the '
leading-most authorities concerned with milk> co-operatives
and cattle breeding that milch cattle was the most suitable
cottage industry for generating massive rural employment
Successful examples of Amul in Kheda District of Gujarat"and
of Bharatiya Agro-Industries Foundation at Uruli Kanchan in Pune
District of Maharashtra had often heen quoted to u6. After
three years of this work, we looked at our data to see who
were the people who had benefitted from the cross-breedinq
service. We found that most of the beneficiaries were wellto-do farcers and successful lawyers or bpnias from a nearby
town. A small number belonged to the middle farmer class
No
one had come forward for cross-bred cattle from the marginal
farmer and landless classes. MHcw would such r* r>r*ogx,amme
help the rural poor?" we wondered. We were upset by these
data yid decided to check with another local voluntary agency
also involved with cattle breeding. Their experiences matched
with ours, although this agency worked in an irrigated region
and had easy access to the markets of the towns. However
we were continuously reading newspaper reports and hearing
seminars in which a reputed voluntary organization was claiming
that the benefits of cattle breeding are distributed amongst
all classes of the rural population. We then decided to
look at the registers kept at the insemination centres of
this voluntary agency. There was a big gap between the public
claim by .this agency and the data in its registers. Here too
the poor sections of populat.'^n were again’ excluded from
the cattle breeding benefits. Why, then, did this voluntary
organisation as well as several important Government agencies
.7
11
________
_ --- » aS a means
continue to present cattle development
programmes
showing
of solving rural poverty? INowhere
------ do
— we read analyses
the differential impact of cattle development on rural people.
Why is it that our observations do not match with the
.
observations of several leading agencies of the nation wai-^e
the reality in all such experiences is the same? It appears
<as if there is a conscious effort to supress and mutilate
certain kinds of observations in social sciences. There is
growing evidence to this effect. Last year, All India Radio,
Bhopal interviewed us. During the interview we narrated our
•experience of cattle development. The first part of the
statement referred to the number of beneficiaries, to our
attempts to popularise fodder and to spread knowledge of
animal husbandry. In the second part of our statement, we
pointed out how the programme had failed to make any impact
on rural poverty. The taped interview was taken away by AIR and we
we were dumbfounded when it was broadcast a week later. The
first part of our statement presenting a glamorous view of
our work was broadcast, but the second half was methodica-1^
--excluded.
Supression of scientific observation was.clearly
in evidence. This experience of ours should help in under---- Orissa,
it is not
standing the experience I have narratedJ from
lack
of
scientific
method
in
our
thinking.
a .question of a 1-- - -- ---' "
.
, , , A
It is clearly a question of confrontation with vested interests
which prevent scientific processes.
Besides the matter of scientific observation which I
have discussed, the second dimension of the method of science
is concerned with analytical thinking, or the logical process.
Let us examine its role in social sciences. Once again I would
like to share one of our experiences with you. Along with our
cattle development programme in 1972, we ?.ntroduced a new
technology of digging irrigation wells in cur area. These wells,
called ring wells, are made up of prefabricated concrete rings
which are sunk in the ground and are able to tap the aquafer m
the same way as tube—wells.
Inexpensive, technologically
within the means of a rural community and constructed within
two weeks, ring wells are a text-book example of appropriate
technology.
Ring wells have spread in more than 100 villages
and about 500 such wells are already irrigating approximately
5000 acres of land, generating,new employment and changing onecrop zones to two or three-crop zones. Despite these
optimistic observations, our group subjected the data to
further analysis.' This revealed in 1977 that the wells had
then increased the annual agricultural production of the
arsa by Rs.12.5 lakhs. Out of this additional annual income,
Rs.9.5 lakhs had gone to the 300 farmers who then owned the
ring*wells.
The remaining Rs.3 lakhs wepe distributed amongst
a couple of thousand of farm labourersc Obviously much more
I
12 <
had gone to the landed few and much less to the large number
of landless in the area. We concluded thereby that the
production of ring wells, though benefitting the region xn an
absolute sense, was at the same time increasing the gap
between the rich and the poor
The realisation of this
limitation of agricultural development as a means of solving
rural poverty forced us to explore alternatives. We examined
the case of cottage industries as an instrument for generating
rural employment. A number of exploratory projects such
as carpentary and manufacture of electric chokes were undertaken.
In addition, markets were surveyed to assess the potential
selling a variety of cottace-industry products ranging from
soaps to agar-battis. The size of local markets for indigenous
shoes and ready-made clothes was also assessed. The results
of this entire exercise were compiled and analysed. We
discovered that a total of about twenty cottage industries
could generate jobs for only about 100 poor families m
Bankhedi Block consisting of 125 villages and more than 1
lakh people. Obviously a drop in the ocean. We also found
out that most of the transactions in the village markets
involved the well-to-do and the middle classes. The poor,
despite their vast majority, had only a small share. Analysis
also revealed that the limited potential of cottage industries
in rural areas had little to do with the lack of knowledge of
modern technology, or with low trainability, or with meagre
managerial skills, but it had more to do with the limited
capabilities of markets. The low purchasing power of the vast
majority of the people living below the poverty line and the
domination of village markets by competitive goods from urban
middle-size and monopolist industries defined the boundary
conditions of the rural marketing system. Despite this glaring
reality, the Government agencies and several voluntary groups
continue to glamorise the role of cottage industries in rural
development. Why has this reality been so systematically
iqnored by so many groups and agencies over the last spvera .
decades? Why is it that this simple analysis of the limitation
of cottage industries has not been presented from public
platforms by the Government Departments of Industries ana a
large number of voluntary groups? Is it that the educated
elite and the national leaders are incapable of the needed
logical exercise or is it that the socio-economic crisis and
the insoluble problems of rural poverty make it too dangerous
to scientifically accept this reality?
What concerns us this evening is not the Limitations
of cattle development, or of irrigation programmes, or of
cottage industries as instruments for solving India’s poverty.
■ i' -
13 ■'c.
but the fact that an analytical view of rural development
problems is not being shared with the people of this country.
Our brief experience has revealed to us that the rural
society is critically divided into two sections -> a small
minority of the rich and middle-level farmers which siphons
off the benefits of development programmes and has vested
interest in their continuity, and a vast majority of the land
less, marginal farmers, and artisans which is excluded from
this process and is generally not influenced by what goes
on in the Planning Commission and the agencies or Departments
concerned with Industry, Development, Science and Technology.
•Whenever somebody preaches rural development, we always want
to understand whose development is being isalked about.
Is
one referring to development of the moneylender or of the
rich farmers or of the marginal peasants or of the landless
labour? When such analysis is negated, it leads to the
typical confusion which is reflected in such questionable
phrases as the rural - urban gap, or planning from below, or
community development, or the panchavati r?i, or people's
participation. Such phrases presume the existence of a
homogenous community or imply that the poor do not exist
in cities and the rich do not live in villages. _Lt is our
contention that as long as scientific analysis of India's
development experience is avoided or suppressed, the basic
premise of the entire planning process shall remain untenable.
Regarding scientific analysis, there is often loose talk
about this process being the .exclusive preserve of the
educated elite. Our experience of non-formal education has
given us sufficient evidence to challenge this grave mis
understanding.
I am reminded of a brief interaction with a
representative of Khadi Gramodyog Commission who once met me
accidentally in a bank office. He was looking extremely
unhappy. On enquiries he revealed that his main job was
to popularise the electriaally operated potter's wheel,
nicknamed “Power Chak". He was disturbed because, despite
his hard work, no potter was willing to accept a power chak,
although he was offering subsidies, low interest credits
and all other necessary support.
I asked him if he could
explain his failure to popularise what he called appropriate
technology. He said that the people of this District were
uneducated and did not understand modern technology and,
therefore, rejected the power chak. Ke had reached a con
clusion which was typical of what is widely accepted by the
educated elite.
I decided to help him to unravel the
situation. On being questioned, he readily accepted that
the potters he had met in villages had difficulty in selling
14
what they produced on their chak, and therefore were often
______
I asked hxm to explain how the power chak,
without business.
meant for increased production, would help a potter who
was already unable to sell his products. What was the potter s
problem - the market or his ability to produce? The Khadx Comm
ission's representative gradually began to see the logic an
accepted that the Commission’s example of appropriate technology
was, after all, not so appropriate. The uneducated potters
on their own had conducted a logical analysis of the
conditions which constrained them from earning more, and,
therefore, had a scientific basis for correctly assessing
the role of power chak in their lives, something which the
experts in the Khadi Commission had failed to do. Let us
consider a recent experience. A group of about one hundred
landless and marginal farmers from an adjacent village.,
approached us last month to explore a new path for solving
their problems of poverty - they needed land, rights to certain
minor forest produce and demanded a fair share in the ^istribution of Government - controlled sugar. They had decided
to organise themselves and challenge the control of the
feudal forces on their lives. We pointed out to them the
risks involved in this path and drew their attention to how
their attempts to improve their conditions could be ^quashed
bv the joint action of the local landlords, the revenue
authorities and" the police, This was of course already wellWe demanded
felt
known to them, h------- to- know from. them what they
.
. ,
was their bargaining'point. One of their leaders, who could
not even sign his name, gently pointed out, "It is W£ who
produce goods find they consume only what we produce for them.
If we stop working, they shall starve. This is our
bargaining point." We have accumulated a series of such
experiences which show that the poor people who suffer
oppression and exploitation have remarkable abilities for
narticioatinq
participating in a growing analytical process and have often
amazingly correct arialysis of the obstacles in the frath of
their own development.
FRAMING HYPOTHESES FOR FURTHER TESTING
---
I
Prom all this, wa would like, to postulate five significant
hypotheses. These are being postulated in the hope that
these will accelerate experimentation and further testing
to evaluate their validity or the lack of it. At’this
stage, these may be regarded, at best, as tentative and
partial•
_r
15
i)
i) Correct observation and scientific analysis are
essential tools for comprehending the socio-political
reality around us.
ii) There are more ways than one of observing the
reality in social sciences. What aspect or the
reality one perceives is critically related to one’s
cultural and economic background. In contract, the
process of observing and analysing reality in the
natural sciences is dependent only on che scientific
skills of the worker, and not’ on his or her class
background.
'
iii) The ability to -make correct observation and to
conduct analysis in the natural sciences can be
developed through training. However, xn the field
of social sciences, the attempts to improve observational
skills and analytical abilities often do not succeed
when there is a clash of vested interests. Thus there
are inherent factors in the social sciences which limit
the application of the scientific method.
II
J
iv) The potential for the scientific processes is not
confined to the elite and the educated sections of
our society. Such potential exists amongst the oppressed
and the uneducated people and can be further enriched
through training and experience.
/
i
is one
<
v) The process of socially relevant planning xs
in which the planners work with the oppressed people
to develop aa scientific basis for observation and
analysis, Without
without establishing
establishinc such a process, the
dichotomy between toda5f 3 s development and social
change programmes, on the one hand, and the lives of
the oppressed people, on the other hand, will never
be bridged.
4
I
*
I
DEFINING EDUCATION
These hypotheses help us to define the role of science
in building a people’s movement, As we understand it today.
the primary role of science is in enabling t?.ie people to
comprehend the socio-political reality of their environment
through the scientific method so that their struggles for
justice and development can
planned on the basis of
reliable data and logical thxnking. The process of
education is thus defined as the process of spreading the
method of science amongst the people to enable them to
I
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16 -
understand the obstacles which prevent their development and
to successfully plan their struggles for justiceo
If the role of science in people*s movement and the
educational process as understood by us today is acceptable,
we may then coritend that it would be essential to s^fead
the scientific method for the purpose of training cadres and
creating people’s organisations. How is this theoretical
understanding of the role of science and of the educational
process to be implemented in field situations? What have been
- the experiences in doing such work? What are the obstacles
in developing this educational process with people? In order
to explore answers to this question we must first break down
scientific method into its essential elements:' desire to know
or inquisitiveness, observation, data collection, analysis
and inference are some of the elements on the basis of which
an educational programme may be conceived. Let us take a
concrete examplei Early this year we organised a youth camp
around the problem of tuberculosis in villages. The young
participants were asked to.survey the incidence of tuberculosis,
its relationship with the working and living conditions of
the people, the role of the National TB Control Programme and
limitations imposed by social structures on the treatment
of the disease. For several days the participants toured
villages in teams, collected data, listened to agonising
stories of whole families being wiped out by the disease
and of the role being played by Government doctors, private
practitioners and feudal forces. The entire data was compiled
teamwise and then the teams were asked to make a list of all
the problems which they had perceived during the survey.
From these teamwise lists a common list was then prepared, on
the basis of which a detailed discussion followed on the
causes of TB, of its high incidence amongst the poor people
and of the inability of the Primary Health Centres to play
an effective role in the treatment. The discussion focussed
on the reasons behind the non-percolation of the benefits of the
National TB Control Programme and what it reveals about the
structure of village society. On the basis of this analytical
understanding, the youth camp concluded that there was no
use in starting a parallel medical service while a* fullfledged
national programme existed. It was much more important to make
the people aware of the facilities available under the national
programme and to enable them to demand their share in this.
This example of educational process shows us how a group
of young people planned the next phase of their activity
by applying the scientific method to their experiences.
17
OBSTACLES IN THE;EDUCATIONAL PROCESS
During our experience .of spreading scientific method
amongst the oppressed people^ we have identified five major
obstacles, namely.
1.
Information gap #
2.
Tendency to follow traditions#
3,
Fatalism,
4.
Fear of reprisals by the vested interests.
5.
Inability for abstraction.
and
Let us take these one by one.
It is a general experience that lack of information
amongst the oppressed people is often a great limitation in
understanding their own reality. When this gap is fulfilled,
ability to comprehend reality builds up quickly. This is
exemplified beautifully by the work of Kerala Shastra Sahitya
Parishad (KSSP) In Calicut District. KSSP took, up the problem
of pollution caused by a well-known rayon factory in the
village of Walcad near Calicut. This factory, located on
the banks of the river Chaliar.. has totally polluted the river
as well as the air. The people of Walcad village have suffered
heavily in their health, in their farming and irumany other ways.
Yet for years, they accepted their state of affairs with only
grumbling and not much more. KSS? encouraged the medical
students of Calient Medical College to organise a health
survey. The survey revealed a high incidence of a praticular
lung disease caused by the presence of sulphur dioxide and
carbon monoxide. KSSP then sent a team of biologists, chemists,
geologists and engineers. The team prepared a massive report
and took colour slides of the polluted river and finally
prepared a technical plan for controlling pollution. On the
basis of all this, KSSP conducted intensive evening classes
for several weeks to share this rich information with the
poor people of Walcad village. When we visited this village
last year, we were amazed to see how technical terms such as
sulphur dioxide, carbon monoxide, percentages and solubility
had become part of the common idiom. The evening classes
soon led to the demand by organised villagers that the factory
implement KSSP’s technical plan for controlling pollution.
The long-drawn struggle eventually cornered the powerful
industrial group which had no logical way of escaping from this
demand without losing its credibility in Kerala. The technical
plan is now being implemented and the people of Walcad have at
least won their first battle.
18
The second obstacle of the educational process is the
deep-seated tendency to follow tradition. I'am reminded of
a play prepared by two young villagers of Rohna village near
Hoshangabad. These boys belonged t,o an area which has been
affected in a major way by the famous Tawa irrigation dam.
The Tawa Programme has led to many unanticipated problems, such
as creation of water-logged areas, loss of fertile soil
and lack of drainage. In addition, the Government passed
an Act according to which every farmer in the Tawa command
area has to accept land-levelling operations conducted by
the Government agencies. The expense of this operation is
charged to the farmer. Of course, bank credit is extended
to cover the charges normally amounting to Rs.2000/upwards to Rs.4000/- per acre. The farmers feel tremendous
hardship because of being forced to accept this indebtedness.
The play prepared by the boys referred to this problem. In
the first few acts they presented the Collusion of the revenue
officials with the local landlord in persuading the villagers
to accept a plan of reconsolidation of land holdings
before undergoing levelling operations. In the process, the
landlord corners most of the fertile land earlier belonging
to the poor farmers and the revenue official takes his bribe.
Later on the play focusses on the indebtedness caused by
the land-levelling operations and has a spene in which the
Tehsildar is helped by the police to force the villagers
to pay their first instalment when their crops had failed
due to fertile soil being disturbed by land-levelling.
So far the act shows a close relationship with the reality
which exists in the villages of this region. In the last
act, the play shows the villagers pleading with the District
Collector for relief. The Collector is extremely helpful,
is disturbed by the inhuman acts of his Tehsildar and of the
corrupt revenue officials. He promises immediate relief and
orders suspension of the erring officials. We asked the
boys whether the last act matches with the real experience.
After hesitating, they accepted the fact that the Collector
never acts the way he is shown in their play. Why then did
ypp show this untrue picture of the Collector? One of them
explained that all stories and films end well and therefore
they must end their play also on a happy note. The second
pointed out that it would look very, bad if the seniormost
official of the District is not shown favourably. . They *
had been taught to show respect towards authorities .
J
Having shown some Challenge, towards, the lower officials^-'
they eventually decided to.- fall’' iri/lirio when the Collector’s
turn came, lest’their, elders reject the play.
■
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19
The third obstacle is the deep-rooted fatalism in our
society which often‘restricts the growth of scientific process.
I am reminded of a Basod (a harijan bamboo worker) who earns
his livlihood by making bamboo products. I once saw him without
work at a time when he should have had a big supply of bamboo
from the local forest depot. When quizzed, he explained thac
all the bamboo had been sent to the distant paper mills at
Nepa Nagar. This uneducated Basod obviously was well-informed.
I prodded him, "How come one paper mill takes all the bamboo
away, while thousands of poor Basods like y^u are deprived?"
He was emphatic, "Nepa mills are more powerful than all the
Basods put together". I asked him if there was any way in
which the Basods could balance the power of the Nepa mills
and demand their share of bamboo. He said it would be possible
only if they got organised and approached the forest depot
He said.
collectively. I asked/him, "Why don’t you do this?" r
"No, it is not possible.^ W&.will never get together, It will
take no less than God to bring—us- togebher—en--•&-common
platform. Therefore, this year bamboo is not in our fate." .
Having given a series of logical and well-informed^ statements,
the Basod finally reached the end of his scientific process.
The limit was clearly defined by God and fate together.
<
■
The fourth obstacle is the fear of reprisals by the
vested interests. The impact of this fear cannot be fully
appreciated unless one is involved in the daily lives of
the oppressed people. Two years ago, we proposed a programme
to a group of Rajhar Adivasis of a nearby village through
which they would be able to gain rights to grow lac on
Kausam trees which happens to be their particular profession
followed through generations. So far they had acted as
daily wage labourers and grew lac on behalf of big landlords
or contractors. Their long-cherished goal was gaining rights
to grow lac on their own. Yet when confronted with an
opportunity to gain these rights, no one came forward. We
learned later that our evening meeting with the Rajhars’Was
followed by severe threats of-being, beaten up. or--lynched
by the local landlord, who also happens to be the Sarparidh,
in case they insisted on going ahead with the programme of
growing lac. Most of these Rajhars are either indebted to one
of the feudal families in the village or work on their
farms as labourers. The feudal families were concerned that
their economic and political control would be weakened if the
Rajhars gained economic independence. For two years we
waited for the Rajhars to respond. No amount of scientific
analysis of the causes of their poverty and of the manner
in which owning of the lac business would ^alleviate the same
20
would help bring out a response. And then, suddenly, an
unplanned and a totally unrelated incident changed the
entire picture. In the month of May this year, the Government
controlled sugar was distributed in the village, as usual,
unfairly, the poor people being deprived of their fair share
»by the Sarpanch or the landlord. For the first time, in local
history, a group of villagers gathered courage and approached
the landlord to seek justice. Incensed by the collectix^
courage shown by the >villagers, the landlord got a couple
of adivasis beaten up. There is nothing unusual about such
indidents whichhave been traditionally accepted passively.
This time, however, we intervened. The Sarpanch was forced
to call a public meeting at which he tendered unconditional
apologies. Those of you who have personally experienced
feudal India would probably appreciate the impact which
this meeting must have made on the minds of the poor people.
What two years of continuous discussion with Rajhars and
all the application of analytical thinking could not bring
about, was achieved suddenly by the emotional impact of the
sugar incident. .For once there was a real experience to show
the people that the feudal power was after all not invincible.
The limits of scientific method were thus, broken. • The
Rajhars came forward last month to join hands with other
oppressed people of the village to become organised, to
break out of a century-old feudal framework*, and to gain
their rights to grow lac on the Kausam trees. The scientific
processes can once again be initiated and taken to new heights.
The fifth and the last obstacle is the problem of
abstract thinking. Let me again refer to the work of KSSP
in Walcad village. Towards the end of our visit, we informed
the Walcad people that there was an identical problem of
river pollution in Shahdol District of Madhya Pradesh
where a paper mill owned by the same industrial group had
polluted the Sone river downstream. The Walcad people showed
no interest. Shahdol and the Sone- river were too far away,
too remote to have any meaning for them. Wo then asked them
if they perceived any relationship between the local rayon
factory.and the Government in Trivanarum. Again there .pi
was a disturbing silence. Trivandrum did not have much
meaning in their local struggle for justice nor could they
see any possible relationship between the factory and the
Government far away. Here is a problem of inability for abstract
thinking which is going to constrain the building of a people’s
movement more severely than has been probably anticipated
or consciously understood so far. Yet there is evidence
that the potential for abstract thinking does exist amongst
the oppressed people. An example needs to be cited.
2.1
In Thane district of Maharashtra an Adivasi movement called
Bhoomi Sena has taken lead in seeking justice for the
oppressed people. Representatives of about 100 village-level
Tarun Mandals once gathered to plan for their next strike,
against the rich farmers, for better wages. An educator
raised an interesting question.
He wanted to know how
do the Tarun Mandals look upon other sections of society,
namely^ peasants, and landless labourers, and so on. Each
representative one by one, gave his perception of who is
a friend of the movement and who is not. Stories were narrated .
.of incidents bringing cut the character of various groups.
All of these statements were recorded, analysed and an amazing
inference was drawn. The conference concluded that the middle
level farmer is not a friend of the movement, since he employs
others to do farming just as the rich fanners do. However,
the small and the marginal farmers who work cn their own farms
as well as seek employment c.long with tho landless in lean
season must be considered friends, since they are also exploited
just as the landless are. Some one pointed out that the poor
farmer is in fact exploited twice - once when he seeks khaoti
( a form of loan) in the lean season from the money-lender
along with the landless, and the second time when he seeks,
loan in the form of seeds to do his sowing. The conference
therefore reached a new understanding: in the next strike,
small farmers would be persuaded to join hands. Heyre is an
example of the possibility of .abstraction from simple experiences,
of building up general principles from daily lives. This,
process of generalization and. creating principles from practice
would be a critical dimension of spreading the scientific method.
TOWARDS A PEOPLE1S MOVD#EuT
If we can learn hew to overcome the five obstacles
to .ithe educational process which I have listed, we can then
see a powerful and grovjing process of education emerging.
If the methods of science cun thus be made part of people's
thinking, there is hope that the domination of the educated
elite and of the vested interests in the field of planning
and development can then be challenged by the common people.
If the oppressed people gbegin to subject the policies of the
nation to scientific analysis, there is hope that
a constraint can be placed on the irrationality revealed in
the S&T education meeting held under the auspices of the
Planning Commission, on the unscientific planning of
critical health programmes such as malaria eradication, on
the myth being promoted in our school textbooks about the
population growth being the prime cause of India's poverty
* small farmers, middle
7
•
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4
.• • > ,n Xs e? ■ J ;•
LU
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v'wrB . • .• : 5 ? ?
•Jv -
22 -
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■; w j '
and on the introduction of irrelevant activities, such^as
the siide-cum*tape modules, la our school system and so on.
There would be then hope that the personality., quit and
sycophancy reflected in the Sarvodaya conference and Similar
feudal tendencies prevalent in national life would npjlonger
be quietly accepted. Scientific criteria would necessarily
be• demanded .from .the leadership for its statements, acts 'and
decisions. If the critical dimension of abstraction could
be added to•the.analytical processes of the people, the
people of WalcaS village would
. be able to relate their
oppression with the oppression of the people of Shahdol, and
the linkages between the industrial group owning the. rayon
factory in Walcad, on the one hand, and the Governments in
Trivandrum and New Delhi, on the other hand, would become
clear to the people of the county. People’s organisations
built up through scientific processes, hopefully, will not
limit their struggles to deLarp-^ -^or ..rierely better wages or land,
but would instead struggle for ways of creating and sustaining
a society relatively free of dispari^X^P^^Rloitation.
stagnating heirarchies, and other mop.t.'<Jof socio
political backwardness* This v/ould
the creation
of a People's movement with a:/AVL'
■I
i'
!
i
contemporary STUDY circle - I
!
I
Varanasi,
January 1981
INTRODUCTION
Ibur individuals - Vikasbhai, Datta Sa vie, B.N. Juyal, and
Dunu ftjy - met at Varanasi on 25th January,1981 for tw days.
Others Kishore Deshpande, Dileep Kanat, S.D. Dange, Srilata Swaminathan, John
Kurien,.and Biplab Halim - had also been invited but could not come
due to other commitments. The meeting had been called to find out if
there was a need for studying contemporary events in a historical pers
pective to develop a theoretical understanding of Indian Society. Vhile
everybody could not come, the four of us felt that we could at least
start the discussion. Miat follows is a summary of what we thou^t and
talked of over a rambling two days.
THE QUESTION OF QUESTIONS:
There were a number of questions that we raised about the
reality around us. Among them :
1. Within the to Juntary groups there appears to be a ’shift in some
areas from Developmental Vbrk to Organisational Work.
Is this a
cyclical node ? Are there differences between one region and another?
2. In a stagnant economy, tensions seem to emerge and political actions
seem to deteriorate. How are they related ?
3. The actions o f the State in a stagnant economy are determined by socio
political processes. What arc these processes ? How arc they related
to the actions of the State ?
4. Examples of Tamilnad, Bihar, Charan Singh, land ceilings, fragmenta
tion of land, Ryotwari, Zamindari, Wet zone and dry zone, indicate
I
that there are important regional differences. There appear to be two
broadly defined regions :
a. Where capitalist growth in agriculture is taking place.
,b. Where agriculture is stagnant.
Vhy does no growth take place beyond certain limits in the
first area, and why is there no challenge to stagnation in the
■r second ?
2
5 . In tribal areas, where integration into the market has not taken
place, there are agitations agp.inst the intrusions of market forces*
Some sections demand the development of the production' forces.
Ihe
capital for this is made available from public rourcos. The agri
cultural surplus is not reinvested in agriculture by those sections.
Some of these movements appear to be spontaneous.
Others are under
laid by specific interventions.. But when a drmand is posed; why
don’t associated demands also emerge? Why doesn’t the agitation go
beyond certain specific limits?
6. Why have the Parties not succeeded in fomulating problems o>f tho
separate sections within the peasantry and mobilising thorn as sopaxatG
identities?
7. What is the phenomenon of the ”Mafia«? What forces use it? What is
•
it’s linkage with political processes?
8. What is the chaiactor of the Congress?
9_ , On these and other issues what are tho limitations of Party-Abased
analyses and modern behavioral systems analyses?
10. How do wo begin to understand all these questions?
THE QUESTION OF METHOD
1. Wo can proceed from the micro- to the macro-lovol or from tho macroto the micro-levol.
Probably both are necessary.
2. All data, caso-studirs arc presented within a framework. Hence, even
to see the correlations between various factors, theory is necessary.
• 3« Considering the regional differences, regional studies wuld bo
necessary, as also inter-re gio nal/intcr-soctoral linkages.
4» Manifestations - as struggles, agitations etc. - arise out of tho
conflict between tho process of social change and tho obstruction
to it.
By studying the iranifostations, therefore, wo can study tho
causes underlying thorn.
3
5. Evon a plurality of understandings of a conflict should bo acceptable
as a basis for gsing further.
6O How do we apply this broad method to specific events and hone it
further ?
THE QUESTION OF ORGANISATION
1. Firstly, such a study as wo anticipate;cannot bo conducted on an
ad-hoc basis.
It will need regular and systematiccentteufa^
discussions.
2. The mtorial for the discussion has to bo collected. How will
this be done? By asking others to help, or by doing it ourselves?
At this time what is the material available and what is its
relevance?
ov/n
Macroanalysis will bo limited if we focus only on our
experience*
We will have to consult other secondary sources*
So scenarios will have to bo built up in order to. provide a basis
for discussions.
3. The scenarios should bo built up around issues of contemporary
importance because
a) it is important to understand such issues
in order to deal with them; b) they also provide the basis of
their historical’development for study. Thus wo are also able to
understand how the Parties view such issues and what actions they
take. Then wo can go on further to make our contribution.
4. Such a contribution is useful only if it roaches out to and makes
sense to the independent left groups. So far those groups have
mainly depended on oral exchanges to share ideas and experiences.
Written matter could now supplement the ver fell sharing. Is our .
perception, that groups and individuals prepared for such a
dehato, correct
I
?Only experiment will show.
If, in the first
phase, wo pose the issues for discussion and invito other
individuals to take part in regular debate, and if they accept,
then wo can say that our perception has boon correct.
5. How do we proceed further, specifically ?
»
“9
4
THE QUESTION OF SPECIFIQS
1» On method
a, take up the study o f tensions in the' development of
productive forces;
bo
establish the link between investigation in a historical
context with empirical data;
c. agree'that different areas may need different perceptions
and conceptions, so attempt interregional studies;
d, in the macro-analysis, take into account 3 factors i. wrld situation
ii. indigenous (national) progressive forces
iii. historical roots of social and economic stagnation;
o# attempt a critique of existing theoretical formulations to
establish their adequacy /inadequacy, and then proceed
further, if necessary.
2• Op., i3sues : -
(suggested)
a. Fa. rm ors'! agitations in different regions;
b. Environment-related agitations (pollution, social
forestry etc.);
c. Industrial labour movements.
Fbr a start, wo propose the first issue be taken up.,
On responsibility
5br collection of material on a
Historical roots;
b. State policy and response
c. Political party and front organisations1 response
and .presenting a analytical summary -
i. Ehtta
-
Maharashtra.
ii. Vikas(throu$i friends in T.N.)
- Tamilnad
Uttar Pradesh
iii» Juyal
-
ivtt Dileop
-Karnataka (will you do it,Dileep ?)
!
5
Qn schedules
Wo propose 3 to 4 mootings in a year - say, once ovory
3 months.
The first could bo hold in Anuppur, Shahdol, M.P.
Two possible dates are : 1st wook of May, or 4th week of
May.
Which one is more suitable ?
Ofi PQ s s iblo pa rt j ci pant s : suggest
Datta Savile
3.N. Juynl
Vikashhai
Primila Lewis
Dunu Roy
Srilata Swaminathan
Biplab Halim
La lit Khanra
Gouri Chowdhury
Dileop Kamat
Nalini Nayak
Kishoro Deshpande
John Kurion
S.D. Dange
Javod Anand
I. Rodriquos
Athijit Mitra
Ihtta Ehonslo -
Krishna Kumar
Nripcn ftindopadhyaya
t
Others may join in depending upon interest and response,
and whether such theorisatjrn is roally seen to bo useful.
will make a mess of it .• Lot's scoj
Kindly acknowledge receipt and send your
comments to:
Vikasbhai
Post Bag-5
Rajghat,
Va ra na s i-2 21001
Maybe, we
C-
DALITS„ DALIT LITERATURE AND WIDER SOCIETY
S. P, Punalekar
Centre For Social Studies 9
A NOTE*
Surat
I
The term Dalit as it has historically evolved
stands for definite social groups compipLsirig the untouchables,
tribals and other backward classes.
Some extend the scope of
the term to include Muslims and Christians also. They are
considered at par with the SCs, STs, and OBCs on the ground
that they are persecuted minorities.2
Briefly therefore, the
stress is on social persecution or social exploitation,
Dalitism is conceived as rooted in culturej
traditions and
ideology of the oppressive dominant group, The dominant
reference group is oftentimes Hindus and their Brahminical
ideology, social practices, etc.
*
II
Literature has various forms and theoretically
it has possibilities of serving social movement in more than
one way. One important objective of any dynamic literature is
to help accelerate social change or transformation. Such
literature becomes socially relevant. Examining from this
perspective , the Maharashtra society has distinct literary
traditions, compared to many other states.3 And there are
definite historical forces behind such traditions also.4 We
■M-
Paper presented at Colloquium on
< Dalit
--Literature organised
by Gujarat Lokayan at ICSSR
ICSSR, Bombay
Decker
' '“i on 12-13
"
1
___ ;__ 1981.
COMMUMHY r. .Al’lH k, 1_L
47/1,(First Floor)St. Marks rioad
BANGALORE - 560 001
2
I
may not dilate on them here.
Since around late 19th century, a group of
intellectuals in Maharashtra addressed their literary efforts
towards unjust social customs and practices. Some wrote on
backwardness of Hindu society and lack of national spirit
and perspective. In later period, such literary efforts
increased inspite of the opposition from the orthodox section
of Hindu community. Agarkar,
Agarkar, Kolhatkar, Gadkari, Patwardhan,'
etc. can be aited as examples,9 whose serious or popular
writings aimed at social reforms. Broadly, the emphasis of
their literature was on social reforms and on acceptance of
Tnewf or ’modern1 values in the place of or with partial
5
modifications of ’old* or ’traditional! values and practices.
This
also implied changes in the social institutions like
marriage, religion etc.
Writings of those with reformist
orientations did project the drawbacks of the then prevailing
social system and practices, and thus sharpened the awareness
of the younger and thinking generations.
But it has also to be noted that alongside these
literary critical productions, other far-reaching structural
changes were also ©ccuring. Primarily^, they were due to the
spread and intensity of British rule.0 Market economy and
industrialisation, new politico-administrative structures
including education, legal institutions etc. were the products
of British rule. These were taking their roots in Indian
society. To a substantial extent, the structural changes
brought about by these modern institutions in various parts
of the country helped the social reform activities t® widen
their impact. Their message became receptive.
Thus, awareness created by the reformers was
sustainable in empirical context of change in the basic socio
economic spheres. Ideas and realities became mutually reinforcible and complementary. On similar fortuitous grounds
impact of some of the contributions of Phooley and Ambedkar
can be examined. They and many other untouchable leaders
■
3
crusaded against untouchability practices with a missionary
zeal. They staunchly pleaded for access to secular insti
tutions including participation in political structure. F®r
upliftment and amelioration of the untouchablest they them
selves opened institutions to test their ideological position.
They succeeded a great deal because their demand was in
conformity with the imperatives of modernisation within a
7
colonial framework.
,
I do not mean to belittle the efforts of Phooley
and Ambedkar, Their contributions to the cause of the
untouchables are indeed noteworthy and historical. I want
only to emphasize the potency and relevance of equally
crucial factor i.e., structural or institutional base and
material changes brought about by modern, secular foreas.
If we grant the validity of this situation, it is clear that
the material base or structure has also to be reckoned with.
In other words, one need to locate the structural features of
society on or around which the literature is focussed.
In the context of above argument, the Dalit
literature has to be viewed in a broader perspective encom
passing the structural aspects of both the Dalit and non
Dalit society i.e.,_wider society. This means the socio-economic
position of the Dalits, their material status and aspirations;
their day-to-day relationships with other people and their
level of consciousness etc. In a essing social relevance
of Dalit literature, we need to see around and take note of
any changes of differentiations occuring within Dalit society
or sections of Dalit society. Ignoring them would be dis
advantages to the whole spirit of the social movement
of which
Q
Dalit literature is an important constituent.' Those concerned
with the Dalit liberation must examine the Dalit literature
on this axis.
43®'
isr-
I
ji
)
i
‘-Uv
;lrt
4
4
III
s
In Maharashtra 9 Dalit literature has secured
unique place, lu has distinct symbols and traditions. It
identifies itself as a revolutionary force with ideological
moorings in Ambedkarism, Marxism or both. It distinguishes
itself from the mainstream literature on the ground that the
themes, idioms and projected appeal/message of the mainstream
literature are devoid of Dalitism i. e., facets of socially
exploited existence.
»
i
Dalit poetry, novels, short stories have made
distinct contributions to our knowledge of how Dalits live
2
think and feel. The .Dalit literature has covered various
dimensions of Dalits’ lives: their humiliation and exploitation
in urban and rural areas; negative evaluation of their status
by the dominant upper castes on ascriptive criterion; brutal
attacks and atrocities on their person and property, etc.
There is evidence of immense sensitivity and
empathy in the Dalit literature. Style and language is often
in conformity with poignancy of events. Its psychological
appeal is clear to the core. The meaning is clearly articulated
without mincing of the words. Evidently, there is honesty
of feeling about what the writers have to convey. These are,
to my mind, desirable qualities of any healthy dynamic lite
rature. The Dalit literature shows the promise in that
direction.
Dalit literature is out to reveal. It is open
and not secretive. It belivves in straight-forwardness. It
seeks an honest appraisal of the social relationship between
the groups; between the majority and minority; between the
* social oppressor and the oppressed. Commitment to these values
has helped the Dalit literature in avoiding weird abstractions
and ideological emptiness which has been the bane of large
part of the mainstream literature. The qualities of Dalit
literature need to be developed and strengthened. It can
rouse the masses for action. It has these potentialities.
i
A
5
But at the same time, one has to remain alert
about the direction the literature may take in the absence of
broad ideological consensus on radical premises. As far as
Dalit literature is concerned, no one can dispute its descri
ptive richness. But then the description has to have a frame
work of meaning. That means the purpose for which the lite
rature is produced. What is the objective goal of Dalit
literature ? What does it seek to achieve ?’ These questions
are important and they need discussion.
As far as my limited knowledge goes, the Dalit
literature is broadly a protest literature,
It protests
against humaliatory social conditions including atrocities
on the defenceless Dalits. It protests against the disabilities
and injustices perpetrated by the social system or social
order. It protests against the ritual hierarchy and misuse
of power. Hence Dalit literature is described as part of Dalit
protest movement.
The protest literature does have its usefulness.
It urges upon the people to awaken and perceive; to redefine
and rediseQver their status and identity. The Dalit literature
has certainly helped to bring about this identity consciousness
among the Dalits. New awareness and awakening is evident
at le^st among the urban Dalits. They have become conscious
of their person; their self-respect and dignity. This is indeed
an important advance over the previous state of affairs where
there was nothing but insults and humiliations. Liberation
does demand a feeling of protest and revolt against the existing
social situation, inat situation may be of untouchability or
any other discriminatory social practices.
It must be mentioned that the Dalit literature
has helped the Dalits, especially the Scheduled Castes, in
their movement towards equality in social and cultural spheres.
The literature brought to the attention of the middle class
non-Dalits, their woes and grievances; their resentment and
capabilities as sensitive writers on issues that were left
6
mostly untouched by the 'Bhadra' or established literary persons.
Their protest literature persistently rejected the present
society which, according to them is caste-baaed and its cultural
traditions and values, which are inegalitarian. This raises
a question as to what type of alternative society they are
envisaging. To "this aspe^i, we "turn now.
IV
I
!
I
j
*
j
I
Dalit literature and wider Dalit movement envisage
a non-exploitative society based on full recognition of one’s
freedom and equality. Dalit literature does espouse these
goals. This raises a question as to the root causes of social
exploitation and also the forces perpetuating these exploita
tive features. Oftentimes, the causes are located in the
religion/religious hierarchy or culture of the dominant castes.
Such an interpretation leads the writers to concentrate its
attack solely on the religious scriptures and practices. Caste
system becomes their chief whipping horse.
Is caste at the basis of production relations in
our society ? Can the problems of Dalits be solved if the
religious equality is achieved ? The mission of the saint
poets was exactly this. Did they succeed ?
Is
religion
an organising principle of social system ? If caste or religion
constitute a cultural system or a superstructure; then can the
superstructure be changed without bringing about basic changes
m the foundations i.e., class relations ? These questions
require examination of the philosophies of Phooley, Ambedkar
and Marx and their practical value in the struggles of the
Dalits.
Secondly, the impact of secular forces need to be
given the importance that is due. Dalit writers come from
the educated class. Education gave them capacity and insight
to question the assumptions of dominant group and their culture.
J
7
This means the expansion of education is a necessary task.
The Dalit masses must secure education, Why the literacy or
education is not expanding significantly among the Dalits
and even among non-Dalits ? In which class or classes in
Indian society, the illiteracy is dominant and all-pervasive
and why ? We must ponder over these questions.
Similar are the issues concerning urbanisation,
industrialisation, migration and mobility concerning Dalits.
It would not be correct to say that economic changes have not
taken place affecting the status of the Dalits. There is an
upward mobility among some scheduled caste groups. Some
socially backward groups are economically advancing. Economic
changes has brought about definite social changes in their
status, iiiter-group relationships and power. There is, a small
but vocal elite class among the Dalits also.
$
V
These trends indicate the slow but definite changes
toward modernisation; towards a secular society. But the
forces are not sufficiently strong. What are the reasons behind
economic backwardness or uneven development ? Has it anything
to do with the persistence of social exploitation ? I think
these questions need to be explored by the Dalit intellectuals
and others concerned with the wider Dalit movement. And while
exploring these questions, one can discover links between
the Dalits and wider society and a common framework of their
social situation.
And perhaps,? this might help us to evolve
a common strategy of action.
4
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8
References
I
1
2
A
-
I
i
i
V.T. Rajshekhar Setty, Dalit Voice
Voice , Vol. I, June 1
9
1981.
3
G.S. Ghurye,"Social Change in Maharashtra - I II”
sociological Bulletin, Vol. I and III, 1952 and 1954.
• 4
Neera Desai, Social Change in Gujarat, Bombay, Vora and
C omp any, 1978.
—----
5
G.S. Ghurye, Op. cit.
6
Neera Desai, O^. cit.
7
A.R. Desai, ___
_ ___
Social
Background of Indian Nationa1ism
Bombay, Oxford University Press7, 1948. --------------- —
8
MlVm7^OitV?d
A’ Bhoite, "The Dalit Sahitya
Cnp^1cnt-in1M^1H’as1?tra: A Sociological Analysis",
4—.. J-ological Bulletin, Vol. 26, No. 1, MaTch, 1977.
Q
7
SM5tel (Marat“> ■
/Mf^t/a?°har’
Sahitya: Sidhhant ani Swaroop
(Marathi), Nagpur, Prabhodhan Prakashan, 1978: B.S E’
If^twar Nava-Yuganchi Bijakshare (Marathi} , Nagpur
vJSayVarv^^Vw^?J Bhalchandra Phadke, Dalit Sahitya:
Va-dro.h (Marathi), Poona, Shree Vidya PrakasharJ
(Gujarati?
1 No
IsSUe cn Dalit atrocities
kcrujarati;, No. 52, March-April 1981.
$
Science, aothoManism, culture
ASHIS
N ANDY
I
M.N. ROY was always certain that
he was fighting for the modern
world He was openly anti-tradi
tional and openly a rationalist who
sought to transcend his culture. But
•This is the M N. Roy Memorial Ad
dress. 19S0, delivered at the Gandhi Peace
Foundation. New Delhi, on March 21,
19S0, under the title, Science, Authorita. rianism and Culture: On the Scope and
Limits of Isolation Outside the Clinic.’ I
am grateful to Giri Deshingkar for his
detailed comments and suggestions on an
earlier draft. I regret that the lecture
is this the whole truth about him?
Does commitment to one’s culture
have to be explicit and aggressive?
Or could it also be implicit and un
conscious? When Roy as a young
revolutionary, running from the
could not be published, as such lectures
usually are, under the auspices of the Irdian
Renaissance Institute for reasons not un
connected with the contents of the lecture.
I, however, thank C R.M. Rao of the
Institute for sustaining my faith that M N.
Roy not being a Royist, would never have
employed any thought police either to pro
tect the purity of his ideas or his public
image.
Reprinted from SEMINAR, May 19X1 (261)
health cell
COMMUNITY
’(First Floor)st. Marks Hoad
1
•. ------- --
colonial police, changed his name
from Narendra Nath to Manabendra Nath, was it only carelessness
that he retained in his new name
the meaning of the old? Or was it a
clue to his deeper awareness of the
need to recognise continuities and
traditions? In his later life, when he
used the concept of cultural renais
sance, did he mean what he said or
did he have only a naissance in
mind?
One discipline's trivia are always
another discipline s lifeblood and I
venture the guess that Roy heie
was hinting at a psychological pro
cess which has always been a mar
ginal strain within the experience
of modernity, namely, the affirm
ation of traditions and cultural con
tinuities in the face ot the homo
geneity that the modern world
seeks to impose in the name ot
universalism. Is such affirmation a
pathology, a shared irrationality' or
a handFcap which an old society
must overcome to enter the modern
scientific world? In this lecture I
shall try to amplify one possible
answer to this question, exploring
in the process one aspect of the
linkage between modern science,
authoritarianism and culture.
11
^I'he story begins in Europe when
the mindless blood-letting of the
first world war created a new aware
ness of an old psychopathology.
As the range of human violence and
the role of modern science in that
t* *
violence began to weigh on the
social conscience, a number of
European intellectuals woke up) to
i
the dangerous human ability
to
separate ideas from feelings and to
pursue ideas without being burden
ed by feelings.
2
ft was Sigmund Freud who first
gave a name to this ability. He cal
led it isolation. He described it as
an ego defence, a psychological
mechanism which helped the human
mind to cope with unacceptable
inner impulses and external threats.
According to Freud, the ind vidual
sometimes isolated an occurrence
by cauterising it emotionally and by
preventing it from becoming a part
of his significant experience. I he
occurrence was not torgotten. it
was deprived of its aifect.1 This did
not, Freud granted, reallx free ideas
or actions from feelings. It merely
substituted conscious associations
by unconscious ones and displaced
theellect to other ideas or events.
Freud also noted that there was
particularly heavy use of the mech
anism of isolation in the psychopa
thology which went by the generic
name of obsession-coa.pulsion.
A
■£*•1 terwards two second generation
psychoanalysts, Anna Freud and
Otto Fenichel, were to define iso
lation more formally.
Here is
Fenichel on the subject, at his text-bookish best:
‘The most important special case
of this defence mechanism is the
isolation of an idea from the
emotional cathexis (load of feel
ings) that originally was connec
ted with it...In discussing the
most exciting events, the patient
remains calm but may then deve
lop at quite another point an in
comprehensible emotion, without
being aware of the tael that the
emotion has been displaced...
‘The normal piototypc is the
process of logical thinking, which
actually consists ol the continued
elimination of affective associa
tions in the interest of objectivity
...Compulsion neurotics, in their
isolation activities, behave like
caricatures of normal thinkers...
they always desire order, routine
sv stem.’2
Such a definition, however clini
cal it may seem to its innocent
author, already verges on social
criticism. It implies that order,
routine and .system are not absolute
values: any over-commitment io
them is an illness. It also implies
that objectivity, and the separation
of the observer from the observed,
is not an unmixed blessing; it can
sometimes hide fearsome passions.
Psychoanalysis was not alone. At
about the same time that the young
1 Sigmund Freud. Inhibition':, Svtnp'onts
and Anxiety (1%2), Standard F.dition, Vol.
20, London: Hogarth. 1959.
2 Otto Fenichel, The ftivcf'oantilytic
T/wy of Xcurosh, New York: Noiton,
1915, p. 156
45V--
•
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v..-■
discipline was foiging the concept
of isolation, the surrealist manifes
tos of Andre Breton and his asso
ciates were lilting against conven
tional rationality and indirectly
attacking the giowing use of isola
tion in modern life.
Salvador Dali for instance ‘absurdised’ in his art and life exactly this
pathology. His w.ildies winch melt
ed and his men who refused to be
fully human were but instances
where the lost aiiect was made to
re-enter social perceptions, to shock
or to enlcitain Many ycais after
wards George Orweli was to be
scandalised when the middle-aged
Dali put into 1 s m moiis, with
obvious rdih. the following ac
count of Dali at the age of six:
While crossing the hall I caught sight
of my little three-year-old sister
crawling unobtriHivcly through a
doorway. I stopped, hesitated a
second, then gave her a terrible kick
in the head, as though it had been a
ball, and continued running, carried
away with a ‘delirious joy’ induced
by this savage act.3
Orwell correctly gue'Sed that
Dali’s pathology tied up with the
pathology ol a peiiod and quoted
a rhyme popular round about 1912
to make his point. As it to prove
Orwell right. Dalfs naughty book
dutifully became a best-seller.
itliin a decade or two. a num
ber of mo.erm ms in literature and
the arts caught up wnii the same
pathology, olicn biillicmiy. though
rarely sell-com.c;oLi>iy. I or instance,
many of the comic devices" ot
Bcitoli Brecht can be read as at
tempts io teai away il:e ma>k which
isolation
allow.’
the industrial
society to wear. Vvhcii one laughs
with Brecht one also laughs at the
subversion of the dcfcni.; of isola
tion. If one pierces isolation by
looking at it from the outside,
Brecht seems to say, one confronts
either psychopathic hypocrisy or
sheer sell - deceit.
Those of you who have seen this
year’s superb Hindi version of A/r
3 Quoted in (J; •veil s ‘Bene’t of Clergy,
Some Notes oil Salvador Dali (1'Fb. tii
Declint <>f th •. i^;i,'i Mu'd'-t■ Harmondsworth: Penguin, I '65. pp. 2" '9
Puntilia (1940) will know that it is
the story of a businessman w hose
personality is split. He is a heartless
calculating machine when sober:
humane and lovable when drunk.
When sober, pathological is. lation
is the main feature of his self. When
drunk, the feelings he dissociates
from ideas and actions re emerge
into his consciousness and get reat
tached to his ideas and actions.
That this happens only when he is
drunk is, of course, Brecht's final
comment on the psychopathology
of the modern society.
I^et me give another example from
the popular arts. Charles Chaplin’s
Monsieur Verdoux (194'), a black
comedy set against the collapse of
values in inter war Europe, makes
subtle use as well as criticism of the
mechanism of isolation. The movie
tells the story of a lovable psycho
path who marries and then char
mingly kills his wives for money.
In comic style, Chaplin off-sets this
isolation against the larger isola
tions taking place in the European
society and against the isolation
that the movie induces in the view
ers. As we isolate the acts of
murder from the emotions they
should arouse, we laugh at Chap
lin's murders and sympathise with
his hero, who docs on a small scale
what societies do on a grander
scale.4
It was this awareness in Chaplin’s
folk philosophy which found ns
clearest expression in Orwell’s essay
on the use of the English language
to sterilise thinki g and io cover up
violence and cruelty:5
‘In our time, political speech and
writing arc largely the defence of
’he indefensible Things like the
continuance of British rule in
India, the Russian purges and
deportations, the dropping of the
atom bombs on Japan, can in
deed be defended, but only by
arguments which are too brutal
4 for the younger g neration I might
give the examples of Stanley Kubricks
more recent efforts to build black comedy
on isolation in Dr. Strangeluve and A
Cithk-work Orange
5. ‘Politics and the English Uarguage’
(19461, in Inside fh1 Whale ana Other
E' wys. Penguin, 1957, pp. 14.1-157.
for most people to face...thus
political language has to consist
largely of euphemism, question
begging and sheer cloudy vague
ness. Defenceless villages are
bombarded from the air, the in
habitants driven out into the
countryside, the cattle machinegunned, the huts set on lire with
incendiary bullets: this is called
pat ijitaiion. Millions of peasants
are robbed of their farms and
sent trudging along the roads
with no more than they can carry:
this is called transfer of population
or rectification offrontiers. People
are imprisoned for years without
trial, or shot in the back of the
neck or sent to die of scurvy in
Arctic lumber camps: this is cal
led elimination of unreliable ele
ment.v.’6
o
^-^rwcll wrote this in the mid-for
ties. Roughly at around the same
time, based on two major empirical
studies, some psychologically-sensitive Marxists detailed the tendency
in the individual fascist to overuse
the ego-defence of isolation. Erich
Fromm described the authoritarian
person not only as sado-masochistic
but as having a mechanical, rigid
mode of thinking characterised by
heavy use of isolation. Fascism, he
said, thrives on the objectification
of persons and groups 7
Theodor Adorno and his associa
tes, too, wrote about the
empty,
schematic, administrative fields' in
the mind of the fascist and about
the constriction of his inner life8
The fascist, they said, partitioned
his personality into more or less
closed com part men Is. He had a
narrow emotional range and he re
jected emotional richness, intuitions
and the softer si de of life in general.
He autnir d organisations and their
formal hierarchies and he sought
security in isolating hierarchical
str uetures.y
I at er. operating from a di fie re nt
vantage ground, Hannah Arendt
6 Ibid.,?. 153.
7 E'c-ipe front Freedom, New York:
Holt, 1941.
X. 77h- Authoritarian Personality, New
York; Harper, 1950.
9. All these traits were seen as aspects
of the obsessive-compulsive personality of
was to enrich this description with
the help of her portrait of Adolf
Eichmann, a plainthinking, hard
working, bureaucratic killer who
saw his genocidal responsibility as a
problem of efficiency, organisation
and objective planning.10 Arendt
recognised that Eichmann was the
final product of the modern world
— not because he established a new
track-record in monstrosity but be
cause he typified the evil that grew
out of everyday isolation rather
than from satanic psychopathy.
Thus, ever since the first world
war, sensitive minds in the modern
world have warned us of the dan
gers of affectless sanitised cognition.
And, by the midfifties it had be
come clear to many that fascism
was the typical as well as the ultim
ate pathology of the modern world,
for it merely took to logical con
clusion what was central to moder
nity, namely, the ability to partition
away human cognition and pursue
this cognition to its deadly ex
tremes.11
Ill
^-^nly one area of modern life
escaped the full thrust of the cri
tique of isolation: modern science.
There were reasons for this. Modern
science was structured isolation.
The values of objectivity, rationa
lity, value-neutrality and inter-sub
jectivity were definitionally the
values of the modern scientific
worldview. And these values did
heavily draw upon the human capa
city to isolate. Moreover, there was
a latent awareness in the society
that science was. at times, isolation
al its best and at its most exciting.
Theodore Kroeber, a relatively un
known psychologist, once described
objectivity as a coping mechanism,
the fascist. And I have already mentioned
that in his earliest formulalion of die
problem Freud had posited a close bond
between isolation and obsession-com
pulsion.
10. Eichmann in Jerusalem, New YorkViking, l%3.
I! The specific pathology of commodity
fetishism becomes here a part of the patho
logy of nonspecific fetishism seen not
merely as a feature of industrial capitalism
but as the pillar of the modern worldview
itself.
3
which was the healthy counterpart
of the defence of isolation.12
Q
Science as a personal search for
truth and as a means of human self
realisation seemed to be a form of
this creative objectivity. It could
not seem that isolating to many.
The attacks of the artists, wtiters
and the fashionable mystics, in
contrast, were bound to wash off
as eccentric responses to the crea
tive isolation of modern science.
Moreover, a part ot the attack
on science was diverted to techno
logy. As the dehumanising and
mcchanomorphic aspects ot tech
nology became obvious after the
first world war, there emerged the
view that questions of ethics appl
ied mainly to technology, not to
science. This was certainly the argu
ment of the major social critics
who shaped the popular response
to science. Take for instance the
two literary figures who helped to
bring us up in the first half of this
centurv: George Bernard Shaw and
H.G. Wells. Shaw wrote a savage
indictment of modern technology
in Major Barbara and The Doctor's
Dilemma. But he also wrote fiery
tracts pleading for more modern
scientific management of societies.
Wells’ science fiction could be read
as a trenchant critique of a science
contaminated b> human greed and
violence. But when it came to so
cial problems, he became a votary
of scientism.
Implicit in such an attitude was
the belief that while the context of
modern science and its applications
were faulty, the content or the text
of science was liberating. In fact,
the problem, as it was diagnosed
by the dominant modern view, was
that the objectivity of science had
not yet fully informed the social
uses of science. That is, while the
............. estate
_
scientific
had used isolation,
it had not isolated deeply and widely enough: irrationality still domi
nated many sectors of human life,
and these sectors were waiting to
be liberated by the further growth
of the scientific temper.
Predictably, a majority of scien
tists were faithful to this line. Not
4
so predictably, many social philoso
phers and social scientists chipped
in with the same analysis. They vali
antly tried to solve the social prob
lems of science by promoting more
science. The new credo was: the
content of modern science is univer
sal and amoral but its social con
text is often parochial, value-loaded
and evil. Modern scientists, too,
can sometimes be self-interested
scoundrels. Change the social rela
tions of science and you will have
finally an ethically pristine, fully
liberating, modern science.
IV
■k oday, in the second half of the
twentieth century, another response
is conceivable — in fact indispens
able. Older, tired and wiser, we can
now take courage to affirm that
science has already built a structure
of near-total isolation where human
beings themselves — including all
their suffering and moral experience
— have been objectified as things
and processes, to be vivisected,
manipulated, controlled or correc
ted. According to this view, the
‘irrationality of the rationality* in
organised ‘normal’ science is no
more an empty slogan. It is threat
ening to take over all of human life,
including every interstice of culture
and every form of individuality. We
now have scientific training in
modern sports and recreations; our
everyday social relations and social
activism are more and more guided
by pseudo-sciences like management
and social work and by fourth-rate
pseudo-technologies like transacttional analysis and T groups.
Our future, as wc all know in this
society, is being conceptualised and
shaped by the modern witchcraft
called the science of economics. If wc
do not love such a future, scientific
child-rearing and scientific pedagogy
are waiting to cure us of such false
values, and the various schools of
scientific psychotherapy are ever
ready to certify us as dangerous
neurotics. Another set of modern
witch-doctors have taken over the
responsibility of making even the
revolutionaries among us scientific.
12 ‘The Coping Function of Ego Mecha
In fact, scientific study of j o erty
nisms,’ The Studv of Lives, R.W. White
has become more important than
(Ed ). New York: Atherton. 1963, pp.
poverty itself. Even in bed our per178-198.
formance is now judged according to
the objective criteria of some highly
scientific how-to-do-it manuals on
love making.
^uch a process has continuously
justified our ability to freeze or ‘fix*
a subject for study and to place it
at a ‘distance’ to evaluate. In its
more extreme form it has sometimes
become what Fromm calls necro
philia, the passion to kill so as to
freeze and love.13
The importance of this second
position—which says that the social
problems created by science cannot
be handled wiihin the format of the
existing culture of science — has
grown because the idea of more
science for curing the ills of science
no longer enthuses anyone except
the ‘committed’ over-profession
alised scientists and their faithful
page boys among the wide eyed
rationalists in the social sciences.
It has become too obvious that the
slogan of internal criticism and the
search for the hair of the dog to
cure dogbite are merely a means of
avoiding criticisms from the outside
and a pipy to establish the scientific
worldview as the ultimate standard
by which other forms of conscious
ness are to be judged.
I shall not go into details here,
as I have discussed this issue in
another recent essay.14 Let me how
ever give a rather well-known
example. Paul Fey era bend, no lover
of astrology himself, examines at
one place the response of 168
modern scientists, 18 of them Nobel
laureates, who signed a statement
hostile to astrology.15 He shows
that none of the 168 had cared to
study astrology before attacking it.
Some of them, when contacted by
journalists, were unashamed that
they knew nothing about astrology.
That of course did not stop them
13. Anatomy of ifuman Destructiveness,
Connecticut: Fawcett, 1973. See also
George Devereux, l-'rorn Anxiety to Method
in the Behavunal Sciences, the Hague;
Mouton 1967.
14. See my ‘Science in Utopia: Equity,
Plurality and Openness.' Paper written for
the Third Meeting of the group on Alter
native Visions of Desirable Societies to be
held at Mexico City, 1981. Mimeographed.
15. ‘The Strange Case of Astrology,'
Science in a I'ree S'ciety, London; NLB,
1978, pp 9L’?6.
!
■■
from passing a scientific judgement
on the subject Evidently, they were
unwilling to apply their rational
scientific method to areas outside
science.
Feyerabend also alleges that the
statement shows a total ignorance
of the relevant aspects of modern
science. At any rate, he asks, why
does one need 168 signatures in
stead of one, if the arguments arc
so good and so conclusive.
It is time we had greater mutua
lity than that shown by these 168
scientists in the world of know
ledge. If we give science the right
to criticise systems and nonsy
stems extraneous to science, let us
at least restore the legitimacy of
criticisms of science from the view
points of the non-scientists Let us
at least grant that a part of the
ethical and social restraint on
modern science must now come
from outside science, from the
totality of human experience. Until
now. giving full autonomy to
modern science has meant giving
full autonomy to the traditions of
the modern scientists. I suggest that
if one chooses to operate on the
basis of traditions, there are better
and more holistic traditions to fall
back upon.
^-^nhappily, the idea of external
control on science seems like a
denial of free thought to many.
Discredited by the clumsy, cruel
and sometimes tragic battle waged
against science by the medieval
church, the idea of external control
seems dangerous even now, when
science is regnant in the world. But
could it be that the church in its
obscurantism was expressing, with
out knowing it, its fears of a system
of knowledge freed from the leash
of ethics and social conscience,
however faulty that ethics and how
ever rigid that conscience? The
answer may well be ‘yes' today
when we face a different configura
tion of social forces, when science
is a part of the global Establish
ment, when unorganised religion
has been marginalised and organ
ised religion is currying favour with
science. Today, we have to decide
anew what we want to defend and
whose pathology has become more
unsafe for human survival and lib-
eration, that of scientific rationality
or that of its ‘irrational’ subjects?
V
T he problem I am posing is, I
hope, clearer. I am suggesting that
when the world of uncritical tradi
tionalism faced the first onslaught
of organised modernity, the princi
ple and practice of isolation played
a major role in it. Modern science
at that stage was a creative, and
modern authoritarianism a patho
logical, use of the ability to isolate.
But, gradually, over isolating orga
nised science has become another
pathological correlate of the demise
of traditions and the erosion of
cultures, the bogus claims of the
rationalists and the liberals not
withstanding.
The moral of the story is this.
Modern science can no longer be
an ally against authoritarianism.
Today it has an in-built tendency
to be an ally of authoritarianism.
We must now look elsewhere in the
society to find support for demo
cratic values.
Why has something which began
as a movement of protest become a
part of the Establishment? How is
it that, even after this, the modern
world continues to vend science as a
cornered voice of dissent struggling
against heavy odds? Why do we
ignore the all too visible fact that
modern science now owns the world,
and (hat even the so-called radicals,
who reject constructive criticism in
other areas of life as reformism,
stick to the rules of science when
criticising science? (Do we have to
be religious when criticising religion?
Do religions, in spite of their alleged
authoritarianism, expect their critics
to be religious?)
Any answer to these questions
must admit that modern science is
both a social institution and a
search for new meanings and for
more aesthetic and orderly struc
tures of cognition. In its early
halcyon days, it was the second
aspect of modern science which pre
dominated. In Europe, in the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries
the scientist was claiming the right
to search for another truth and
adopt another mode of contempla
tion and self realisation. But that
was a hang-over from the days of
classical science and the scientists
recovered from it soon enough to
produce, by the end of the nine
teenth century a formidable orga
nisation and a strong support-base
for it.
Within another live decades, the
scentist has almost totally given
up his role as a lonely dissenter and
critic of the Establishment cosmo
logy. So much so, that to see him
now as a weak, unorganised but
brave fighter against obscurantism
can spell disaster for all of us.
w
T T hen science was primarily a
search for self-realisation, however
arbitrary or subjective that search
might have been, it allowed for
plurality. Now that organised scie
nce reigns supreme, there is little
scope for the individual scientist to
protect his individuality as a scien
tist. Over-organised science has now
managed to do the impossible: it
has become simultaneously a mar
ket place and a vested interest. It
has an organisational logic inde
pendent of the creativity of the in
dividual scientist but dependent on
— and subserving — his material
interests. It is this which has pre
empted basic internal criticism in
science. No scientist can now say
anything about scientific choices
which could be presumed to be un
coloured by his interests or taken
at face value.
To put it differently, modern
science claims a special status for
scientists so far as the goals of
science are concerned. But, paradoxically, it . refuses to recognise
that scientists have a vested interest
in science. Add to this the fact that
science docs not admit criticism
from the outside and one gels an
idea of how the domineering pre
sence of science in society has made
the laity the prisoners of a small
group of professionals who, unlike
the poJitical elites in their position,
are relatively exempt from critici
sms, checks and competition.
This totalism of modern science
is further strengthened by (he mo
dern world’s ability to produce a
toiuii socialisation of the individual
through uniformising education and
mass media. Ultimately it is the
5
scientists who decide not only what
should be done with scier.ce or, as
is more and more the case with
many scientific societies, with social
life in general, but the laity too
consider such control to be proper.
Increasingly, scientists are taking
over the world with the enthusiastic
approval, in fact, on the demand,
of the non-scientists in modem so
cieties. The traditional cultures, not
being driven by the principles of
internal consistency and parsimony,
did allow the individual to create
a place for himself in a plural struc
ture of authority in the raire of
the collectivity. In such cultures the
individual always had some play
vis-a-vis the institutions he worked
with. For instance, a guru’s truth
mayha\e been a false conscious
ness of many but, traditionally,
one man's guru could always be
another man's anti-guru. Such frag
mentation of the world of gurus
was presumed by eveiy disciple of
every guru. So there were at least
varieties of false consciousness com
peting for the allegiance of the be
lievers.
Such multiplicity is not granted
by modern science which, because
it presumes universal norms and
unitary truths, must reject all
gurus, and claim religious allegiance
to one truth and one form of libe
ration. So you have religion after
all but without different forms of
godmen, revelations or prophets
which enriched the traditional reli
gions.
T
x he third plurality is internal to
modern science; it is the plurality of
competing theories. It. too, has no
intrinsic legitimacy. If science has
more than one explanation of a
phenomenon, the scientific expecta
tion is that only one of them will
finally win and establish its hege
mony or otherwise a new theory
will emerge and supplant all the
competing theories. Usually, of
course, there is one dominant theory
in existence; this is held by the
scientists in the fashion of, to use
Thomas Kuhn’s over-used theory
again, a totalising dogma.
pluralities science accepts. In each
case, there is an implicit but irrevo
cable principle of hierarchy as well
as a totalis! vision of social consci
ousness. First, there is the classical
science and the modern sciences.
The former is seen as a heroic, but
earlier and inferior, stage in the
evolution of true knowledge, the
final stage of which is presumed lo
be modern science. Here classical
science and its ideology arc fitted in
a hierarchy as a museum-piece, not
as an alternative view of nature and
humanness.
The fourth plurality, too, is an
internal one. Scientists grant legiti
macy to the differences between
what J.R. Ravetz calls the mature
and the immature sciences. Though
theoretically any kind of science can
be immature, in practice the social
sciences are classified under that
rubric, mainly because of their
paradigm-surplus nature. In fact
al! pa radigm-scarce disciplines are
definitionally put into the class of
the mature sciences a hi Kuhn. This
is done irrespective of the fact that
the strength and critical power of
the human sciences he in their para
digm-surplus nature which allows
lhc.sc sciences to provide wider
social choices and to maintain a
certain openness of vision.16 It
seems, the main function o! this
divis on between the mature and the
The second plurality is that of
modern and non-modern non-western traditions of science. Here the
16. I have discussed the problem of these
pluralities in some detail in my ’Science in
Utopia," Op. ('ll.
Finally, take the four charming
6
surviving traditional sciences are
seen as semi-scientific reservoirs
from which modern science may
have to pick up insights and prac
tices, rejecting the rest as so much
mythology and magic. The borrow
ing by modern medicine of the
drug reserpine from Ayurveda docs
not imply any respect for the philo
sophy or the structure of Ayurveda;
it implies some openness towards
some specific findings of Ayurveda
for reasons of practical utility. It is
no different from the respect we
show an alert child who acciden
tally finds a misplaced railway ticket
which the elders should have found
_h a
in the first place but, through
series of accidents and oversights,'
did not.
ini mature sciences is to avoid criti
cal social sensitivity’ close to the
centre of the imperium of science.
The pluralities of science, there
fore, are no pluralities at all. Per
haps it is necessary for modern
science to have them in exactly in
this form for its progress. But to
be a part of such a culture of
science and to manage it requires a
complex of psychological skills that
arc most frequently found in the
authoritarian personality.
VI
I
have said that modern science
was once a movement of dissent. It
then pluralised and democratised
the world of ideas. 1 have said that
it is now the centre-piece of the
Establishment cosmology and can
function neither as an instrument
of basic criticism nor as an expres
sion of scepticism and self-doubt. J
have also said that modern science,
at its best, was once a creative res
ponse to a psychological problem,
the pathological iespor.se to which
was authoritarianism. I am now
suggesting that modern science,
which began as a creative adjunct
to the post-medieval world and as
an alternative lo modern authoi itarianism, has itself acquired many
of the psychological features of the
latter. In fact, it is now moving to
wards acquiring the absolute narcis
sism of a blood-thirsty Caligula.
Modern science began by giving
a dissenting meaning to the man
nature system. It was not only a
different ideology but also a ditferent perspective on the human
condition. It disturbed the older
world image not by being uncondi
tionally true but by demystifying
those aspects of the pre-modern
cosmology that had become stale,
ritualistic, sell justifying and incom
patible with changed human experi
ence.
The critique turned into an on
slaught on human survival when
science proudly opted for all-out
tough-min ledness.17 What was fust
17. The word is not mine; I have bor
rowed it from in xiern psychology which
uses it to indirntiy distinguish the more
scientific from li e less.
a new consciousness ar.d a quality
of thinking slowly became institu
tionalised— and ‘concretised
as a thing and as an independent
reality, in fact the only reality. This
reduced objectivity to objectifica
tion. Especially in the life sciences
(for example in medicine and the
social sciences) the affirmation of a
clear distinction between the observer and the obserxed Was bound to
bring in n echanomorphism by the
backdoor. Behaviourists J B Wat
son and B.F. Skinner haxe' only
taken to its logical conclusion this
process of objectification. How far
they derive their legitimacy from
the’promise of scientific control over
human fate is obvious from the fact
that behaviourism remains the
official ideology of both western
modernism and Soviet Marxism.
The moment one says this, the
natural scientists are apt to haran
gue one on particle physics and
\Verner Heisenberg (And then the
social scientists join them with
Freud's concept of counter-trans
ference or with Claude Levi Strauss
on the savage mind.) As if the cul
ture of these subdisciplines among
them constituted the mainstream
culture of modern science Actually,
modern science, as we know it, will
collapse if n gives up the dichotomy
between the observer and ti e ob
served. The difference maintained
between the expert and the non
expert and between the scientist
and the lax man are but special
cases of this basic dichotomy.
T
A his is the other side of the
pathology xxhich many psychologists
have identified as a basic feature of
fascism Fascism, too, cannot do
without all-round objectification
and without the idea of a leader
ship representing the true interests
of the masses as xxell as a superior
cognition. At its most benevolent,
fascism sees citizens as subjects
w hose subject hood is no different
from that imposed on the laity by
science The sometimes-creative
distance between the scientist and
his subject of study becomes here
the vulgarity
of
self-declared
elites — ‘revolutionary vanguard'
in some versions of Marxism —
manipulating the socalled immature
masses, with their unripe social
consciousness, towards a better to seek self-perpetuation through
future. Modern science at this isolation. Let us not forget that the
plane is a part of a more general . main role of rituals, as Freud him
theory of imposed liberation: mate self pointed out, is to isolate.18
rial, cultural and spiritual.
The question of choice of tradi
It is therefore not a paradox of tions is, therefore, not a question
our times that to contain science of choice from among the myriad
we might have to fall back on what elements of traditions, as believed
has been directly or indirectly one by many good-hearted reformers
of the main targets of modern who regularly exhort us to retain
science, namely, cultural traditions. the good traditions and reject the
It would be a natural consequence bad. It is a matter of choice bet
of the attempt to protect the plural ween two broad types of traditions,
the critical and the non-critical, or,
ity of human consciousness.
if you like, between the contempla
Likewise, to contain authori tive or self-analytic and the nontarianism, specially within the contemplative or non-analytic.19
framework of a participatory ■
system we may have no other alter
native but to provide a critique of
*n the first halt of this century
the modern industrial society which
Ananda
Kentish Coomaraswamy
will not arise out of modernity and
wrote
his
brilliant critique of the
yet make sense to the contempor
modern
civilisation.
He contrasted
ary man who lives in modernity.
the
assumptions
of
this
civilisation
In so far as the various versions of
with
the
traditional
vision
of man
scientism cannot provide this cri
—
humane,
contemplative
and
just.
ticism and in so far as modern
He
thus
took
to
an
elegant
conclu
science is inextricable from modern
consciousness, here also we may sion the critique initiated by Car
have to fall back on the traditional lyle, Ruskin, Blake and Tolstoy on
the one hand and a galaxy of non
worldviews and theories of life.
western thinkers on the other.
I
B
-“-^ut what kind of traditions and
which worldvievVs? I cannot hope to
discuss in this one lecture the tra
ditions which renaissance science
criticised or the traditions which
survived this criticism. But I think
I can assume some knowledge in
you about the isolating, heartless,
frozen aspects of traditions in gene
ral. After all. the last two hundred
years of Indian life has been pri
marily a struggle against these
aspects of Indianness Cultural tra
ditions too can become, as postmedieval science so dramatically
revealed, ritualised, self justific
atory, non-contcmplative, a means
of perpetuating structural violence
and hidden and not-so-hidden op
pression.
If I have succeeded in arguing
that both modern science and
modern aulhoritai ianism depend
heavily on the human capacity to
isolate, 1 should also add that tra
ditions loo are constantly pushing
us towards further isolating their
contents. Il is probably in the na
ture ol any complex cultural system
However, even if one grants the
premise, as I do, that everyone has
the right to project a utopia into the
past, Coomaraswamy’s tradition
remains homogenous and undiffe
rentiated in the name of wholeness
and internal consistency. His nos
talgic defence of smi, for example,
never honestly takes into account
many of those who were forced to
commit sail for the sake of the
charming and romantic theory
behind it. Often, as I found out
when working on the subject, they
died without the benefit of Cooma
raswamy's
beautiful
evocative
theory By refusing to consider this
intellectually dull issue, Coomaraswainy’s traditionalism ceases to be
critical. It demystifies modernity to
IB. See Freud, op. cit.
19 I have in mind the meaning of
•analysis’ that emerges from the works of
Philip RielT on Freudian ethics. Sec special
ly his The Triumph of the Therapeutic: The
Unes •>/ Faith After Freud, New York:
Harper, 1968. Such a meaning in some
ways tics up with the concept of criticism
as used throughout this paper. Though
nco-Freudi. n and neo-.Marxian in origin,
such a concept does have a great degree of
cross-cuhural validity.
7
Ki
further mystify traditions,0 He can
be said to be promoting here a new
form of isolation.
Q
^-^imilarly, one may concur with
Coomaraswamy that the position
of the untouchables in the caste
system was better than that of the
industrial proletariat in the modern
world. But this can be an empty
statement for many of those at the
receiving end of the Indian system.
When we sec the untouchables
opting for proletarianisation in con
temporary India, can we summarily
reject their choice as a function of
false consciousness? How then are
we different from those who draw
a clear line between the scientist
and the technocrat on the one hand,
and the layman on the other, or
between the high and the low which
authoritarianism cannot do with
out?
I am afraid Coomaraswamy’s
traditionalism not only does not
leave any scope for anti-traditiona
lism but, also, inspite of being holi
stic by design, it does not allow any
creative critical use of the modern
consciousness. It remains partial
because modernity is alien to it not
only ethically but also to some ex
tent cognitively.21 (I am convinced
without any evidence that if Coo
maraswamy did not have that odd
middle name, if he did not have to
disown his mixed origin and bicultural consciousness, he probably
would not have defended Indian
culture so uncritically.)
Today, when there is all-round
revival of interest in cultural vision,
these have become vital issues.
Commitment to traditions, too, can
objectify by drawing a line between
a culture and those who live by that
8
20. See my ‘Evaluating
Utopias' in
Eleonora Masini (Ed.), I'i.sioits of Desirable
Societies, Vol. 2. London: Pergamon Press,
in press. Shorter version in Macingira,
1980, No. 12.
21. This never happens with authentic
traditions which Coomara.swamy theoreti
cally supports. The Ramavana and Maha
bharata, for instance, take into account
the modern consciousness in the form of
the personality types represented by
demons and asuras and by individuals like
Havana and Kama. That these types arc
rejected should not blind us to the fact that
they are also considered seriously and even
respected and used as correctives to the
types generally favoured.
culture, by setting up some as the
true interpreters of a culture and
the others as falsifiers, and by trying
to defend the alleged core of a
culture from its periphery. Such an
approach always underestimates
the folk as opposed to the classical,
the contextual as opposed to the
textual, and the reinterpreted as
opposed to
the ‘professionally’
interpreted. As in science, so in
culture. A closed system tends to
become a vested interest, sometimes
in the name of openness.
Take, for instance, some of the
new models of Hinduism produced
in India during the 150 years; they
often accept Hinduism but reject
the Hindus. Such traditionalism
leads us to the stand of Vivekananda who defended the texts and
symbols of Hinduism fully but con
sidered the Hindus fallen and
sought to improve them by giving
Hinduism an institutional structure
borrowed from Christianity and the
West. He supported the traditional
symbols and institutions of Hindu
ism and attacked most reformers
of Hinduism, but he also tried to
Christianise Hinduism by erecting
a church, by accepting the idea of
proselytisation, by introducing a
sacred book and an organised priest
hood. He openly sought to create
a western society of the Hindus to
pay the Imperial West in its own
coin.22
T philosophy
he
of Hindu nation
alism, based on a vulgar reading of
Hmdutva, is the reduct io ad ahsurdum of such pseudo-traditionalism.
Its whole aim is to disown the
Hindu as he is and to improve his
character, morality and potency so
that he resembles the westerner and
the Muslim, and finally defeats
them at their own game. In their
self-hatred as defeated Hindus, the
Hindu nationalists want to rewrite
Hinduism as a proper religion, wellorganised and well-bounded. Such
an approach rejects the idea of cul
tural autonomy as well as authenti
city and in the name of protecting
Hinduism judges the Hindus by
norms alien to them. No wonder,
Hindu nationalism is basically an
2.2. See my ‘Psychology of Colonialism:
Sex, Age and Ideology in British India,’
Pf-ychiti/ry, in press.
urban, semi-westcrnised, middle
class phenomenon.23
The origin of such nationalism
has been best explored in Rabi nd ra
Nath Tagore’s novel Gora, which
tells the story of an ultra-Hindu
who turns out, towards the end of
the novel, to be the abandoned child
of an English couple. An accident
of a life history here becomes a
symbol of a deeper cultural equa
tion. Gora however proves himself
a truer person than those he symbo
lises. At the end of the novel he opts
for the wisdom of a more inclusive
Hinduism, not as a compromise but
as a superior form of Hinduism.
I
like to believe that Tagore here
is hinting at another kind of tradi
tion which is contemplative as well
as self-critical, which does not re
ject the experience of the modern
world but incorporates it. Such a
tradition refuses to give primacy
to the needs of pure cognition at
the expense of the wholeness of
consciousness and it refuses to build
a community’s self-concept in res
ponse to outsiders either through
imitation Dr through compulsive
rejection. Nor docs it try to be the
alter ego of other cultures as a
means of winning self-esteem. Even
in defeat, it refuses to lose its
authenticity, though it incorporates
the experience of ‘defeat’ as rele
vant.
Not being a Gandhian, I can say
without being apologetic that
Gandhi represented such a concept
of critical traditionalism aggressi
vely. Not being a Maoist, 1 can also
say, even in these post-Maoist days
when he is no longer in fashion,
that that fortunalely-half-educated
peasant probably had some inkling
of what was involved in such a de
fence of traditions. But not being a
Marxist, I can say with some tre
pidation that Marx, as opposed to
many later-day Marxists, was more
or less a complete prisoner of nine23. A pathetic expression of this ideo
logy was Nathuram V. Godse, the assas
sin of M K Gandhi. For an analysis of
the clash between two forms of Hinduism
protesting differently against colonialism,
see my ‘The Final Encounter The politics
of Assassination of Gandhi, At the Edge
of Psychology. Essays in Politics and
Culture. New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 19K0, Chapter 4.
teenth century scientism. In spite of
his seminal contribution to the de
mystification of the industrial so
ciety, he did not have a clue to the
role modern science had played in
the legitimation of such a society.24
The product of a more optimistic
age, he faithfully put science out
side history. That is why Stalin is
not an accidental entry in the his
tory of Marxism. He remains the
brain-child of Marx, even if, when
considered in the context of Marx’s
total vision, an illegitimate one.25
!
1
Roy insisted that his American wife,
Ellen, wear, while nursing him, a
red-bordered white sari as his
mother used to do in his childhood.
Others have disputed the veracity of
the story. Being rationalists, they
evidently see the irrationality of any
rationalist as dangerous spicy gos
sip. That a person may not choose
to work w ith objectivity in all situ
ations seems to them not merely
vulgar; it is a fall from humanness
itself.
-^ut should objectivity work in all
The authentic critical traditiona
lism 1 am talking about does not cases? I suggest io you as the final
have to sec the modern world or comment of this lecture today that
modern science as alien to it, even when Roy reportedly fell from his
though it might see them as aliena rationalism by seeking a symbolic
ting. It sees modernity and modern reaffirmation of his private concept
science as parts of a new' tradition of motherhood and mothering, he
which could be used for critical was merely admit ting the continui
purposes within the earlier tradi ties in the symbols of nurture and
tions and their long-term concerns. caritas. He was admitting some ot
Such a traditionalism insists that the undying concerns of his culture
modern science recognise itself as and some of the continuities in the
only one of the many traditions of cultural communications that go on
science. Such traditionalism uncom among human beings who are ready
promisingly criticises isolation and to ‘listen.’ That is, on the one hand
the over-concern with objectivity, he was accepting the limits of the
but it never denies the creative pos |conventional concept of rationality,
sibilities of individual objectivity.
on the other, he was being true to
the full meaning of his own faith
Wisdom recognises continuities that human reason and morality
as much as change; it recognises expressed the harmony of the
optimality and limits of applicabi
lity of concepts and character cosmos.20
traits. As in the clinic, so in the
culture, Ultimately, intelligence and
knowledge are poor — in fact, dan
gerous — substitutes for wisdom.
VII
Perhaps I may be able to make
my point better by remembering a
brief and ‘trivial’ episode in the life
of M.N. Roy. It is said that once
when he was ill during his last days,
24. A third-generation Marxist like
Jurgen Habermas has done better in this
respect. See his Science and Technology
as Ideology’ in Toward a Rational Society,
London; Heinemann, 1977, pp. S] 222.
25. See on this subject Leszek Kolakowski,‘Marxist Roots of Stalinism’, and
Mihailo Marcovic, ‘Stalinism and Marx
ism.' In Robert C. Tucker (Ed ), Stalinism:
Essays in Historical Interpretation, New
York: Norton, 1977, pp. 283-319. On
the roots of technocratic Marxism in
the positivist Marx, see Albrecht We’lmer,
Critical Theory of Society, New YorkHerder and Herder, 1971.
That is why Roy wanted his wife
to be content with not only the ins
titution of nursing and the hard
reality called medical after-care, but
also wanted these institutions to be
given meaning with the help of the
traditional symbols, feelings and
aesthetics associated with them. He
was recognising the mysteries called
maternity and . wifcliness and pro
bably accepting Thomas Manns
maxim that ‘It is love, not reason,
which is stronger than death.’ He
was de-isolating.
That is why I want to believe that
this disputed episode in Roy’s life
is true. Admitting that such an
episode could take place in his life i
is another way of admitting that
Roy was showing, in his apparent
irrationality, his superior cognition
and his superior wisdom, if not a
higher form of rationality itself.
26. Reason, Romanticism and Revolution,
Vol. 2. Calcutta: Renaissance, 1955, p. 30}.
9
I
DOCUMENT |
" :
a"
‘I
A Statement on Scientific Temper
<9/2 July 19, 1981, at the Nehru Centre in Bombay was released a document by P. N. Haksar, along
with Dr Raja Ramanna and Dr P. M. Bhargava, under the title, CiA Statement on Scientific Temper”.
In the Introduction to the document. Dr Raja Ramanna says :
“The nation owes a de^p debt of gratitude to Jawaharlal Nehru, more than to any other, for the
sustained growth and many-sided development of modern science and technology in India, as viable
instruments of social transformation. The need of the time is the diffusion of science and technology into
the societal fabric at all levels. This can only be achieved by promotion of what Jawaharlal Nehru chose
to call the Scientific Temper — a rational attitude, the importance of which he emphasized time and
again. Indeed, the Scientific Temper has to be fostered with care at the individual, institutional, social
and political levels.”
In his Foreword to the document, P.N. Haksar writes:
The Nehru Centre arranged for some of us to assemble together in a quiet corner of our country to share our common
concern at the accelerating pace of retreat from reason. The venue of our meeting was Coonoor, so lush and green and
full of promise as our entire land is.
For four days and nights, from October 22-25, 1980, we discussed and debated what needed to be done to halt the
• process of decay of reason and rationality. I had the honour of presiding over the deliberations. The end result of it all
was a Statement on Scientific Temper.
That Statement was subsequently shown to others. It was further refined. We now present this Statement as revised.
We are not unaware of its inadequacies. However it is our earnest hope that the Statement will generate a wider debate
and discussion in our country.
There are more than two million scientists and technologists in our country. In. addition, we have a large number of
economists, historians, sociologists and anthropologists, lawyers, doctors, administrators, management specialists and
teachers who, in one way or another, apply the scientific temper and scientific methodology in pursuit of their respective
professions and disciplines.
.
.
If the Statement succeeds in generating a nation-wide discussion, it will also, hopefully, generate a movement for the
much needed second renaissance in our country. The first renaissance inspired the struggle for freedom. The second
must of necessity provide the necessary fillip for the re-structuring of our country embodying the aspirations of our
people.
,
.
. .
Only in the measure we succeed in installing Scientific Temper as the dominant ethos of our collective being, can we
hope to face the accumulating problems of our national existence. We must understand that it is not going to be easy.
We shall have to do a great deal of heart-searching ourselves.
It is often argued, with seeming profunditythat while scientific temper is alright, it does not satisfy humanity’s
spiritual needs; that the entire realm of art and music, poetry and drama fall outside its ambit. In answer to such critics,
I can do not more than remind ourselves of how Jawaharlal Nehru resolved the seeming contradiction between our
material and spiritual needs. In The Discovery of India, he defines in the following terms his own attitude:
The real problems for me remain problems of individual and social life, of harmonious living, of a proper balancing of
an individual’s inner and outer life, of an adjustment of the relations between individuals and between groups of a con
tinuous becoming something better and higher, of social development, of the ceaseless adventure of man.
In the solution of these problems the way ofobservation and precise knowledge and deliberate reasoning, according to
the method of science, must be followed. This method may not always be applicable in our quest of truth, for art and
poetry and certain psychic experiences seem to belong to a different order of things and to elude the objective methods of
science.
,
Let us, therefore, not rule out intuition and other methods of sensing truth and reality. They are necessary even for
the purposes of science. But always we must hold to our anchor of precise knowledge tested by reason ...we must
beware of losing ourselves in a sea of speculation unconnected with the day-to-day problems ol life and the needs of
men and women. A living philosophy must answer the problems of today.
i
Preamble
*
HThe history of humanity bears witness to periods
of enlightenment as well as to periods of dark
ness. It bears witness to the rise and fall of civiliza
tions. Through all the vicissitudes of time the
knowledge gained by humanity has retained a quality
of indestructability. Viewing the entire panorama of
the universal history of mankind, one becomes con
scious of a continuous but forward movement to
wards greater knowledge, and to an increasing capa
city of human beings to exercise control over their
environment.
While humanity as a whole accumulates know
ledge, there is no guarantee that the availability of
such knowledge will, by itself, enable every country
to use it successfully for its own advancement and
the well being of its people. There are examples in
history where predominant social, political, cultural
and value systems inhibited the absorption of know
ledge resulting in periods of stagnation, decay and
retreat from reason, rationality and science. Though
the Renaissance began in Italy, and Galileo, the
harbinger of modern science, was an Italian, adher
ence to obscurantism enforced by the Church led
Italy to losing the benefit of the Renaissance which
fertilized Northern parts of Europe. The Renaissance
6
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and the Reformation then combined together to
revolutionise thought as well as society.
In our own country too we have known of periods
of creativity when the spirit of enquiry led to the
accumulation of scientific knowledge; there was
creativity in literature, music, arts and crafts. How
ever, we have also known of periods when the spirit
of enquiry got extinguished. During those long
stretches of time everything was reduced to un
questioning dogmas and to the performance of dead
rituals. There was deadening of curiosity and ques
tioning. There was only passivity and acceptance.
And finally, we were overtaken by the greatest of
disasters—our complete colonisation and subjugation
to British imperialism.
Contemplating our decline, decay and subjugation,
some of our best minds began asking themselves why
and how it all happened. This spirit of enquiry and
questioning gave birth to a wide social cultural move
ment which we call the Indian renaissance. The best
Indian minds in the pre-independence times in
sistently propagated the need for the people to think
independently and fearlessly, and to question tradi
tional beliefs. This effort, in time, produced a critique
of the colonial system. Out of this critique was born
a powerful national movement for our liberation.
The British imperial system, aligning itself with the
vested interests, endeavoured to counter the broad
stream of nationalism by encouraging revivalism and
obscurantism. And though Indian renaissance never
elaborated a critique of our entire ancient society
and unfortunately made compromises, the urge to
acquire knowledge and the scientific outlook remain
ed strong. The spirit of questioning ultimately over
whelmed an imperial system which seemed so
powerful and even immutable.
There is a wide awareness in our times that we are
living in a scientific age of great discoveries in science,
affecting and moulding both our material and social
existence. It is indeed remarkable how a compara
tively small number of physical laws seem sufficient
to explain a great part of behaviour of matter, right
from the huge and massive heavenly objects located
at the very edges of outer universe to the minute
regions of atoms and atomic nucleus. In life sciences,
we are in the midst of far reaching, even revolu
tionary, changes. The entire history of humanity
shows that it is the scientific temper which not only
created and promoted science, but also gave huma
nity the means to affect the natural and social environ
ment. It is, therefore, the scientific temper which is
the most precious heritage of humanity. It is the
,
resuK of incessant human labour, search and ^struggle,
Jawaharlal Nehru gave an impetus to Scientific
Temper by setting before the people the target of
catching up with the rest of the world with the help
of science and technology. He unfolded the pers
pective of leap-frogging the centuries. Implicit in
such a vision was a vast change in the intellectual
climate of our people. Our Constitution and the
subsequent Resolution on Science Policy. were
predi----- .
---cated upon the assumption that our ancient society
needed basic changes. However, there was not
enough appreciation of the relationship between the
objectives to be achieved and the methods as well as
JULY 25, 1981
the instnimentalities appropriate for bringing about
the desired changes. No systematic and sustained
effort was made to work out, specifically and con
cretely, what needed to be done to build a society
which is animated by a spirit of enquiry rather than
passivity and acceptance. The result of this lack of
directed efforts was accommodation, even compro
mise, with the forces of obscurantism and with the
existing inegalitarian social and economic structures.
Failure to give mass dimensions and appropriate
institutional forms to Scientific Temper, more speci
ally to our educational system, led to the erosion of
confidence in our capacity to mould our destiny.
In such an environment, Scientific Temper is
beleaguered and besieged by deep rooted structures
of an ancient society with superimposed colonial
structures. Consequently, there has been frustration
of our hopes of optimising the results of the applica
tion of science and technology for our national re
construction. Inevitably, such frustration has encour
aged a search for and reliance upon authority.
Inevitably too, ther$ has been a growth of tendencies
to escape into magical beliefs and instant solutions.
Even science and technology are being offered not as
methods of enquiry or value systems but as magical
cures for our ills, reminding one of the time when
Roman intellectuals sought refuge in Levantine magic.
There is inadequate appreciation of the close inter
action between science and technology and society
and of the fact that the benefits of science and tech
nology can reach the people only if the socio-econo
mic conditions are conducive. If the cultural environ
ment, socio economic conditions and institutional
structures inhibit the spirit of enquiry, the desired
results can never be achieved.
The gravity of our predicament is increasing day
by day. While we rank high among the industrialised
countries in the world and are the third largest coun
try in the world in regard to the stock of manpower
trained in science and technology, we are close at the
bottom of the list in terms of per capita food con
sumption, longevity, health care and general quality
of life. We have all the technology available right
now within the country to give water, food, shelter,
and basic health care to our millions. And yet we
do not. Something has gone wrong. The logic of
planning and the logic of our socio-economic struc
ture are at variance. Hence, our failures and dis
appointments.
In such an environment, there is an erosion of
belief in the capacity of human faculties to solve
national problems through a systematic critique of the
existing social situation. There is a cancerous growth
of superstition at all levels. Rituals of the most
bizan-e kind are frequently performed often with
official patronage. Obscurantist social customs are
followed even by those whose profession is the
pursuit of scientific enquiry. Our entire educational
system works in an atmosphere of conformity, non
questioning and obedience to authority. Quoting
authority of one kind or another substitutes enquirv
questioning and thought.
Obscurantism and irrationalism practised by a
hierarchy of authorities, has the predictable effect of
reinforcing retreat from reason. Voices raised against
7
such a state of affairs get silenced. The decision
The method of science, therefore, constitutes a
making processes are increasingly being divorced regenerative process for collecting information and
from any rational purpose or design. There is no processing the collected information to create
long-term perspective based on ascertained facts and . meaningful patterns leading to an ordered understand
scientific analysis. Adhocism, whims and the nar ing of nature of man himself, his natural and social
rowest of considerations take the place of well-planned environment. In this sense, the method of science
programmes. Priorities, if any, are fixed without encompasses all aspects of communicable human
sufficient data-base and without any attempt at knowledge and cuts across all artificial compartscientific evaluation of national needs, potentialities mentalisation like natural science, social science,
and feasibility of implementation. Mere slogans tend applied science, etc.
to be used as a substitute for action and for creating
The spirit of inquiry and the acceptance of the
an illusion of achievement. Dramatic crash pro right to question and be questioned are fundamental
grammes are launched. These, inevitably, crash. to Scientific Temper. It calls upon one to ask the
There are no prespective plans. Even Five Year
how , the what’, and the ‘why’ of an object, event
Plans have been reduced to annual exercises of or phenomenon. It further calls upon one to exercise
allocating funds.
the right to question, provided of course, the ques
As our country enters the last two decades of the tioning of an existing theory, hypothesis or statement
20th century, the need to move forward is becoming or social situation is done in accordance with the
*"'er more insistent. We either overcome the obsta- scientific method and is not merely a bare assertion
s or we shall be overcome by unreason and dark of one’s belief. Scientific Temper is, therefore, incom
reaction. We must understand the meaning as well patible with the acceptance of authorities of all kinds
as the imperatives of Scientific Temper, representing or of ‘high priests’ who may not be questioned. It
as it does, humanity’s assertion of being in charge of leads to the realisation that events occur as a result
its destiny and not a passive victim of malevolence or of interplay of understandable and describable natural
benevolence of stars. To do so, we need to actively and social forces and not because someone, however
combat beliefs which erode Scientific Temper and great, so ordained them. These forces are often com
undermine its growth. Only then shall we illumine plex and intertwined and have to be analytically
our darkening national horizon and provide our disentangled.
people, once again, with a vision and a method for
Scientific Temper js compatible with obseivation
translating that vision into reality. Such a vision and insight, reasoning and intuition, systematic work
must have a Scientific Temper as its integrating bond. and creative impulse. It gives rise to an attitude of
mind which while being conscious of vast areas of
2
ignorance, is nevertheless, optimistic about human
ability to gradually unravel the mysteries that sur
Attributes of Scientific Temper
round us. In this process, Scientific Temper becomes
a part of the culture, a philosophy, and a way of life
Qpread of Scientific Temper in society is much more which leads to pursuit of truth without prejudgement.
u than the spread of science or technology. Scienti
Scientific Temper implies the recognition that
fic Temper is neither a collection of knowledge or knowledge often progresses by disproving earlier
facts, although it promotes such knowledge; nor is it ideas, beliefs, theories and laws. It considers know
rationalism although it promotes rational thinking. ledge as open ended and ever-evolving. It lays
;s something more. It is an attitude of mind which emphasis on verifiability and repeatability, wherever
als for a particular outlook and pattern of beha possible, and on the fact that scientific theories, laws
viour. It is of universal applicability and has to and facts allow one to make predictions which can
permeate through our society as the dominant value be tested. It recognises that answers to many ques
system powerfully influencing the way we think and tions that may be asked at any given time, may not
approach our problems—political, social, economic, be available at that time. It, then, demands the
cultural and educational.
courage and humility to say, T do not know’.
Scientific Temper involves the acceptance, amongst
Scientific Temper calls for recognition of the several
others, of the following premises:
major differences between the scientific attitude and
(a) that the method of science provides a viable the theological and metaphysical attitude specially in
method of acquiring knowledge;
respect of dogmas proclaimed in the name of reli
(b) that human problems can be understood and gion. There is in fact, essential incompatibility of
solved in terms of knowledge gained through the all dogmas with science. While science is universal,
application of the method of science;
established^ religions and religious dogmas are divi
(c) that the fullest use of the method of science in sive. Consider the divisions which exist between
everyday life and in every aspect of human endeavour Christian, Islamic, Buddhistic and Hindu denomina
from ethics to politics and economics — is essential tions. Science, in contrast, transcends divisions and is
for ensuring human survival and progress; and
universal.
(d) that one should accept knowledge gained
Scientific Temper has deep emotional content and
through the application of the method of science as has, within it, a sense of beauty. That is why consi
the closest approximation to truth at that time, and derations based on beauty and simplicity have been
question what is incompatible with such knowledge; often invoked to choose between alternative theories
and that one should from time to time re-examine the that are otherwise equally tenable.
basic foundations of contemporary knowledge.
Inherent in Scientific Temper is a system of value
8
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judgements. The inculcation of Scientific Temper in
our society would result in our people becoming
rational and objective, thereby generating a climate
favouring an egalitarian, democratic, secular and
universalist outlook. Consequently, Scientific Temper
cannot flourish in a grossly inegalitarian society
where 50 per cent of the population lives below the
poverty line and almost 70 per cent of our people,
especially females, are illiterate. Social justice, wide
spread education and unrestricted communication
are, therefore, pre-requisites for spread of Scientific
Temper and for optimising the results of science and
technology.
3
Role of Scientific Temper
I
ITaving outlined the essential elements of Scientific
Temper, let us survey our national scene. Despite
Jawaharlal Nehru’s advocacy of Scientific Temper,
we are witnessing a phenomenal growth of supers
titious beliefs and obscurantist practices. The influ
and miracle makers is
ence €of_ a variety of godmen
'
‘
* of propa
increasing alarmingly. The modern
tools
ganda and communication are being used to give an
impression that there exist instant and magical
solutions for the problems that confront our people.
In an age when man has travelled to the moon
and returned safely, astrological predictions based on
the movements of planets or the lines of one’s palm
or the number of alphabets in one’s name, are widely
believed. Food fads, irrational health practices are
on the increase. In a poor country where millions
' live below the poverty line, vast amount of wealth
is consigned in havanas and yagnas.
Myths are created about our past. The origin and
role of the caste system is explained in a iway_ that
would justify it and imply that some castes are
inherently superior. The ancient period of our history
is interpreted to inculcate chauvinism which is false
pride; the medieval period is misinterpreted in a way
that would fan communalism; and the struggle of
our people for freedom is over-simplified as if it was
the handiwork of a few great leaders and the masses
of our people did not matter.
While it is important to understand the origin of
these unscientific beliefs, the more immediate and
pressing problem is to understand the remarkable
phenomenon of their persistence and the resulting
social consequences.
The sustenance of such beliefs and superstitions
must be recognised primarily as a historical and
social process. Such beliefs continue, because they
have ready relevance to the personal situations of the
majority of our people. Vast uncertainties of our
daily lives, frustration of hopes and aspirations of
millions, denial of any vision which would sustain
the spirit drives millions to seek mental equilibrium
in faith healing. Thus, when one believes that one’s
miserable personal situation cannot be improved,
acceptance of fatalism becomes natural. Beliefs then
rationalise the status quo and breed fatalistic
JULY 25, 1981
doctrines, tn such a situation of social and cultural
malaise, a major role of Scientific Temper is to revive
confidence and hope and to dispel fatalistic outlook.
The campaign to promote Scientific Temper must
inculcate values like equality and dignity of all human
beings, distributive justice, dignity of labour and
social accountability of one’s actions. All these are
essential for bringing about social, economic and
cultural transformation of our country.
The emphasis on the method of science does not
imply that science and technology have solutions to
all human problems at any given time. Indeed,
Scientific Temper warns one against the simplistic
view that through the introduction and pursuit of
science and technology, most social problems and
contradictions will automatically get resolved. The
role of reason is to apply scientific knowledge to
problems, to grapple with them through the method
of scientific inquiry and to work for social trans
formation inspired by Scientific Temper.
JWe
” must equally combat the tendency to treat
science and technology as a sort of magic. It should
be explained that it is unscientific to believe that if
scientific and technological solutions exist to a range
of problems, these will be automatically adopted,
The nature of social stratification and the power
structure in a society prevents the acceptance of such
solutions. Technologically, one may be able to grow
enough food for everyone, but the pattern of income
distribution prevents the benefits of increased food
production reaching large segments of the population.
When the social structure and stratification prevent
the application of rational and scientifically proven
solutions, the role of Scientific Temper is to lay bare
the anatomy of such social barriers.
If we have to regain our place in the world and
are not to be relegated once again to the dustbin of
history; if we wish to offer a life of fulfilment to our
destitute millions; indeed, if the light of our civilisation is not to be extinguished, we have to undertake,
on a priority basis, the task of nurturing Scientific
Temper. All of’us scientists, technologists, social
scientists, educationists, teachers, media men have to
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join hands and undertake this task. We draw inspira
tion from the way our people in all walks of life
j’oined hands and struggled against colonial domina
tion of our land and of our minds. We believe, it
can be done again if only we have the will. And it
must be done without any loss of time. Our nation’s
survival and its future depends on upholding Scienti
fic Temper. Superstition shall not pass and darken
our portals.
Participants in Group Meeting and Signatories to
Statement are:
I
Prof. Amit Bhaduri
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Dr. P.M. Bhargava
Centre for Cellular & Molecular Biology, Regional Research
Laboratory, Hyderabad
Prof. Bipin Chandra
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Prof. VK. Damodaran
Regional Engineering College, Calicut
P.N. Haksar
.
New Delhi
V.G. Kulkarni
Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Bombay
Dr. Dinesh Mohan
Indian institute of Technology, New Delhi
Dr. M.N.V. Nair
Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore
Prof. R. Narasimha
Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
Prof. H. Narasimhaiah
NationalEducation Society of Karnataka, Bangalore
Bakul Patel
Nehru Centre, Bombay
Rajni Patel
Nehru Centre, Bombay
P.K. Ravindranath
Nehru Centre, Bombay
Mohit Sen
Communist Party of India, New Delhi
Dr. B.V. Subbarayappa
Nehru Centre, Bombay
Tara AU Baig
International Union for Child Welfare, New Delhi
Shyam Senegal
Bombay
Dr. Satish Dhawan
Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
Prof. Y. Nayudamma
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Ashok Parthasarathi
Electronics Commission, New Delhi
Dr. K.N. Raj
Centre for Development Studies,
Trivandrum
Dr. R. Ramanna
. Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Bombay
Dr. S. Ramaseshan
Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
Prof. C.N.R. Rao
Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
Dr. A.K.N. Reddy
»
ASTRA Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore
Dr. Anand Sarabhai
BIOCENTER, Ahmedabad
Prof. B.M. Udgaonkar
Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Bombay
Surendra Jha
Editor, Science Today, Bombay
At the function where the document was released. Dr. P.M.
Bhargava, one of the convenors, announced that the following
had signified their complete agreement with the Statement:
Dr M G. K. Menon; Dr Yash Pal; Dr Romila Thapar and
Dr Rais Ahmed.
Bombay
July 19,1981
10
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■3
r
( e Z> ’ 7 9*)
7^,
MV work W.OO3 th®
«!>• •grlcultural I*""'""* ■:°'*ld l”
r
into
X. P^.. I■ •m- d-“—’
z
study with d.toilod lor.rn.Uod .bout -« uonvletlon, Id.oX sy.
ad aa to
-- > achlovemente»
oothodology. proor.™....
«hto«M..nt., follur... • •.
Movowont Ifi
.0.01. you io undor.tand
undarBtand th.
the m.gnltudo
magnitudo of . P.opl.
tb. ooniox. of oooi.1 .nd pollilo.l *«»• «»>■ *- Let thot®
unorgnnlaed rural
who rood thio .tody do .o».thln, to orgonl.. th. .
of younq peopl®
oooo.o boforo It 1. too lot.. Hy-lf »"d • 9«“P
been organialngr4
d.cldod to 1..V0 th. .1U». of Hod... .h.r.
h.u.
backward rural area®#th. urban poor and
through poo.
Of Tamilnadu bccauaa we felt that the alum owe
e._inrflv
-n-""™ " “U,
.1,„ duollor. into fruitful oction for building up ponpl.■ • PO-
Thorofor. 1»T1 -boh flu. »f
*•« ‘b*
,
Iltll. oxocrionco » bov. hod in ftadc in th. t.ohnlquo. of
CMunity Organio.tion uould help u. to .n.ly.. th. rur.l
lion b.tt.r and .tart «n .ff.ctlv. progrom. ™”o"d ‘ho 1.
. icul r.l inbouraro. Pro. Augu.t 1974 « 1977, 1 b.u.
o’ro.nl.ing th. londloo. H.rlJ.n „rUultor.l 1-™
o.n
;
;
of th. oppr...lu. Block, of Chlngl.pot Oidirtet of
•long with four oth.r graduate onrnstora*
A. a ra.u
.0:.:r.nti..tl.n or..... »bUh mcluo.. -ult .duc..lon
r'- I'
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i..u.. .nd k.y word, -bich b... hi.torlcol ^’"^'"tiLn « dr»b >
ulrol.. to youth
oulturU .olion or d.»,r,
youth f.r
far polltidl.aUoo,
politic!•atlo’U
4
+hifvirtu the
myth** taboos
and ceata values*
th# »y»a»,
•yth**
prourammca for demythifying
tne
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UU' \ u 4L4«« r»» vlllaaa loaders, otc., we hsv^ i^on aolo to
^««hlp trainlho t« ““^XulUl
TOd«.- them oxlsU this mas® °*J,‘" ®B
7
gbvGtnud ano controlloa
HariJ an
“ UA) whlch lt, cmpltr.ely
i-».—- p—
v;x
y
oomtt yoara ago*
■
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u ■'' Y'.';
(art*ma*0*®)
te’ ■;'''’tho*
. ,jjson 197T to 1579 about ten of us
•not Dl.trtrt .1 th» .•■,“■»* of th.' ..ovlculPanehayet Unien^af Morth i
Ou.1.0 th-aSh... y.«.
e0n.0l.nti.«l
tural labo irens* F —^z
on « class bnala*
basis* Thsy ara ana
ttixs® cat eg or las of powBrleaa pnopl*
the marginal fexmere ai i t^a fifiall
J.i’IUUA VU*-®*' labourers
—«»
kiindleas gag.rioultui31
labourara
th*-a now P100" ® S!o
fai ■.-jre. Dut the majority of tlw Barlior oxperlance, we havo 1 mini
ha;.- :>nji in bo Hr'iijanB.( From our
uo •voldod committing ths sems mia^akns.
..'Many gnsd lausotts* Tbeeafoso
—
a 1'fc8u*-^/
our Obj eictlvoa, .O
i rjloer 1>4rih
---■’/In the aocnnd place wo were^b.
ttonb Ic^o
.■■’{'<<!ths:
chwfcl»h»d mowaraenl of th* *g^icultural labourer
AauitnjJH1 LBbouxare .
f x^o
being «t the end of J.3^ yR3r* in the farm
f.nlln.do IuvbI. which- was thCBO 'hl Ja'"U' •Ul’":*1‘
Movnneni or Union an
I-* its
«•
ofrl’e 11
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blag momherB in itf
ttTttl(North Atcoi DiBiricty
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Of 19(10, •>».. of “•
1„« -n,
^'4ni'At»ih»»i
il,!l •’“ ■"'**
xura.1 wurk^ro
mevemahl ' ■,. '
^rraHr«
<»*0 purpoac of intensify'ng th®---------
• /'f‘?Whl0h loiilu^A th. wtadtart Uboux.^. ertUMh. «..U
-■■
'^nd
wb^r< -«uah «d oult work.w, 'l^*y workar®. ata*
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Christiana. We believe
Wo go undos the conviction that
- knowledge of ttod’a
that faith con tsanoform BUffoxlng into • doepor
Jeaus* For us conviction^ dedication
leva 09 it !• In the cese of Jeau..
convinced that
and commitment
cummltmont are
ora or
of primacy
primary Importonco. He •t8
t.ur struggle among tho poo» !» to express the Imeaning of tha Goopal
in its fullest means end to identify ourselvesi with thooo for whom
, Theology according to our under
Christ dlso daily on the corse,
justify political situetionsi -but to
standing cannot be used to ,
criticise auoh juotlficaticnu>. We sea politioBj aconomics, etc.»
Q 1'iuJUG
c»ww»s
W— • —
J
at) daclelve spheres for Christian Praxis.
: We do not accpopt■( the fact that people’9 fnith muat paas
*
■r
tho Bclaslaatical •truoidro where only the ordained
by way of
----------the
Wn very much
„»« liven th. .uthnrity to daoido for t
1” people. ""
eupport and .uetoln the id... of 'Hou.. Church', which ...» 1.
inaltfnifleant plecoa whnnuvar naeeattery «nd accopt anyone wio
■ .uffnrc By the .ln» of .oolety to ond.rctend the crcrc of Chrrct
in tho worldly .plrltu.llty ond b. Uborotod fro. hl. eub.l.olon
?! to fete, opothy .nd ..ploltotlon. Th. conc.pt of Hou.. Church
io to practice tho lovo ond forolvan.oo in a context of un.qu.llty,
do-hu«onlt.tlon, projudlce, .Buy .nd .drift .nd rc.tructur. . n.»
hununlty which io tho foundntlon of th. kingd™ of Sod nt bond.
*-
Ufl pledge thamanlvos to work togothux in diffoxent creaa,
where there uro epprsssod Harijane end Non-llarijBns and acenpt
ell herdehlpc and difficulties to work with them for total change
^4
their own environment. Wa would aeak no comfort, but accept
V' aimpls village Ufa According to tha poor standard of the village
'•;;wo
net exploit ond control tho villagsra, but accept the
■4 ' W1P of oox^ta ptaang th® people* W® w^ald lead of Christian.
ndl^iplth® aasad on Prayer, devotion, corpurata warship and vn^r*
:
jotand, 4eh oh>er' with levo, trust end confidence
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, abdllUan of prlvllogea and to a ntm-tJ. itxst
’ and stjelel jua-tlce,
fni^bfGnvernmflrtt at the local and national levol.
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An aniniStor ie one who
Ww are called aa *Aninatore*
Ir.atlvatuo the silent naseee is wake up frttn their •Culture of
Ho io « ndlrtlyoar
■ ■'Icncd* and see the world with now CoHlitiso*
this n inter
but not a Isodor. Ho is a Durvant of tha paoplo b-Jt not
or dseloner of people1b destiny*
7;. 7' ';7'i7'.7 ■■■ 7
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Anitnetora do rtbt beliavs in relief work. They do not like
<F;td miku comprofflieee by a betraying tha poor. They Identify and
^•He ths opprensod whoever they are rather than eidiny tha powerful
7 end thb rich. They axe radical and are committed to eoclal t’ana<> .fB.£Wpt.ien through political struggles. They stay with ths pour^st
7Si ef the poor in dny circumetancee Instead af ualng ’hit and run'
7> ^theds during their work. They are pecplet-orlentaw v.d not
^t^torgut-oilenfadw They belleva In a steady, alow end p miful process
'n-Y df nucial change, which it effsotlve and revolution ry. They treat
• 7 people ce eubjecta of humcnisetlon end never ewploi ; them as object*
j.S af WBlfura and xoliof. They work with the people scCpsting thole
'’^7'.'decisions and conditions than Imposing their intallncdual ideas
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\ :7<Ws'7 ftMtei Wasses »• unoxgeniaed and ars un^x-pxivilbt-sd whon
7^1 spared tb ths slum dwellers and InduHxlal worked of the cities.
7^7'7 Thn^fors,. tlwy ere ocmltUd to support end organise the rural poor
•1'7'77ih/ths..most^aekwerd end primitive area of TsmUhsdU, India trusting
■l'y<<7;th(»t permanent social change is passibis whan wa attack the Infra*
.stxutture
tnckling Suonrf
auperfictal
prablams and isauee of
.7-77’ 7?i.
-liiik....* >athar
iilrka*': than taekiirto
lei el pt
7'777 77,7 ■
v": ■
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if.: th®. «up»mru«ituw* ;
7i.l777.,.:?;7.7;.>.7 77;.'\
747:7
.
V
.
n,a animatoxu du nut wish to stick on to ono
of
wart-. Since they firmly believe in the aspect of a - vn,.
thuy would liku to move from place to pluco in mobiliaintj thn
mauoea who axe undrganiacd and poworluou. By doing thia tncy
will novur bocotne emotionolly attached to any area, but commit
to the tn^I p—ept of eatoblishing justice □nd
truuh whe^vur it io needed moat. Therefore they always c or'il li't
to work in one preecribcd aroa only fur a period of faux? ta
five yeeru. It io their hope that if u wte 11**planned methcdcl^ y
is being used to mobilise and consolidate the lundlcus it. should
bn complBted within a limited
limited time.
time. But
But during
during this iwitad Urns,
local leaders to take up their
they would prepare and tiain the
m z©nwnt work uo□ n s f tr their wlthdrawl from that areu«
tv, PERSPECTIVES UF. AJ1UBAL...y*
1. Tn« pToblom of ilie »"»" »»'''•« “'"* '’th’' l"orSin!’1
fa^pt/ls not roglonol out n.tlon.1. Th» bo.ur.cr.oy and the
Lndno ,.ntry poropootuot. oxploltBtion omi inju.tioo and onuuut.
J„,.i
h: ;j.i
UJ!«r.... ««<•«•«»-’■ t ;7"od
nun-p.^ont poverty .trlokrn oondtttnn.. Thorofnr. if
bnliovo In fundannntal ehnngon, «»
bring thsan throng> on
r,..-o ho.od orgonlnotlono of th. poor who hovo to p.rtlolpnt. fully
Ln thio ev?luaticru
HaHJanB, Adlv^ia and other Back
ward C«atM labourers
not anymore a local phenomenon. Thera
th© Harijanc and Adivaal®
H.ru many uphotwiil®
uprlwiwys «mcMg
good signe of peopln
iUi ovi*r the country today and thorn are
Thr'ccf OW
P^-<t&vtl»lg ac’sinut the PM«ant opproosivo etructurus,
bv UckUna d«?|> roobTd cnCta end tribal probloma, end also by
thn
J-ahousetB on Boonomic ^rconda, ua er© trying
the BLTjJ erf th© ruxal
■‘jn cTKrtK a no9» clasr. tepnaciouensoa aneny
V.-ibm C’ars who would incrsche thflic atrug^io® nnd IntPhiity th^ix2. Th« situation
-atwant* fux tm-.ol change.
1
V
our goal* U .at toward, aociallam. w°
aim not
®Oy-WHanar0«ino: thd aaanomic structures, but also the socio. ■
W*ultu^;;atru©iuw with all thair values and norm- This wculd
MBcan redefining peopl.*. cultures, people’, history et different..
W triads under different regimes and understanding the xcvelutlonary
W potentlol# already existing and trying to establish a new society
through struggles by dsmeriting the set of values and goala of the
■l ^apitaiistic society among tha voicelees in the rural areas in a
paxtleulox his toxical context* ?
. .A:?'.;'.'.; <-J
;
■ ;au. WT w THt tonva tflTH WHICH WE ARE PeLiTlLAllWilLm^•
t
.,
s,.,..
Hecocnltlon of wtieultuinl l«bout«rtr is; Intagral': part of ■ ‘
sceiocty where they are heenpted aai pactpla with cl£-.ni"y *nd reapest.
■%. r
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■
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Building ;up
Up of
of labour
labour pPwer
pdwox through ’Had# Orqanlesilcrn’
4^"
BuH0ing■ Slfdi^fnctiva
c.l '■•Vi '_■.
participation in the political., anelal and •anomie
■; i wphuae’o ut thn local. Block and District level.
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.*Ta can.nlldnto tha farm labour (which i* iht Ctly labour
■ 5, fortja in out nxco) on ficonotilc laausa baaed on day tci day pj:ablft«a
My of broad and butter and incrcace end eolidify the l argalning power
cf those who are deprived of cultivation.
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Ta political^** ^nd dryonlee ©that landieen agtlaultural
’■yW; -iebbUxerr "other'than Herijans ahd consciohtiae them tn canao-lldnte
/XiM arid paxUcipaia in struggle which are of a class nature.
analyse and help to liberate ths five oatogorUs
hsmoiy (1) Agricultural lab Landis^ Labourers*
■.'&> ?.^<daily:#*gaaj'U'1 Agricultural Landed Lahouxars with an all piecat
land "'but'’.ack of taateridl resources (Hi) Permanent bonded
«ldVh*i of tha bi^ peasants and omoll fnrmere
Seiai-bbnded and contract labourers and share croppers (v)
'/&.'/^rginal' faxrtera and small farmers who are In perpetual debts.
>r\.!><
1
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... Bad. 40 b.U,v. by H» '
th"1
Tha cipptooo^^
a... an. in h.mnny *1U «•
whttiwv^x ha thinks snd
Uut the true motivation through
and iharufora pra-doatined.
fast that „1.« •
th,‘ ** ""
dittloguu revolaa the |,a naulb nav.r
Th’
jtanga hi» oxlsUnco» . ..thadalaa, fa. -blah .on.al.n41..Ua"
anitnatoxa forwulatod
Sinca conacioueneea determine uxlatunco o
Is thiei barfly*
Wa emphaaia xthat, xu-w®
thesr la
ra aa disharmony
a**'
* betwann
. _
individual,
£3
ana
wh®
thlnka
A free parton
aonaciouanous and oxiotonce.
It la by thia act he 1b able to bring
and auta accordingly*
satiBfaction i > whotuva* '
and find groat 1---out nil hiu faculties
hu doao creatively,
1 Fraire*a app*o»oh to cultural\.rsvclutitm for
Paulo Rixa
thoae graduatee
1 coneblentiaation had attracted
1-fi'tseucjm thxouyh c" f ahd to uaa aomn of hia ayst’jhis philosophy
thoroughly
iu atudy i.
and civic awarenem* amonn the
mntlc method a to bxlhfl political
Thay had framed their own pro^rmea
doh unionised rural labuuraxa* altuation and deliberately attempted
which are ouitF’bl* to Indian
‘ 1 and tabooa Of the dominated culture
‘
to domythologiae the mytha u
by praxlc.
and pxoblsnatlxo ovary action
1----
Of cducution for ths liberation of
+r-ri na
aa oourcc t»ui of which thslr
na
had
also
been
accepted
na
a
xot.ii. cow.ltthe naaauo
• , Purifisativni of
of the
thw t^lf end totall.
Gandhiji’o philnsophy
.
/'b ,
•
Riuthudoloiiy orawr'jocl.
ar
publla.
tlnfe to the eaune
that p^rpotuetc©
to eredto a now corm unity,
‘hV!/
whlfth hat? 1
and aotivn.
■ , of W* He.**. (Salya^uha - “
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AvqitlM^
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pti»o t^nrlnne..
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Wiwiky*e t.Shni<|uC. of dl.org an is in g ci u^ar.ia.:d
fiSw^ddlty *o bdlld . paw«» ha. been uo.d a. a tactics tn orgnniso .
th. (pOwarlaa. to build mew. oxgtmi»«tion». The tac mique® m
• *«U-.play»» .naly.infl ca.a-.twclle., group dynamic#, cretin.; nnj,
leader.hipf pressurizing power .tructura. through non-violent
Jw«on. hove nil been imblb.d with th. day to day afdair. for probItiBs solving and to construct Harijan power or Labour power.
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The following la the land holding pattern, of the-landed
O qbntiy both in Chinglepet and North Arcot District while we began
©ur woxk ifi 19T7»
A faudal landlord is one who do not physically part ici*
|i pota in the major agricultural operation.. Their income from
tp tenahey and feudal -ext ret Iona i» prod eminently more th*-it••what one
Cultivating lend. A feudal landlord might ^.abee
'^V.bbuihly'zoo td 300 acres of wot and dry land, or ea .>tJ»ee
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ThB eapii al lai lanrllaxd U one who doeti nrt phyoioalljf
agrioultuecl opexatione
^x^loito the
/
^siMi^Apatb in the najar
i „
labour- In' agriculture to a vast doount of dufcia Uw<- tot up
_ dneiveo
— E«rf
iwgM* .through
thvmjgh labour,
lahaust* The rest he might
OBy hB
5(7j of k*g
hie iniicwe
■
Set thrciu«h• wAt• He would possess spprexioetely XaO to 2110 actor
'■ of good dultlvabls land*
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tllv; Rich Peasant can bo defined aS oho who phycally parti*
J^^lpaU^nlhs
■oyriculiural.dporatlcno and Is not content '
-.tflpata in ths ’majdc
r _
JfoU oae 'the rich jieeQUhti wbxkifi^
with duposviulon alano. •
bn his-'dwn f»4ta and tuvosi conAidexable awm/nt of inoney by his
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IV. ^^^^JS.fJUWRXai They axe those who are call-’d as
eapitelistic farmers. This i. • n.w cl... of f.rmur. who have
becoffls moiu powaxful through green revolution and -he benefits
offered by ths bank# and credit .ocietlc.. Most of than are
cither Panchayot Presidents, or D.M*K. or A.D.M.K. party leaders^
f Hany of them are stench supporters Of th. f.rn.r. Association. x \
V. ^qlV£asrip.3ta» A small farmer possesses five to ton
res of land and docs most of hia woxk by himself and hlreis
jwaga labourer whenever nscaesary. Ha would possess vast aci 3
Sot dry lend and through cash crops he might earn more.
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-f wt ~ dry l«nd and u. llvln, In porpe
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After cieicifyine tho different ela«» IntBxnata of ths landed
'guntyy* w# Would anlyo* their political power and social statu#
— t Than we study
' ;?accerdlTig to ths caste ctiuctureo in thsue areas.
and thelx wage psttaMlP*
'thti d-lffnrent kinds of Cgrdeultuxal isbauraxa
difficult to findout
With this information bn land, it iu not ton
> Tha
thb oppressive feltuatlon and the percentage of
stxocitiu# on Haxljana, raping of women, burning
V ‘‘facta of injustice, u... .
'hutc, bf.ntJ.ng Up of tha labourers r>tc. , should bs collectod td
should bs chouon fox conacientioatiui or not*
dn»ide whothai^V53 exea
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both the Penchayet UftlcM# the poorest of ths poor con#let
/ i! orlhu/'^icullurul class. Those rural poor hove been^eguexlady
beaten, up, Hsrijon villngaa have bs.n burnt whenever there h^
bran cowe x.-siotanc. by the landing
The lenrflorcH
rolled fivhtio
Herl J ah Vlllagae^nd nothing went w^hnui
the cdneul! .tier, uf the .o called gounda lendlords. Poor wuGe had
a^cultdrel labourer, without any con side rot xdn
, h. th9 uov.rn^nt
Jhe lebour.ra neither
’k., v J-
.
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for highw
‘ .«•«* ca8e8 °r caati
Sibn wnnt unnQtic.d. fc.«h rUh p.a».nt had atloaat . our t.
ao bonded labouxors* llarijan woman had buan o.t.
■' addaulW .nd Saped.7
«f th. iondlos. poorM accepted tai.
’ .
S3 a reality and never thought of getting out o x-..
HnrMen youth who spok© against •cm. of the injustices ware o en
t,n?nand thrsatonod with dire consequences. Lando eliotbed to
tho poor by the Government hov. been forcibly or ilX.gally taken
5'— the lendsd class. The bpekward villages ware kept xn xnhuman
. eonditione. House pattae were denied to many Harijr.n vlllcgen.
Sci^ulo WOxb maintoinod with poor standards. Intollsgant chU -ran
r from the landless class war© oftan discouraged to ©tudy further.
Through ths Psnchayat© have provisions for providing that ^h*8*
' t drinking water fooilltids, burial ground, etc, for the untouch.bls
: ? village they ware purposely duniotf. In moot of ths ailagrw the
0! lir. or the vlllag® headman ware dancing to the tunes of ths
Pt^chsyat Proteidunts who happened to bs from ths rich cast. Hindu
■jL,groups
■
Many
Joined hands with the rich and nqueetod the
Many landles.
landless Joined
■ were often not allowed tr con*.
paar with high intsta.t. -Teh.nto
The tanane; rutoa
were snhorbitant. . Th. agricultural labourers wer. rt> « fxald of the
:-.>Ptlnud to.ouitivat® for more than two y^ars.
;
Ki'Lpallda that they ran away at ths very eight of thaw..
•
Thsrsfure when we entered these placoa wo did have enough
<'Ktp;h8hdl.* xt WOO not too aasy to win th. confidan; r nf th. poor
:end begin our pxogrsmmo. In many i«»ton<io.»i we were •
r
W/eu^etnd imd pushed dway for the village, by tore..- • Th. landlord
.
'5 < instigased the landleoe llorljan* to drive ue ftwoy since they brandy,
>rfu8 ns ex^lata. But in .pit* «f *U ^ie, w. med. our way thraug^;:
;9.'.and beg-an our regular problem oriented education after picking up
:®tha koy woahip: fmqusnUy spoken by the poor. We lived in ths
- H^ijan Villager and organising the people day and night* Popular
'■-i . thantrdM wore hbl« to highlight th. Injustice fnctors.
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»•«» woman .Hhd ynuth were
trained tis underat&hd thu oppressive conditicne. A& o result
of this tiruaoma work, many Chang®® had taken place. Lai me
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try to niinete «
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First of all tho wages have increaeed after prolonged
atrikus in many villages, ilafore wa went there the ways u3h..
to M Hs.3/- for man end Ra.Z-SG/- for wosien for all kinds of
< agricultural work. After three strikee the wages have gone up
■• to R®.5/- for men and tls.4/- for women. Through strikes, tho
■-•iabauxar® learnt the techniques of bargaining, negotiating and
d:sanding. People’s organisation began to owergs out of utrunglso.
P aple havs learnt to •uffar «nd also fight fox their rights.
Ki A fow bonded labourers have been permanently raleasad. In each
V Hurijan villnga ths now action committea bocama politically
£ psworful and began to make dociaione affecting their to al villng®
devtlopiturti, Youth becams rtcre brave and courageous a nd ansouraged
others to protest egainot all Ulejal holdings of th® landlord
■ , Child labour
olesti. Children U>gdn to go to schools rugulnsly.
Poojile learnt
laamt th»
the procedure!
pj.’ocoduro of*
■; clso tb atjm® extent discouraged. People
of
I. ..
■£.? Bolving their problem). They went to the extent of routing th®
.r!’-Ta'luk hned and ths nietriet Hoed when ewerganelett’is./oeo*
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Bixe»'J<'ult of our men® cnnselentiaBtlnh programm® in twa . '^y/ "«apar*»iP PsnahByet Unions of TBroilnodu, wb have touchad nbotly
six year®
■'<: ^ijiMmfwTaid fifty becfcwaxt* viilngee . during ths
V- and in ftacb villaq® roughly SC to TO odulto, bothi ran and woman
fe bwn bar. fitted i>y our problem orien ted adult education classes.,
>;.■ ’< Thstite ftdU11® have laarni atleaet to writ® their names and have
■isis.rni'itA .rood » little. Uut they, have learnt the way of Eulving
j,: They have l&ornt to rsaiet thaneelvas
.p^Oblrtc-S by themBplva®.
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fM» OA sort, of qpprua.lon. ThSU olvic .nd p.Uti0.l con«cXttuenons have inoM^d. They have leaxnt to became more partlmake dBttl.ion .nd stick > n to J;hen,
; prntaet eruj Btru^ie tn achieve social justice end have aihdexstood the proeeas ef fermino Action Committees to go out to the
Govammont afflcea and other placen to get what has boon denied
; t^, backward village such se dunking water, street lights, school..
1. ur contractu, food for work achomoa to benefit the poor, etc.
The experience vaa that the illiterates though show groat interest
to read and writs in tha beginning, later on show more inters
\if> selvlng thflr problems and learn ihe skills of govBrnasaking
themsalves with bettor values and noma. Therefore the argument
that the UlstfcSats havs to learn to raad and write to organise
themaslvus As false to soma extent. We believn
thoee people
. 1. Uiu -long, run will take up political end social laaues on a
^1.. >gor level and serve as a powerful teak force. I would call
I this as asking people morn human by tha procesa of humaniaatioa.
7 dHosdhi;i«vei.f
trainsd thma group, of people at throb
j/',.
/
first bf all we have givsn practical trail .ng to naarly
. pna hundred activists, community organisers and Rural Development
Wurkare from all over India, I would 9a# that half of tham cam®
fxdm Church relatetl groupo* Still we run thia training programmes
defined syllabus more relevant to txnsf’ twicn i-ydar wi<l»zW:3well
...
• • ;.F‘-
foam local structures.
/SU--.V-a’ -''<■
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; Secondly ws hev©
1---- trainod villaga level anirtatoxs or
Oudroo >nd; abSdrbod them in our groups far organising tha dramas*
V-.ftudy circles and -lasdarship training., etc., for the grans rant
'‘paopis. ■
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Thisdly wa hav® so for trtilnod about three hundred
Vlllaga leaders reprasontlng varioua action committaaa in
f roe different areas and hava helped them to safeguard their ma®a
b&s&d labour orgEnlfiatlon* Discussion® on Cass-StudiBO^ xol®** \
pleystf ©sr-sitivity irainingt leadership skillat eic*t ax® sewn®
Af the subjmets which w© hravs used to make isadaxo mor© articulate
4 i loss opprsssiv®* Thast? Isadora have now takan charge of
'tbs agricultural labourers movement in Tamilnadu, and to ©om
; extent pooseo a brnder percpectivo teworde planning and lerj.
p lating the labour force at the local and notional level*
have so far trained eight theological student® during their
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Interchip .’twining#
i ir
■ r ■
Jf a X xuTnEmheX' corsoctly» 1 should soy that wa must
S"-..
haws dj.'ganiaed twenty stsikos for raising wagas, for redeeming
illegal land holdings, for demanding Justice against beating
up of Harljans, raping of women,- stc» In oaeh etrlks atleast
ten to fifteen villages participated with firm disciplins and
'well piimwd strategy* Lor»d reforms wore given top priority.
WhsifbVS’X ayer-oslve lend was available, they were oithar grobbed
tr wssts auksd for through legal ineens. Conciliation and neno—
tinticn during strikes wuru bald under the Praaldnntship of ths
Polias and ths fhaohlldar stt that tha sgraeTMsnt was enforced jp.
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t l.mrUfid of danllrtg with «« proteatirtg agnlnot small
havo given
top prioxlty
to scnnomic
tai^PCiiluCt
h»v©
glvnn uop
prADXxry vu
ecanwut lean®
? ‘'which b'niefltted a majority of th® people. (
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A nb.jodW’’lond of hundred acres haa bssn ralnaaod for
thn HnsHt jf the larirfleac oftei- a prolongsd struggle with ths iti(
(dUh’ IttmiPd pe«t$ntry who at tlsat gave iho land and took it
p&bh
th a. eevurnmant has xeglstwred it afl Bhowdsn land
' •dsktfiibed t’er thn pboi.
v;..;
♦.14..
_ I 3:e<»fclv«^ hout* pat**® afttx
fiilt *i
CoUectox Ox ol
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'f;''-■!■: K Centra to train baehwa
wBr|< W9» openod in ism.
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in tw.'aro id cry .
1916.
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So fur noarly.
*>
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Herat of thaac
v r-^ntJ.oh work, rural cor.»psahens. vb
. ’ j
in TafflUnadu pw* /■<
in 4iff»x«nt organlsationw
now work g aoticultural labourera.
>
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oo.nml ros children brtwaan
non-for«-l acha^
Behcola. Two
fourteen
wherever
•* aix to fauxtBR’' *
Cowboys. Tho syllabus for
declared exclusively
t
- aehbols
Xr"
cars fully P-parod by
nrn.fQrta9i education for
;AA
jr;nrn^fpr«ei>bducatian
for the children awas
voeationai training which
-:<r^d,apimstor
B mainly to
• i,g. pftar aomo BduMtioh
,ahi«istora-mainly
to re-lntroduoe
rawU
SA';^pdia enable them to remain in t.
< and work for the development
■ W^AvA-AAAAAA?‘/\A>:A;:<rAA:'^
;AAAte-b'/?AAte^
>2 ■•iourtrtn
.
i:■<■?’ P' tOL' th«« . -r!'
ii
art-*. **•*
'|
"-A
af lamlinadu
using
ideology, msthoco*
;A
using’ the
the . •eo«
ssns
; varUua parts; cjf
of Tamilnadu
Tamiinso
£
rural
It
hour
a
rs.
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• -. u
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u - . _ Lwva bean wieased diwrlng th» «»®*~ ak
Wu ■■,' <■'te<..’ ... " ■
eeillssl
■;;-‘;'c’ Ate.’ te<- ':;>^ ;•: ste?. / ? ■■
'v' trenctf' ihtcrtlgh^ banks an© £» r.
■ .-.
te. 5 a; ■ tete,■■■-. ^AteAAAAoiAAAtey^AAte \aaW
;: ;;'<lamna tpnJum <ShMt«® ’ rtao<|-nUMt».o in S'“‘»h *ircrt °™i l:,’1"5|1’*
■ W? „««..» AA” XrXX
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iMfei tbnu
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M qVUWAUU
140 left both ths •roos immediately efi-or the f
b . jn
of tl,o Ho.yan Labouooz’0 Moadotlon and »bo AgxUulturol Woxkor o
T^b oo> eonvlcuan «. not to dontnoto tbe ptoplo 0
■•.U.rllono. ho *«ol »>»♦ "•
hav°
tn""
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4 . oottot of foot, tbo loodex. of th. nofo-ontn ooquoa-;Bd :.o .toy longox and g«U« th« hoxo and that.. But oo o x..o
."d .MfW to tb. ...
-dbHo on .volon^,
ooofmwnco of thoos no. oxsaniaatlonu, h» foot •■’»» ihof ■ o
’T flotlplln. and petotvoxonoo. =«»• of tn. l.ad.x. hoot
? ? Z too o««blal. bon. ox» Influoncod by tb. rttbt polUioal
«•« - «>• “""“T
th.
., tlw Roue. uo« rtproooiv. ...aux., to aopproao people •
au .till th. itweel. .O.. on. W. havu now daexdnd to ooh co
IjUnloatox 0.0b to the old
to .noble people to ot.nd flBcmtinus. their struggles iW their lost xighte.
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ahlnad to
asked io look after
• their mavemants*
tho isboussr. ars
Though this ia
thair hctivi-tias only frith .their aubscriptiana.
■ , 1 wends* wtsndeE whether
Hw 'jest way of making them eulf aubtained, <they would rub thn village programmesi LBtssah
—■••■ c.s maus m.iotingOt
training, oto>» without propar
stL’dy..drfwocif ,leodorohip
—
. optimistic to think that people’ 9 • •
; flnnnelal fruppert. It is tea
______ fofaign fvndt if th^y ®«> on « m®. 3i»ivB
! I’l'mevedfekita. w^yld h^dw without
the right to uaa all rosouropo, why shouldI
B^scals^^Whuro we. have ■-..
.,r. ^;/:r
wo used donations free f*i^ds in India nnu
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’.''".'•pot 'iliUr. maVsments enedurdgdd to do so?
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♦ Aaaotelatinn
in ons nxro the Kexljnn Londlooo Uboutaxo
of the agrirZ elina/ 'ln ..ndthox «.» tbt- oln.e organisation
. ,
Marljana do not want to join
! oultuwl w’dxk.'.o lo otxontior.. But th., '
°
pl:.b9n.u wltb the Aprlaultuxol Moxboxo I*"—£
lo.PM -'bay
that tbolx Identify ««<ld ». lo.t. .TK, wouM
. "
T^ain ac a Caste urganibatlonSo \
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bJun. tW •«
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*TlJAyrlwltur«l L«bou«x»' Hnvenent hnn W
iMWM^»und rnniAnodu. Thi, »-*. ccnnltiM mi-V™
uLkn-n tn an nil 0«»« TfUnndu »nd nnnvlno. v«l»U» «*•>•*
: . a2In Jnina nnrt. nf-Tnnlln.du
1-*- th. .n.llth- ind*p,.n",u' :
.» not »ol>ul..d.
cm
t'” "ov-
Th.y .»U1 «™.l"
af th* working ola»a*
-■th.■bnn.Uhl^•»-»» .rnuntu. »'»•"
>«•£&>♦
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-ix
Ubnnt.-’
cni' hlinftolf was • CPM worker# Bui 1* At too ear .y t
luwns* or *M In o nnrtn" tuo.tion that hountn thn poopln.
tin, Wl ond th. WM !>«•• "» •*»•"« bol“ iB il’S
tt
.*lrrt th. «m «•» th., »ouM Ilk. in
**»■ nro.nl.. lion.
1 ‘Xol th.tr p.^-b.».r. t.
. ...Un.'1’h
.
t.Mtt. .* O
Ub',U' l“i"U
. 1'' Ho. «.«»»Uo.. th..
•• Wn&*‘>’««.
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Ou»rt to th.!.
b» ?
t.lllno
th.*s th.y
hw« —
’“7.rth.»
a.m.ne
.« th«-r
totluto* tw.
J
.31tBtlon. .nd noht along
*hto.
th»y h«. *□ J’1"
*..Mi.*ton. during *h. p..* *«• '• .
J’“t
2 . Z th
gHooltuz.1 .»*.« hn.. b..» .to=.t to««>
<
ahowffi that th8
vinca raaot of them
i' to participate in the agitations of the farmed Un 21X land,. So^tl... th. .grloultux.l
h... b .n
Wi.d dally «8«> to pbxtlelpnt. to th. .gat. ton.- ’
.hn died to th. Polled fixing during tho . Itnttono bnnP
to. poor londlouo l.booxox. -ho -or. nod. to xt.nd In th. ftont
■,’ Ito. .nd fight ajbto.t ths polloo and tho to.uxoexncy.
'.hoto pxaeoan of pollttooltotog. w»
"
.nd ox. finding
S'/.ortoolt.irnl IsboUtoXd ■wo.n.n* b.ouning
y
‘1’ difficult to eouniex tho F.xwx’. toooctotions uito . clear cut
, in their
: ld.ttogy tod .1.0 eonvlno. th. «.n «- <«*■•>
than to thB Furinas”®
®- .o.totot to .hto tbeix loyalty to th. oowtoto*
, should Inflltsate
!!> toaoctotlto. to toinutox. to wtodox »b.th.x to
into to. Otototo* »f th«
•"*
7
, to* th< ttoo to tottoot. thto totoxd. right dsololono .nd ctofrtot
zo.ctlon.xy tore in th. dtogul.. of xmlicaltoio.
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so f.x to h«. "»« *•»*** * *
otxito ’I1 ‘M,:
1.. t7-/.<<■'■’•■
■ ’Sa f0 w
ito,^ wun
wotHM in different . .,,t
5: A,Hnn aroune and voluntary agoneiM whn ***
to*, of toxltoodu olth «“«•*
■
2u...’ .
.<2; Gbouroxtu; S^rne work nn C«et.o l.suoe*
x«AbolB
Stm* «» uoin«
:‘;4 sorts uae odueatiurtal
to orgonisa Ulba v
.
■2' a io, of otonomio input, ote. Out the problem U
jwy ora
'
ic>ullv working fox tho orgsninin^ tho gross st>ma o
P V
r i L« «M»M i- * qusstion* How ta biihg thorn togothor
v > :r;:x2 ;:.x .nd.... -■
i^ ntill a pending qus»U«>«»
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We have not built any financial baas to promote or enable
tho workers to continue thoi* struggle; Since Trade Unions ere
prohibited from foroign donations it becomeo difficult for the
movement u« to continus many important programmes on o State level.
Lot us not forget tho fact that the member# ore mootly non-pormariont
workora with mosgar wages. So to force them to subscribe heavily
also a problem.
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Linkage with other workere movements
all «v«® India
■ lias net been dene it»
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AHP»S PLANNlNIi AMD STRATEGY IN 5ATYAVU).ll«.^ig.HfljL.mBXilk
he
. J
The border area bf TaalXnadu close Jo Satyavadu ic very
well devalued and th<£wLfjoo»-«fl i?»tanaiv<r^gricultural aotivltiee^
Thera are pore than, hundred progressiva fasasrs in this area who
poswesn ail^wodern machinery and ekilla for cultivating paddy and
thuy ore able to get very ohasp agricultural labour fwrrrr from tho
bosxlQM tsf Andhra Fradesh* In Tcuwilnadu tho agricultural labourers
dmiarid java rage daily wag© of RSb3/<* whet©©© lh Andhra Pradosh it is
©niv
thcraforu th© coolios from Andhra Pradaoh pxofot
i.
,....------- —i.S ©.
the hhrders end/ are estiefiod
even if a
they
are poid Re*3/*
ormsxng tpar day* ■
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bi clUae such ae
by “T?*’ X Cb’lXB ’n-:t J. th.M px»Ht ■ ■
p.dxo.. Hydoxohod. T C“P
to buy ,h..p lend fox..,.
In other bualnoae and industry io oo g
- era> ©till feud®« 7
orbharua. -Thera «
rich land away, wha
‘ th© stlvns bed ie
7;7 HaUc nnture end thero »»« moetly living nodi
Th© other tich peaeerttS
S
there la «,pl« supply of ground water.
pelltlceUy w»*y powerful*
. ' aro oeatfarad ell over the 31o«k end are I
of dry land and a bit
:
Mn«t uf the email famer® era all peooenaera
'5if-wet land. They do cultivate bite end places,, but alway® bectme
Hah landed gentry*
looeera^.' They a« fully woatrolled,|r the :l
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TnSi iBrill csllins legislation dur:ing smsxgency did affect jj'cyav.'u
»,«■ much as possible. In many places the landluas lubuuxexn of the
rUxijan Cumunitiss xecsived one to five acras of dry land with
ora not of cultivable nature. Hany big peasants hsva also divided
L4nd uold scrau of their wests land. But thoae who own ton acios
of land hove not substantially contributed to aejrioultural devsloprnant in tama of xaieing any bumper crop. Though tho ground water
■ is not »o low* proper uauege of ground water hae not been donn in
ds.i arose. Therefore the non-progreaeive middle class farmera and
who rubeived fraa Government land still live amidst poverty apd
dubts.,- The landleoa ofcourse are the worst suffers. In this cunUxt the rural rich oontrol the socio-economic machinery in the
whois Taluk by kseping the poor masses under Sub-missive condition
and squsexa as much as possible through labour force for their
b enfita.
■ W- h - -fe’ '-f‘ ■? W 'W ;W
with maimt
To JiorttlnuB with the progrimo. of conacUntiftiUdn to
?/-cover atinsst forty villages during the next two yearn td make
dtlwaatton thoueand people conscious.
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2* To establish action committees in each vlllaijes end
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initiate"cHalogu* on devolupmont* To conduct regular training
for premising youth and try to build new leAder*»hlp fox
■■■:Offactivi participation in oocio*polltieal eituctleiti*
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.i«ehnical.\i»du**tit>n .jttid. Mhor skillful
’<■''; i.ssl«i.nvf^ ths landless »»»*** ®rt esli»etiw»
co-opsx»tiv» bMisi
,
X;W% Wife ’feW' ' W’SliWWSfe *<■'?■<■■'.
P»“lbl* for *h“ •*"
4. To ocqulo. f«".» I""1
loodl.o. and x.ol.1. th- I— •" ooU.etl.. b«l« « ■
of the
with appropriate technological skilla
iBialoglcal Farming System*
already available among the villages.
5, To auek the co-operation of the Govemint and othax
of ths poo«
.gonnUd ohoxeoox n......>X »• h.l. ‘h*
bxing them out of inhuman conditions.
*
health education and woman'ig liberation
6.
To
ooncawtrata
on
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itaalf will
a few health worksrs. Health education
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by
appointing
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i con&oientisation process. Village women will ba specially
be
‘ , Emphasis should
of the village health needs.
tr<i n«d to taka care
will ba given top
k '-^bs given to prevention th on curt* Child*car« t.^-.
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priority. ....
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their righta and reaponai...
To help, rural woman io learn
vlllegaa fox various developbility by farming small women groups in
ta ba started*
A-a mental activitiep. A “^1 •*awin<’ Bentsea
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aiacery or Shoop breeding. To provide credit. *
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that
appinn.lv. c.« ao.ln.t.0
ood
T. nxg.nl.. •»«»*"4 ''“.’T'vniun12* To oxg
. . v>i1oub rt1(jLon gXOupa and Volun, Training Jouraoa to Activlat
• Ury agenclea throughout the country.
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13, Ta organise asminara
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1130 H13V3H AJINOLMIAIOO
«MuoTl®onpaw •w5uyuyB^w aoj qnq ^queu/doyGAep^ joj Xxuc 3cu
o e«
pcan uosq ooq ^ucyqedysyqwd,, csaoc.sd aqq uy •XT®qBuymya3«ypuy peyydd®
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e.ie ©pam eqq pua aeqqG ®qq «ooj AyiMsqyy ucBjaf pu© spacn mwdjoq epys
yoea s« poTJ»d Suxusnao^uy oq; uy cycotj leofyAyctw
peuad^WM®
}cu cbm c^eqsip ®cpueJ pu® oypeiccJs eqy yns ♦sucyyclaouco
ims^eq
uunyaoddc pu-Ur o&ouajajJTP eqq pc-^qbxxqSyM amwanj ©*em Bsyx^Tiea u®y«v
q^nos ©M'4
s^usa© ‘£z.6i oouys
oTboucS jo ucy^datww « st/
ut:y^B<iyoT4Jod e^Xdoed peou^Ap® crqn cocq-^ pue wS"
ucy^Csouco ® Be
uoy^igdyoj^^sci
jo o^ce® oqn c®cq^
Aydjsq® sjesf. sosjh &UX •rtUGTC®8
dcyB^otsn ®TM3 3® unaop
uy pu® soy^unco
uy ooy^ed
-yoy^^eij <&□ sydeouco dc|t>A&p pue ^sassyp *esna«ypH cy ©^yxyunco 3Tjyc®d
puc U8yev zl taoaj ©Tdosd u Aq pspuon® P1^ £Xtt 3®q®e^d®s
?^puj
uy pi eq dcqs^aop ywcybey u®ysv CVJ/3HJJ ua
^wyo sew ®a - yso^yuwa
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9» psxjio'4 tuysq TT^- ®TP^I uy ^eyysynes eayAass 4s^sss4rj •q9^®y&ima
uy f^ebn^s uoy^jtsqjy ymeiyeu san *®W®3 1^3
Aoj®5jtn©uy eq^ jo
Gbu®3 ar; Aq flucyhw usysv
*uwcq» g®jsucnwyq^co ayqyssdd
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eq
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wcp-doy yovoyqypwq jc y^aoA&a ® *$8G3O3d quemcfcTeA&p ©qq uy casq® oq
sydood jcc| eyiro ‘aac^tMcqq gq»*U ©Ml •gq^gucoo 6uoaq® pyynq pu» Atp©AOd
eqBacyym^ cq oweyd qusfcxdcyoAap y®unyq©u jg oanyi^ psAyaMed sqq
qnc poSac-w© eacq U3t$ S^^yqTycd uy ucyqedyoyqaod e^tdosd* aej feuyyyeo
®dncj6 3eiK.u.« pue aquaaSAOiH sesna G&x&y 4c ytaqq oy pwoa® mu •t}qu®adcy
UJ UDn^TO*H3tBd se8|dc®d(
ucj payiBO oA«q cqR Beyouefeo T®T9yjjo
puv equomu^AOb y©wyq®u jc yaqq @1
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NCIXWI3X1MW SijhdC3d
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*
2
"defeat©”* ’’change% and even "funding” by grant-giving agendas. C.
von*>guently* th*? word "participation1* has been distorted in many diractions
and th® word People ha® lost its social significance. ’*ho arg tho gBOpla ?
and what is it th-it they arc supposod to i^rtlclpatfe in ? ara questions
that nasd aloar answsrs if wo aro to sort out on© position from anothor.
At th© urMlSh ^Inquiry into Participation Aslan debate? held in India
in Harsh 1^3% nu*ny of tbs iasua© brought up and dl^cuBSJod in asrlisr
dsbatas war© recovered and placed in a rogijnal as wall as histurical
perspective ™ at least a systevuatic attempt tom aada to da so* in a
South Asian context* These Issugs are prassnled hare in th© form of a
serie a of tjuaetionsf
Sri Lanto
1
Th© movement in ^ri Lanka was centred around the cjntradiction
between
traders on the om hand and th© primary producers*
on the otlwr* ov??r the appropriation of the surplus. This was
I
in ths context of minimi landlessnoaa because cf the land
distribution progranws of a Lift Government, r&w a second contra
diction 1® ©merging between the? snsaller producers and some largor
producer® over th© control of the producer eooporotivas* How will
ths paoola ruaolvs thi© ?
2» Th© inaurgonoy was suppressed but tho young people who lad the
insurgency are still there in the villages. Thus political aonaciousneae is very much under the surface t particularly with the high
degree of education in the countryaid®. So far ths conflicts have
bffitsn with tho local trader©* Uihat will happen when tha opposition
oxt€4hd& to til® Colombo tradow ?
I
s
l
pREiimjAnv gsgyE
th£
3* So far the mobilisation ha® been on ©conomic last©a and at a
Rjicro*»loval. How can on© guaga the macro—level implications and
3
what can ba the nature of political eobilieatlon ? How will it be
affected by the developing contact of the producer a with the snrket ?
Can the process ba aecoleratod ?
4, Kaw values and new forms of organisation are created in the jrsall
producer groupings* But the healthy trend in the initial stages
tends to decay later on* The capacity of the ftouerrMaant to coopt
and absorb ths developing coneciouensss 1© also a major force to be
reckoned with* How can th© people and th© cadre prevent thia ?
Ranqladesh
1» After the national 11 boration move^nt ths loader ship was divided
along reformist and radical linac. Some of thong who stterapted
reconstruction efforts in small pockets soon can»o to realise that
without political poMr* zeal alone is not adequate for overcoming
ths problemsa The radicals considered reforos^aa efforts to buy
tins for ths ruling class. The reformists dlamiesad the radicals
as word-raongars and non-partlclpants in ths liberation v^r without
a mass base* Ftost of the theories were adopted from the International
arena without dabats, resulting in many splits, factions, and confu
sions* Vlhat will be ths direction of a people's movement in such a
context ? Mass based ? insurrectionary ? or gradualism ?
2* □ns My of an m?ring the theoretical quest ion© was tp go to and loarn
free the people, to understand Bangladeshi society, to live with ths
peasants and assess their desires* But what in to be the form end
content of such studies ? Hou to relate practice to theory ?
3« Aueh of dangledBah's raconetruotion la baaed on Motive foreign
u
funding and the preemee In Bangladesh of a largo number of foreign
development agenda •• There is the problesi of capital formatioru How
to break the dependenoy relatlonehipe • old and now ? 'dhat should be
4
the nature of ths programwis 1 * what people need and yet it will
be their own prograaan ?
4» The truggle for land has to be able to fight the repressive machinery>
to proliferate* to attack the designs of the ruling elite* Bangle—
dash has a flat terrain and a subtly repressive State apparatua* Xs
such a struggle poseiblo in euch a condition T So uhat la the altarv
native ?
c> is®
Tha relationship between ths micro and macro level activities is
an important one* An activity that may be directed towards alter
native power at tha micro-level raay also find no place at tho macroXevel as it ie absorbed by skillful government action* Is the acti
vity of participation* therefore* rovolutl jnary or comter-e^volu-
tionary ? Sines such activity 1c clearing up things that the eyatea
wants cleared up is this activity also what ths system wants ? ‘Jhat
is ths ideological difference ?
2« Aaogst mny norv-govammant groups there has been a history of the
tranaforaatlon from rotorsist action to radical actl-in ever a period
of tlmo« How does this tranforMtlon take place How la It related
to objective situations of unosployiMmtt povsrty, and struggles at
the ®acro* or aioro- levels ? Can It be accoleratsd-?
I
j
I
3* Caste factors have influenced industrial worker eovesonts as much as
rural struggles* Casto-baaed tsovements are beginning to exert tho*neslves* All this is within the eams social formation* So though ths
Dalits and the widdle-claes individuals coae to und^stand society
through different paths they are rebelling against the sane ay stem*
How does one understand the syoblosie of different aodes of exploi
tation ?
i
4* In Indian society t there has b-ien an unsurpassed stability over
thousands of years in which ths appropriation of surplus took place*
Ths 70 million rich at ths top today haua a vary us 11 -cteyvn loped
induotrial struct uro t a high psr*caplta inoowt a largs pool of
SGientifio manpower, and adequate foreign exchange rasarvss* But,
bccuaee of the supGr-sxpXoitation of the refining 600 million
ths internal sjeonomy is unable to expand
How arc th®s® 690 million.
ssattsred over an economy ranging from food-gathering to modern
industry, to cow together ? How doos the Stats contain ths 600
million
thoeo who drop out of .th© 73 million ?
5# Thfjre is th® phenomne of th© non—Party political group®* Hou do
thesss? groups share thair sxperisnen
do they analyse ?snd
arrive at an understanding of t!ie macro’^procsscss ? Kow can they
encour^no other® who have th® potential For radicalisation but are
afraid to plunge into struggle? k^ttat is the rala of the religious
institutions in the process of and support of ^radic^lisMtioii ?
THE FpRrdJUTIOW OF TH£ PR03L£mTIKA
Tn en attempt to bring ail these isolos to a focal paint for the South
Asian Hsgion a foraulation uas attempted as follows!
The basic dynamic that omrges is ono of:
Fragmntation
— Manipulation
Protest
fe^ff^ntatjen. la of tha u orking Glasses in ths process of production
because of the crisis of capitalism* Thia fragmentation, aomounded by
division within ths working claesas on elaea, aast'o, racial, and sexual
isetms^ is further st£x38»&3»i manipulated by the ruling claesee for
deplalticieation, distortion of aonsciouanass* Since ths crisis Xu not
overcom by tha manipulation and thsra app-aars to be no natiarm altar
native the people re ©pond by p.rqte^inq tteough non-Party political proce
sses and formations.
Unlike in Latin America, there ara no nation-wide popular mvomonts
II
1ii
6
throwing up pressing ieauee for dobato. Here, in the Region, there ie the*
pressnos of active individuals, groups, and mans movements throwing up issuas.
The point of referral, ttwroforr?, would be to see tho situation from tho
point of view of the non^Party politioal formationa as well a® to under
stand thn llmltetiO’>s of thasa format tone. The four specific area© of
ds&fete that emerge, then? ares
1. The spselfic frag-.sentatlcm® manifesting
ths miaro-levaX,
linkage to tM general fragiaantacian h<as to be oBtablisbsd, and to '
oonalder how to overcame tho fragmentation at tho uilcru/taacro levels.
2« The olaiss consciousness of the working clasvas is tfijstortod
Hoy to
anticipate, respond to, prwant recurrence of such rifts and dis
tortions*
3« In tho Ideological struggle bat.iasn th© classes the th&smtl&al
abstractions are not adequate. The peon la raseortd in h-jman terms,
How to recover, rsinterpret, reconstruct tha* cultural history of
protest as dissent, rasistance, a«d aseertiDn.
*■’
‘
4. Ths dynamics of the non-Party political group© hag to be invostla^lad
md under steads their birth and av alutian? the shift from ths microactivity to ths macro-undorstandlngg ths future of such forn^ationa.
notes
0£BATE TOGgTlgR
Tha challsnga io obg of bringing rosssrch to ralata to th? procGa® of
change* for each of the above four areas of debate Innovative work is
required in research and baeo-^^rk an el»o in tho arsa of aoetol ECfrone^
methodology* 9ut such innovative uork doos not l<a*/v to be manipulated out
of scratch, fortunately, it already exists - in bit a and pieces. The
objective criaos in the dynamic of fragmentation - Ranipjlat ton —
Pretest have already given birth to forms of protest in the field of
social aclanco research. Individual?) and institutions have alea fy begun
research and basoutork into parts of thn problojcatlka — without, parhaps.
having put all ttva parts together into thn uholo a© a conscious effort,
□na of the tasks of the South Asian debate is, therefore. abundantly clear:
I
To locate, identify, and try to bring tugethar individuals and iwait
institutions, already undertaking rasearch into component parts cf
the problastika, on to a cuiwon platform of debate and discussion.
Tho fsaeond tack of the South Asian debate ray not bo as? readily apprcwsQh—
eblo. In order to fill in th® gaps in the full canvass where r^aarch is
not already being done, it would bn necessary s
II To idmtify gaps in the research and to attempt to locate and
encourage cissh individual re oe arc tv? r 3 who uouln h«.iV9 tt>o back
ground and ability to fill In the gaps.
The third task would be the ’root difficult af all. South Asia ha© no
consistent tradition of radical social sciences. In the r^cont ;ast a
number of research institutions and publUatlone have nm^rgod be tha social
science methodology generally followed is either a behavioral analysts
or a repetition of onn of the existing political paradigms, dnat is ths
correct msthodology to bo f>llouod, which explain^ oost coherently the
complexity of the social reality ? - is a question the rtebato must addrees*
Consequently» the third task lox
III To initlvato and encourage debate into the adequacy or ottwwi^3 of
theoretical tools af research and t > attempt to
sat a direction for the search of an appropriata paradigm.
tfhll©, daubtlesa, once Initiated, the dabats proper will occupy a signi
ficant amdunt of tlm and effort it is important to n?ta that to initiate th®
debate itsalf urould ta'*e soma congistont activity* In orefor to complete the
above three tasks it should take about a ynar of susttinnd a;fort to covor
the research institutions and the significant non-Party political formations
and to begin discussions with individuals ’4ithin them» Hnn
i
full-time
with appropriate part-time assistance from threo ta four othors rnay Just
about be able to bring the debate together* Th© critical aleiwit, of course,
is wljathar ths situation i» ripe and concsrnad individuals are sufficiently
motivated to Juin ths debate. That is a quection that can only ba anwered
by ths effort.
■1
A
££&
The
ae<w Huvg^cmt
Tho bhuo^A $errti
Xn PoXyher atosteu Xn 19?U pri^rXXy
as a atru^gAa of tcX&aXo (AuXwatia) to rocovor Xano aXlenot^o fros tho
amalX peaaanta to th© saj^aO- &ha t^ro XnXtXeXXy XooaX aonoy l&noara*
1 hXa Xa a aXoely cbsucvad phancnenon Xn mbXX peasant &yrXouXto?a of
Aaxa> (tftiara Xn ©Mtrace caaaa after lanu aXXonatXon the paeaant hXaaesXf
OaccHBaa bonoaa to the Kone/ Xenoar ano raaohoa a near aXava atatya#
ThXa had happonad tn PaXghar»
Tha e^ccsaa of the atrug^lo ogatnat Xand
aXXanatXon and bondaa labour raswltao on the one hanu In th© growth of
the bhaoaX uana aova^unt ano on tha cthar tiand Xn tha aalnolXny aoonoalc
poucr of tha MMy lunuara a© a claaa*
in thu MatyXng n@w situation
tha weoManod Qonay lundora aro being gradually replaced by aactlona of
ths aXodle/rXch peasant proprXators aha are nou beginning to enter tha
field of aaa^ntlal money landing actlvltlsa of providing sorbing capital
a Di- consoaptlon loans to the poor peasants •
uhXls tha rate cf Interest
o©Ing chargaa by thM la highly ssplaltatlva« th© t^rXlor ayatsa of land
alienation through lane cortgags has busn cll^.lnatod«
Thu©, tne ch©rccter
of tha oMploltlng cXoqo Itself has bsgun to change saruuohat so a result
of earlier struggles ano thia In turn has corruaponuso to changes Xn the
nature of tha BhousX -tna ^ouanunt*
©ItuatIon r^o^alns houevort
bna crucXol link ulth the
both tha ©srlxer noney l^ncor© oho
lo&lng
^contoiu posor ana the n^sly ©asrglng racnay landing ileh psauont prot^*
rlabor ora ncn*Adlvs®l©«
internally, the bhooul S&na Bovseent ^Xch otartsd
as
q
or 1©2®
aponteneouo reaction of ths saploXtsd and oppr&sa^d ntilvaeJ.© on th^»
ciocX®1 and economic plana, found an Initial rallying pulnb In the
cwvu&unt against lend allenatlGn ano bonded labour\ Ths succoo of the
«
«
A not© prepared by Amlt Ghcdurl, U V S bfSilva, ftlranjan r<e<{&e0 MiXsur
Hahuan, Lobta Sovalo ar«u »-&nrt© ulgnara^a. August 1&77*
Coincident with th© official "<iM»olntw progtamm® of the loulra Ganshl
gouurm^nt at this Juncture*
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
^•(HrstRoorjSt. Marks Ro^
BA JVG ' l o i e - 5G0 001
• A.2 -
•ovMant on thoaa specif io Issues crest sc* first* an awaronooa that
it was within their power to chongo the exploitative ooslwsconoalc
oroor with which they wore in siroct contact*
The organisation of the
Shoottl Sena as a political organ grow out of this self-awareness of
the power they coula collectively wield*
pmanl^atlOT an<*
Thus* soo.nionoAtjt gave ria® to
organisation now la seeking to channel spontaneity
of ths Aclvaols toworua struggle on wore carefully oellbersted specific
issues*
At the aoaent* the Bhoual Sofia is beginning to take up ouch
specif1c issues as ainlaua wa^o eno gverontood waployaent sahesieo through
extensive discusolon aaong the Aalvsalo*
The newly saorglng feature is
that those CioGusoiono «ro often actively initiated by the bhooai tone
to heighten awsroncso of those problvao*
in ths largor oontsMt* It twees oaphaals that al A the ioausa
so fe* ohossn by the Bhoeal 5ana for atrugfile hawe one ooaaon charoctsrAat&ci their aeaanoa are ell for tights grantee the® by the laws
for struggle so far
of ths loMe fra® thia point of vleui their
has arisen In the context of non*Xapls«wntatlon of the existing laws«
But U la also equally loportant to note that thsso legs! coMonoa
represent 0000 of their aost la eolately pressing problems. Un the
ether hanOf In casea shore they hate felt that laplsauntatlon of la®
will not be feasible within ths present ooclQ-oconoslo framework
(oeg«t the etrlng^nt lass about t©r®o of private lonolny In nahorashtra)t
they have not taken up these legal issues oven if they era proeelng*
Although ths Ghooal Sans Movea^nt has been ongsgec in the
struggle for realising the legal righto of the Aolvael^t Its own
origin in apontansouo rebellion egainot in^uotioo and ita organisation
into a politioal organ have thcaaolvao bean outsibo the foraal politico*
awainlatrative fraraeworke
in thio osnaw* it la not the authorltloo
who ironafarreU power to the bricssil bane to laplsosnt the leal
rather*
it le the colleotlvu power of the exploltob Aolvaolo which got cryotalispO
Into ths forMtlon of ths bhooal Sena as an organ of peopled power*
>■
•» A*3 •=•
lhAs iWteAy torn powet cacti* oorc
e countervailing pa^er elac<3 fet
encoring th® proper Ift-plcaacntatlco cf l«u rather thcan esi an laple®«ntlng
bocy cr&afcec froa thu tup#
Thwat pwopl®*® poowr'lo primarily «
countervdllny power In thio cc^teMtj runctlonlng tulthln thj logoi
f raMwcrk*
* ui •
MfAtfitlpng m Pw<4r*r Powar Arltinq Pul Cf BhetwA r>tni
<•
Peopla'a pohiur io cxsetsd aa a countervailing puw<,» through
apontanauuo «asa action*
2e
Spontaneity leaco through a hhightcning of owaroneoo into
organisation* Power ia inetitutionolixeO*
in this prtxeea of inatitutianaliration* the power of the
institution one the power of the pscipio hove recoinea
coinciawnti pavpl«*o power hoe not been trentst orma into
the power of the loauura/inelilutiun over the people*
why?
Tha awareness of tthoaai Sena af the poaeibility of
auch a tranaforaation ano ita canoeieuu efforts to
Guunterocl it* by
O
Cooree continually coving aaung the people eno
integrating with thoa*
lit
on<jwMrag«Mnt of apontonoouo aotton*
1U.
otyXo of AoaoorohXp*
non-foraal arganiaational Structure (e*g*» role
lions hip bstween Uhocei vena ano Tarun hancal)*
v«
oiacueoiono in open foruo » noh~caarea have tha
same righto of participation ano aecia ion tacking
aa the caorao* whenever they are present at a
oloeueaion.
a oliMto cheuvraging critical reflection*
!>•
Tha ralatlvo coallnaas of the area af operation* l«e«t
the apace eleaent ia atill favourable*
Ge
Tiea too io atill net a constraint becauao of tha
specific relationohlpo of power in the ailou in which
it ia growing*
i
I
• 9
- C.2 •
Ifia upeclfXc £jhoo(»A U;na aoumaom
cwvurai
X»auea ra^tttdln^ tha r&ture and ecopa of pwplo’& p^w^s,«
In this opuclflc context people's pou^r £& in the precuasm
I
gottiny organlrod -n onetltutlonol fure^ to act e® fe frjhfffiK
ex^r”
claue of farMl pow>r9 c& l<s rafloctou In Ito l&^l±tlny mtura*
This neoao to bo conlrotMtou for analytical purpeswa alth a giltyatlen
whera people’s power largely or folly windues dth formal pow^r
o«g»» In an i^coiato pu«t*r^volutlonary altuctluna
counterwalllnw power elt^yoi
n^ao, not
Ih« pfcCpXts®© paeor
Xt My
hc-u@
st laeat tha tg^iid^PO character uf ths ruling po^r« bn that u&hor
hanu, countorwolXlhy power la not ulwayo paople*^ power*
The Golndoanca of forMl power with people ’o pow^r has uesn
transitory in history*
bines eoauntlolly it io
character to formal power» it waula n® kon^r^^Ly ®or© fruitful to thlnh
of people•• power aa count@rv&lllng« but people'o pewr in this for^
can aalet wither ao a hwi^huneo ^aae conaclooan&atf reaoy to be £smont*»
arlly moblllaoo and oct epontanoouely or altematlvely» it can ms
Inotltutlonallreu*
In general* people•« power wnlwea in©tltutlcrwll3.ase
cannot oct c» a sufficient chock to yro^a alauao of formal pow^r*
uhan
Inotltutlpnelired* howwwt?rf new olalectlca tone to fc® ^ensratad aspera
ting forwl power frou countsrv&ilin^ power
C-oimt&rvuXlin^ pow^r> Xn$tituttonalXsoci ur oth^r&lo&t con
with this form! pwor proportionately «e an Xntornol proccoa (»3 In
Ublneae cctoi^unoaj* but It can also prow or ovOtionly
In direct
concraalctlon to yptafrllshag fos^uel pow^r«
7ha cancip^ of cuuntorvailXn^ puuor
dooa not
wXtt) forswaX po^or
to capture auffXcXentXy the motive forc& af uuch po^r
C&3 **
Uylna to oeptusa tho lr»aUtutisn« af««t«sa fas? thw mwrcA.® ef farraal
pofess*
Typically* saunfcorwaUInsj powar gcpwinjj in conteauActlcn Ao
eetabilahad paoac often tea th® cbscaotoristio of either captorina*
raMliins er oeetrcyina inatitutlon. of faraal pOM* - to »tert afwoh
iss®An.
\ la
RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND BUILDING UP PEOPLE’S POWER
INTRODUCTION;
Indian society is at crossroads. Different economic,
social and political contradictions are reflected in frequent
strikes, gheraos, atrocities against the oppresses and their
retaliation in some cases.
The economy has no doubt deve
loped since Independence but major benefits of this development
went to a small number of people both in rural and urban areas.
There are tides of expectations that cannot be fulfilled
without some structural changes in the socio-economic and
political set up.
POLITICAL PARTIES AND GROUPS 5
With the emergence of new contradictions the old methods
of resolving them are proving worthless.
Political parties
appear to be caught in the merry-go-round of power and people
at large feel that their utility as instruments of revolu
tionary change is very limited.
A number of groups have began
to work at grass-roots, among the rural areas where political
parties have not reached except for election meetings,
It is
difficult to estimate the number of such groups as new groups
are coming into existence practically every month. The groups
have different motivations, but a somewhat similar method of
work.
Some groups are clearly politically motivated and would
like to spread revolutionary consciousness among the poor.
They want to end the present social system built on exploita
tion of man by man.
A radical and’ planned effort along can
change the situation.
The industrial proletariat appears to
be well entrenched in the capitalist system.
»
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
47/1,
Fsoor)St. Marks Hoad
LAiV
<oaE-&soooi
Trade unions
9
a
It is possible in the beginning to create informal
fronts of different groups doing similar type of work. This
of course will require tact and humility. A genuine sense
of friendship and lack of patternalism is necessary to achieve
this goal. A number of groups will develop new activities
and perspectives during the process of coming together. This
may take up few years but this will really help to build up
people’s power. There can be no development nor liberation
without building up people’s power.
This is not an easy task
but nothing really worthwhile is easy.
One who knows a number
of grass-root groups and their work sees rays of hope in the
present era of darkness.
Sharad D. Kulkarni
Centre for Tribal Conscientization
884 Ambrai Camp
Deccan Gymkhana
Pune-411004.
8
root workers becomes the last meeting.
There are several
groups which are led by Christian youths belonging to dif
ferent orders.
Attempts are being made by the senior persons
of these orders to bring^t.ogether organisers belonging to
their order.
Such attempts do have limited results. However,
such gatherings are not attended by not only the non-Christian
organisers but also the organisers belonging to different
Christian orders.
All the groups do feel the necessity of having some
contact with others, particularly in the presentapolitical
context.
The agency or the group which really desires to
make an attempt to bring these groups together must have
something to offer in return, and this something must not be
finance.
The group must be ready to visit micro-level groups
in the fields to organise tahsilwise or districtwise meetings.
A group which is not itself a grass-root organisation can do
this work more effectively than any grass-root organisation.
Small groups hesitate to attend meetings called by big grass
root organisation as they are afraid that the latter will
swallow them rather than help them.
MICRO—GROUPS, CONSCIENTIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT:
Revolution from below appears to be the only solution
to solve the problem of socio-economic stagnation. The exis
tence of different grass-root groups will definitely help to
accelerate the process of revolution from below. It is
necessary to bring such groups together on an informal basis
and also to help the creation of groups in the areas where
there is no such work.
This is not an easy task.
A number
of micro—groups have their vanities and prejudices. However,
the fear of impending repression in prompting them to seek
wider cooperation.
7
Most of these have failed.
Some intellectuals try to convene
meeting of such group leaders and try to bring them together.
If the attempt is on an All India Scale, it invariably fails.
First the convenors know only of large groups whose activities
have received sufficient publicity. Secondly the absence of
any common approach between the groups makes it impossible
to create all India platform.
All India meetings often end
with revolutionary speeches, resolutions and no action. Even
statewise attempts to bring different groups together have
achieved little success.
Here again the differences in app
roaches and the methods of work come in the way.
But the
real hurdle is that the inviting agency has nothing to offer
to these groups.
The organisers of different groups initially
attend such annual meetings and the really active amongst
them gradually drop out and the annual meetings become a
ritual attended mostly by not-very-active groups.
Some
funding agencies also try to bring different groups together.
These also yield no real result. The grass-root workers do •
not expect any guidance on perspective an the method of work
from these donor agencies.
The donor agencies in turn are
mostly foreign based and are unable to guide anybody in
respect of perspective and structural changes.
The meetings
called by them are mainly attended by their clients.
meetings are comfortable and nothing more.
The
Some universities
and institutions and institutes of social work have also
tried to build-up a sort of coordinating organisation of such
micro-level groups. These have also achieved little success.
Such meeting starts with a very elaborate and a learned
lecture by the chief of the Institute or some x^rofessor who
has never been at grass-roots for a single day in his life.
The phrases borrowed from Marx, Gandhiji, Gramsci, Freire
and others bring occasional applause but the grass-root
workers attending the meeting realise the emptiness of the
show and the first meeting to bring together different grass-
6
TYPES OF WORK?
These groups are doing different types of work,
A
number of groups ^re organising the people for the implemen
tation of progressive laws like employment guarantee scheme
in Maharashtra, minimum wages acts for agricultural labours,
laws giving land rights to the poor. Some of these groups
also take up the social issues of the harrasment of the lower
caste by higher caste, while some groups avoid social issues.
Some groups are carrying on the work of medical aid and
education, while some help the people to obtain bank loans
and government aid for different schemes.
Many groups are
taking up the issues of exploitation of the people by traders,
money-lenders, land-lords, police and other village officials.
RELATIONSHIP WITH POLITICAL PARTIES?
Most of these groups have no direct links with any
political party.
Some of the workers do have leanings to
wards one party or the other.
Political parties in turn also
look at these groups with suspicion.
Local leaders of all
political parties look at these groups as rivals. Political
parties try to woo these groups at the time of elections.
Some of these groups take a rather a-political attitude and
denounce all political parties.
While the more reasonable
groups know their limitations and admit the necessity of
political parties in the present political set-up.
RELATIONS WITH OTHER GROUPS ?
At present most of these groups are separate and
scattered.
Even the groups working in close vicinity have
no contacts and common strategy.
Several efforts are being
made to bring together these groups to form a common front.
5
crisis theoreticians have come to the front creating social
assistance institutions and employing armies of social
workers. These will never solve the problem of development
which is really the problem of people’s liberation. What
is needed is not just to supply finance or physical inputs
to the poor but to go to the people to create critical
consciousness and to help them to enter the struggle to
change the socio-economic reality.
MICRO-GROUPS g
Luckily in India there are several micro-level groups
working with the people and organising them against oppression
and exploitation.
Some of these groups cover large areas of
about 150 villages while many groups limit their activities
to about 10 villages. Some groups have been working for more
than a decade while a number of groups are very recent.
Several groups are formed every year.
IDEOLOGIES s
These groups have different ideologies.
There are few
groups which believe in the immediate annihilation of class
enemies. Their attempts win immediate sympathy of poor but
attract attention of the police and these groups and their
sympathisers soon become targets of police oppression. Some
groups have a clear perspective of the structural changes to
be made in the socio-economic and political set-up. These
groups have a clear but broad leftist egalitarian perspective.
Some groups are started by persons who have rather romantic
ideas of work while some have began their work only on broad
humanitarian basis.
4
ready to build a society without oppression and not just
to change the places of the oppressor and the oppressed.
To awaken critical consciousness among the poor is and must
be the real task of the groups that try to build up people's
power.
Critical self insertion into real action of the
oppressed will ultimately transform the reality of oppression.
This is particularly necessary in India where the culture
of silence is age old and has taken the form of caste hierarchy.
This cultural oppression due to the structural relation between
the dominated and the dominators must end.
We see in India
certain revolts against the dominating castes and classes,
but these are sporadic. They indicate the emergence of
popular consciousness but this is not enough.
Symbolic
action and temporary anger do not change the society.
The
groups will have, therefore, to try to create revolutionary
consciousness and a continuity of action that alone will
change the oppressive structure.
not doing it.
The political parties are
They emphasise slogans and denunciation. They
are content with symbolic actions and ter porary anger. They
have neither the will nor the capacity to create revolutionary
critical consciousness ,uamong the people below the poverty
line.
Political leaders and
the revolutionary intellectuals
try to create revolutionary consciousness through learned
and not-so-learned articles.
In a country like India where
the majority of poor are also illiterate these articles have
little impact.
A number of institutions have been trying to impart
the knowledge of new agricultural methods to the small and
poor farmers.
Their efforts also appear to have achieved
little success, excepting cases where people were involved
in organising such programmes. They also suffer from the
defects of government efforts like patternalism, control
and non-reciprocity between experts and laymen.
A number
3
REVOLUTION FROM BELOW 2
The other way is that of the revolution from below.
The way is slow but sure.
One must work at grass-roots and
organise people below the poverty line and slowly and
steadily fight the class and caste domination. One cannot
-wait for a readymade agent of socialist revolution.
The
only way is to create a revolutionary consciousness among
the exploited through repeated struggles. This will help
the creation of a socialist democracy in two ways. First
this will weaken the grip of the class and the caste over
the people, and secondly it will also create some sort of
infrastructure for the working of a socialist democracy.
It must be remembered that conditions in India differ from
village to village, district to district and state to state.
It is, therefore, not possible to lay down any uniform form
of organisation or strategy.
Only requirement should be
that the organisations must be of the oppressed and the
ultimate object must be the structural change in the society.
Of ccarsfe, these organise, -ions will have to take up some
immediate issues. Majority of the persons do not fight for
abstract ideas in somebody's head.
They' fight for some
immediate gain that will improve their lives.
The main
task of organisers is to organise people's struggle in such
a way that they will realise that their ultimate development
lies in the change of socio-economic structures.
DEVELOPMENT s
Real development is liberation of the oppressed frcsn
the cultural burden upon-their minds.
The oppressed must
first be prepared to denounce oppression in all forms.
There is no real annunciation without denunciation. While
getting prepared to end oppression the oppressed must be
2
of different complexions want workers to have a larger share
in the cake.
revolution.
They cannot be used as an instrument of social
REVOLUTION FROM ABOVEs
There is
revolution from above due to the capture of state power.
One can approach revolution from two sides,
This capture can take place in two ways, an armed revolt of
the military and/or of the people, and capture of power through
elections. Insurrections led to revolution in Russia and
China, but only in an atmosphere of civil war and external
aggression, The Indian state is too powerful to allow a
leftist insurrection,
Some parties are, therefore, relying
on elections as a means of. creating a socialist society.
ELECTIONS;
however, it is difficult for any party to capture all
the state legislatures and the Parliament to create a
socialist state, Elections are very costly and the vested
interests are too powerful to allow any leftist party even
to contest all the seats. Indian society is divided not
only by classes but also by castes.
role in elections.
Castes play a powerful
It, therefore, appears very difficult
to create a socialist state through elections.
Political parties have lost their credibility. Even
the leftist parties have been unable to unite against
totalitarian capitalist forces. There is a clear division
among the broad socialist activists and leftists who believe
in a totalitarian state.
The situation is one of despair.
.
*
CSS - SURAT
Caste-Class Colloquim
28-29 April, 1981.
CLASS/ CASTE AND LAND IN INDIA:
AN INTRODUCTION ESSAY
Gail Omvedt
I
’’Farmers8 agitations” and ’’atrocities on Harijans” these seem to be vying for space on the front pages of India’s
daily newspapers• On the one hand, in the name of "peasants
unite.” rural militants have been blocking roads, burning
train stations and going on hundreds-of-mile long marches.
On the other hand, caste, the age-old source of rural dis
unity, has been apparently coming to the fore in brutal
attacks on low-caste labourers in Belchhi, Bajitpur, Pipra
and in the massive pogroms in Marathwada, the campaign against
giving land to the landless at Kanjhawala, and the month
long battle of dalits and caste Hindus in Gujarat. And
such agitations and attacks are occuring not only in the more
feudal, backward and impoverished areas of the countryside
such as Bihar but also in the ’’modern’’ and capitalistically
developed regions like Gujarat, Punjab and Maharashtra.
One thing seems clear and that is that though caste
is a crucial factor in these struggles, the current events
are a disproof of western-derived academic theories of poli
tics which have emphasized the integrative and even "demo
cratic" role of caste. Such theories, with their functiona
list and idealist biases, have seen peasants as passive,
villagers as torn only by factional conflicts among the rural
elite, and untouchables and other low-caste labourers as
too helpless and dependent to revolt. The farmers’ agitations
and the organizations behind them—however much they may be
in the interest of and led by the rich farmers—have shown
peasants ready to surpass local factionalism to go into battle.
And in the case of the attacks on dalits, Marxist analysis
have clearly shown the class factors lying behind these, the
struggle between sharecroppers and landlords or labourers and
kulaks and - a qualitatively new factor - the increasing
readiness of the most suppressed and proletarianized sections
of Indian society to rise up and fight for their rights
even in the face of the most brutal repression.
Similarly, the old models of caste-based "vote banks"
and politics as a game of the village "dominant caste" are
clearly incapable of explaining the varying political align
ments of the last decade - the swings from Indira Gandhi
to Janata and back again - or the underlying factors which are
influencing voting. The new forms of political parties, in
communjty health cell
I
(First■ fj
- !oor)St. iV
•*
L.
... t - ’■•
-
.*
2
«
particular-the Congress (I) and the BJP# their tendencies/
efforts to bedome cadre parties while building up a single
’’supreme leader”/ their efforts to make ideological appeals
to all sections of the population^ reveal the inadequacy
of the old political model' of the Congress and its opposition
parties* These old political models were themselves based
on a particular image of the Indian village (in which class
factors were much less significant than caste-based align
ments and in which political, social and economic life was
solidly controlled by a "dominant caste elite") which itself
is no longer trues the village is now revealed to be increas
ingly torn by a complex of class and caste contradictions
which are bursting out.everywhere on the national political
arena.
So those who claimed that "class" and "class stru
ggle” have no place in the very unique society of India have
been silenced by’the emergent historical reality. However,
the traditional Marxist analyses are also showing themselves
as not fully adequate* The view that though there are class
differences among the peasantry (rich, poor, landless, etc.)
these are non-antagonistic and the main contradiction is
between "peasants" as a group and landlords has left the
major communist parties fairly helpless in building an inde
pendent rural political movement based on the rural toilers.
And the idea that in regard to atrocities "caste is nonly
a form, the reality is class struggle" does not explain why
the form of caste has become so important, what its material
base is, and how the revolutionary movement should deal
with this,.
I
Similarly it has to be admitted that though there is
a heroic tradition in India of both anti-caste and left-led
peasant and agricultural labourer struggles, these have
largely also failed to deal with the present crisis - or
rather, shown their limitations. For "atrocities" and caste
riots have taken place not only in the land of Gandhi but
also in areas such as Tamilnadu and Maharashtra where an
anti-caste non-Brahman movement has been strong; "atrocities
against Harijans" occur even in Kerala where feudal relations
seem to have been wiped out the most thoroughly and that too
under left leadership which participated in anti-untouchabi
lity as well as peasant movements; vethbegar and landlord
kulak dominance continues in severe form in Telengana, centre
of India’s biggest peasant revolt in history; dalits appear
to be the most suppressed in Bihar, earliest homeland of
the KisanSabha; and it appears that in spite of its strength
the left in Bengal is some twenty years behind the Congress
in Maharashtra in taking decisive anti-feudal steps in the
countryside. All of this suggests an inability to carry
forward these traditions of struggle under the new conditions
of changing agrarian relations in independent India.
p
I
3
What is the connection between “class’’ and “caste”
in rural India today, and what is its role in relation" to
both the old and developing forms of agrarian relations of
production? -This issue of Teaching Politics presents
articles giving detailed analyses of states from every region
of India that shed important light on this question. This
article is an initial attempt to present a theoretical and
overall view.
1.
Theoretical Background
The origins ox the caste system in India are shrouded
in mystery• The most predominant and widely popular theory
■ traces it to the Aryan invasion of Indian and links it to
the process hy whicn the invaders could subordinate the
indigenous inhabitants and integrate them as peasants and
slaves within a stratified societyn Thus it is believed that
the ’’twice-born” castes. Brahmans, Ksatriyas and Vaisyas,
are descended primarily from the original Aryans or later
invaders from outside, while the masses of sudras, Ati-sudras
and tribal peoples, the majority of Indian peasants and workers,
are descended primarily from the conquered non-Aryan natives.
In South India, where there vzere few castes recognized as
Ksatriyas and even aristocratic landlords were often classi
fied as sudras, the majority of the population are thought
to be non-Aryans or Dravidians, while in north India a
larger section are considered of Aryan origin while only
tribals, ex—untouchables and other low castes emphasize thei r
non-Aryan and indigenous descent.
This ’’popular^level theory was originated first by
racist-oriented'British and European scholars and in parti
cular by H.H. Risley, a British Census Commissioners, such
scholars argued that there were basic racial and physical
differences among the various castes. This “Aryan theory"
was quickly taken over by Indians, at first by Brahman intelle
ctuals who sought to use it to prove their superiority over
the low castes within India and their racial equality with the
"white men", and later by cultural radicals such as Jotirao
Phule and the leaders of the non-Brahman movement in Tamilnadu who stressed the equality and moral superiority of the
original non-Aryans or "Dravidians."!
of all non-Brahman
intellectuals and leaders, in fact it was only B.R. Ambedkar
who really rejected the racial theory. But as an explanat
ion of caste, the "Aryan theory" is inadequate. It does
not explain why the Indo-European invasions should have
given rise to caste in India only and not elsewhere, nor why
caste seems to be strognest in the areas least affected by
such invasions (i.e. south India). in addition, as Morton
Klass has pointed out, there is no proof at all of any massive
ivasions by racially distinct groups in the 2000-1000 BC
period, and there seem to have been elements of traits
j
4
connected with caste that were indigenous to the pre-Aryan
Indian societies (Klass, 1980).
Klass's recent book. Caste: The Emergence of the
South Asian Social System, puts forward an alternate hypo
thesis. He argues that caste originated with the first deve
lopment of an economic surplus in India and that it was the
means by which tribal societies consisting of originally
equalitarian clans adjusted to the inequality generated by
this surplus. This would place the origin of caste at the
very beginning of Indian class society, with the first develop
ment of settled rice and.wheat agriculture in the subconti
nent leading to the rise of the Indus valley cities.
In
this view, the system was adjusted to and modified by Aryans
and other invaders, but the theories these■Sanskritic-speaking
peoples formulated to explain it only served to give it a
firm ideological foundation, and hardly prove that they
themselves "invented-' caste.
Whatever may be the case, whether it had its beginn
ing with Aryan invasions or earlier, it is clear that caste
in India has existed for a very long period and that it has
survived through major socio-historical changes, for India
has certainly not been an "unchanging" society from 2000 EC
or 1000 EC to the present. It has undergone major shifts
in systems of production, forms of political rule and culture.
In Marxist terms, we say that caste has coexisted with
several.different modes of production, from the very earliest
ones which we would define essentially as tributary modes
through the feudal period up to the present when capitalism
has come to dominate and caste, though it is takino
taking on new
forms, is clearly far from vanishing. From this we can
conclude that caste cannot be identified with any single mode
of production as such, though certainly the existence (in
both these characteristics it is similar to patriarchal
structures and women's oppression).
At the same time, caste had a very different relation
to Indian feudalism and existed then in a very different
form than it does today in the period of rising capitalism,
and this also has to be taken into account in analyzina the
nature of caste, class and land in India.
An analysis should begin with some basic definitions.
First/ what is caste ? Though there is often violent dis
agreement among scholars, Marxist and otherwise, about the
origins of caste, its relation to the rest of the social
structure and in particular to the economy, there is a sur
prising amount of agreement about what caste actually is.
Caste is a system in which a person's membership in the
society is mediated through his/her birth in a particular
group which is assigned a particular status within a broad
social heirarchy of such groups; this group has a particular
accepted occupation or range of occupations ^nd only within
it can a person marry and carry on close social relations
5
such
as interdining (roti-beti
is a corporate group that has r ” -^Y^frar). This group
defined rules of
behaviour for its menders at certain
exercizes
---some degree of
authority over them, including the
right
A
•.
defy its authority, a
■ - •Lxy“t’ to exPel those who
A person is born into such a group,
is a lifelong member (unless
expelled) and is not able to
legitimately join any other group.
As many scholars, from Irawati Karve to Morton
Klasshave pointed out, this most basic
group
system is not actually the in-r-i ox'
.. ? or unit of
-- the
subcaste or potjati (kla-^s
+- '',aste but rather the
circles"),
system which regulate marriaa^
ctionmg units of the
by special names (e.g. ToSSlai
" tO their members
Their membership has been eshmf-^i lalas, Somvanshi Mahars).
5000 and 15,000 each (Marriott' and Inden ^7^
turn, these groups are known
1 19'4. 985). m
by the name of their jati (e a ts
soclGtlT largely
During the feudal period? wher^the clsttd32^ Maha S)’
tained by the feudal state, the iatis themFY™ was^main“
concrete social existence as th
thcmselves
a
division of labour, (and the iati FF UnF °f the social
’’occupational I™e' mGaning "Peasant", "barber", "Jotter"
or
the like), but today che Jatis exist only as clusteJs of
a
certain • brSd^taSlFs
sSn^aS
subcastes
I
r
L
(
f
OT3Uara3
I
Phenomenon; the^bcastF^hich\asSb-et%Fiinarily 3
ment within it is primarily a unF
F hS m°St endurin9 elekinship, though the broadet iat-?F'0'1'2 social system of
basic unit of9JociJl Sv^So^B TF
time the
economy)and even Sd^ clsS stints FF’
°f the
effects.
7
still has definite economic
i
most people view tbo Issue. HO„eV(ir 2e fool ?hts S ,
vulgarization of
.. Marxism,
Marxism
class should be basically defined in
terms of the Marxist c'-conct.pt of the social relations of
production, and this is r
it is commonly known chatnot such a simple concept”.' Of course
■- Marx himself never identifies the'
"economic” or the "base” ,simply with technology or the
labour process (which he j
■ normally calls the "forces of
production”) but rather
sees this as' a comnination of forces
and.relations of production.
Perhaps the most comprehensive
definition
----- comes from Volume
111 of Capital :
The specific economic form, in
•' which unpaid surpluslabour is pumped out of direct
■
producers,
the relationship of ruler and~~ ruled,
as it determines
grows
directly out of the production itself.
and in turn
I
I
i
l
t
I
6
T,
!
4.
d
I .X
I-
i
I
1
I
reacts upon it as a ueuermining
determining element,
element. upon this,
however9 is founded the entire formation of the
economic
.
community, ,which grows up
out of the pro
duction relations chemselves, thereby simultaneously
its specific political form. it is alsays the direct
of fc^e owners of the means of production
<-he direcu producers, a relation always naturally
corresponding to labour and thereby its social pro
ductivity, which reveals the i nermost secret, and
with"1!?
tiie entire soc±al structure, and
with it the political form of the relation of
sovereignty and dependence. This does not prevent
he same economic basis - the same from the stand
point of its mam conditions - due to innumerable mmterracia?P^rtCr^ Clrcwtances, natural environ
ment, racial relations, external historical influences
etc. from shewing infinite variations, and gradations
in appearnace, which can be ascertained only by
SSV*;^empirically given clrcumstanees.
ii i . • iiie complecatron here has two aspects, ^irst. the
"relations ot production" are really glJen t^o defXitJons
in this passage, first in terms of the form "in which unn^H
surplus labour is pumped out of the direct producers", and
econd in terms of the relation of the "owners of the means
°Lp^°dUCtl?n Po
airect producers" - and these two may
not be precisely the same (e.g. tool-owning artisans exploited
via the jajmani system';.► c_
Second/ the form ”in which unpaid
surplus labour is purped out" in
—i many societies may concre—
tely include eccnomi.p, oo^ial and political factors mingled
together^, while Marx is specifically taking only the economic
aspect of this relation or norm to define the “social” relations of production", and this is often
something of a formalistic abstractions
MPX himself of course recognised and stressed that
k. S reallY onlY Wlth the Dirth of capitalist society that
from^e^rolitlcaT fc°
a® a concrete, phenomenon separate
rom he politica-, oo^ial and other levels of society
hv rh<=
same token it is only with capitalism that classes come into
existence as phenomena clearly and apparently defined fir-t at
the economic level, the level of production.
In contrast in
precapitalist societies, classes which are defined 2n terms
of the relations of production and always exist whenever there
is a surplus "pumped out of the direct producers, aS XoKld
along with these relations in social, religious oolitical
and other superstructure! forms.
political
r.- a- 4-‘rhUS-i^ is only in a very formalistic sense that we
can distinguish "caste" and "class", and say~that one is
mainly a "social" and the other is mainly an "economic"
concept/ and that both have probably coexisted in India since
inequality,
m concrete ract, the situation was more complex.
7
In pre-capitalist Indian society
(we may
may say
society (we
say with
with
the fullfledged feudal period
about 600 AD), unpaid
surplus labour was pumped out of directl producers via a
system that was itself defined and organized in terms of
caste; while the subcastes vzere a basic unit of the kinship
system the jati itself was a class phenomenon and was a
basic unit of the division of labour, with this caste
structured the very
t--- nature and existence of the exploiting
and exploited sections, jExactly how this
-- > was so we shall
try to define
fin the next section.
But
the result was that
it was impossible to speak of a "caste system"
and a "class
structure" as separate concrete phenomenon; the two in
fact were interwoven
(thus those
. „
,
---- who say that in feudal
society
• 4. " C^ass and caste coincided" in a sense are right)
and in fact we should say that the Indian feudal social
formation was actually based on.a caste-feudal mode of
production.
——— ---------Today, though, "class" and "caste" are senarate and
we speak of the dominance of a simple capitalist mode of
production. The reason is, that the beginning of capitalism
under colonial rule not only began to create new classes
(workers, bourgeoisie) but also began a process of separating
out a
caste system " from the "class structure".—This
meant on the one hand redefining and reshaping castes
new kind of social phenomenon; it'
also meant redefining and
reshaping classes in the rural areas as ’'landlords”/
"tenants" and "labourers" even before the 'emergence of the
new capitalist rural classes of kulak
-- -- farmers and agricultural
labourers.
'
Today/
with this redefined caste system maintained under the dominance of
-- a capitalist mode of production/
what we are faced with is a very complex mixture of caste
and class, a mixture that i as tremendous regional variations,
Not only do more "feudal" and
nd "capitalist” forms of classes
and vice versa though now both exist
--- a on a separate basis.
One conclusion :from this
;.1_ is that low castes and
especially
the ex-touchables (dalits) arez like women/
. ,,
__, one t' ‘ can and must organize
independently, one wh^o>e liberation
iberation is crucial for iany revglution in India.
1tney
-~- are
-- also_) a section whose majority are
proletarianized toilers — agricultural labourers and workers.
But as a
; section, their nature is different
- - from that of
the basic revolutionary class, ithe proletariat/ and it is unscientific
and misleading- to speak
. n
.
x
of "caste and class" as
parallel phenomena and parallel struggles in which the work
ing class leacis an economic revolution while the dalits lead
an anti-caste revolution.
Now because the new form of
cast£ is conditioned by and under the dominance of capitalism/
it can only be abolished by a social evolution under the
leadership of the proletariat. But at the same time/ because
caste still is a material reality with a material base and
important economic results, because it has become in fact the
primary means for dividing the toiling masses, it is equally
-
(
__
’
.
-
a
s
‘
a
-
8
dangerous to ignore caste, to suggest that dealing with it
can be "postponed" until after the revolution or that
"economic unity" can come first, and to argue that "all
struggles are class struggles but they only have a caste
form." Caste is not only form but also concrete material
content, one that now must be solved as a crucial obstacle
before any revolutionary movements in fact, the mechanical
tendency to overlook the superstructure has led to ignoring
the ways that this social system of caste has historically
shaped the very basis of Indian economy and society and
continues to have crucial economic implications today.
The rest of this paper will first outline the basic
structure of caste-feudal society in India. Then it will
summarize the changes that occurred under British rule and the
varying forms of class (or "class-caste") struggle that took
place then.
Finally the new class structure and the role
of caste in the rural areas in the post-colonial bourgeois
state will be examined with as much attention to regional
variation as possible.
2. Caste-Feudal society
There is a broad agreement among Marxist scholars
that by the time of the British conquest the Indian socialformation was primarily feudal in character, though the^e
were elements and survivals of other forms of exploitation,
particularly tributary forms in the case of the Mughal
empire and the south Kosambi, Pavlov, Gough, Gardezi).
There were also of course interspersed areas of tribal modes
of production, and one broad region (Jharkhand) had its
character defined by the fact that tribal modes prevailed for
a much longer period of time (sengupta, 1980; Singh, 1978)•
But in the rest of India • feudalism was dominant and was
characterized by the fact that the most important mens of
production, the land,was essentially controlled by feudal
exploiting classes at the village level* Periodically the
ruling states (both the Mughals and Hindu states) laid claim
to "ownership" of the land but in practice were not able to
enforce this; while on the other hand the main producing
classes (peasants, artisans and labourers) had certain types
of rights to the land and to the means of production, they
were primarily subordinant tenant, dependent on the village
feudals for their access to the land and their performance
of their functions.
But the nature of these village feudal classes and
the very structuring of the relations of production they
dominated were defined in terms of the caste system. To
understand how this worked, we shall begin with two points
made about the traditional system by non-Marxist scholars
and then turn to some insights of the Russian historian
V*I* Pavlov.
9
The first important observation is that of Andre
Beteille, who has pointed out that along with the thousands
of castes, there were also in fact Indigenous "class"-type
classifications that divided the rural population of India into
four or five main socio-economic groups according to their
position in the system of production. in Bengal these were
zamindars, jotedars (most often big ryots or big tenants),
bargadars (sharecroppers) and khetmajur;along with these
of course were merchants and artisans fBeteille, 1974: 126).
Almost identical classes can be identified in nearly every
region of India. In Tamionadu there were mirasdars or
kaniyachikarar (landlords), paykaris (tenantsTZ functionaries
and artisans, and adimais and padiyals who were bonded
labourers and field slaves (sivkumar 1978; Gough, 1977;
Mencher, 1978). In Bihar Harcourt has distinguished ashraf
(landlords), bakal (village shopkeepers), pawania (artisans'),
jotiya (small peasants.directily cultivating their land,
sometimes divided into weel-to-do cultivators and share
croppers) and "a class of low caste landless labourers
usually known by the name of the most numerous labourer caste
at the local level" (Harcourt, 1977; 234-5). other scholars
speak of a basic north Indian division into malik (landlord),
Kisan (peasant), and mazdur as well as artisans and merchants
(Singh, 1978; Thorner, 1976). The Maharashtra the cultiva
ting ryots, though all of the kunbi caste, were divided at
the village level between the dominant patil lineage, the
kulwadis or uparis (tenants, small cultivators of subordi
nate lineages or late arrivals); balutedars (artisans) and
the labourers who did some balutedar work also but were
generally called by their caste names of "Mahar-Mang". In
all these classifications, it can be seen that there is not
only a division between the exploiting classes (village land
lords, merchants, priests and state officials) and others;
there are also divisions among the village toilers between
peasants (and often peasants are divided into two sections),
artisans and labourers, and the latter divisions coincide with
jati divisions.
A second point stressed by many scholars (Klass, Neale)
is that due to the caste system access to produce within the
village was almost never on the basis of market exchange.
Rather it was through caste (jati), the services performed by
the different castes and a right to a share of the produce
traditionally claimed on the basis of such services. This is
often described in terms of a division of the grain heap at
harvest time: members of the different castes or sub-castes
(from barbers to carpenters to untouchable field labourers to
priests) who had performed their traditional duties throughout
the year at that time claimed as their right a prescribed
proportion of the grain. Besides this, they also had various
other kinds of social and economic rights, from prescribed
places and tasks at village festivals to certain shares of
food at specific times to (occasionally) allotment of land
for self-cultivation, of course this system did not work
I
10
I
I
I
nautomatically.■" In fact the allotment of the shares of grain
or of other goods (along with the major share of village land)
was under control of the dominant subcaste or lineage at the
village4level; it was these in fact who were the village feudal
rulers and they are sometimes referred to as the '’managerial
caste" or "dominant caste*"
'
In most cases (the traditional "zamindari" areas)
(Spear<
) these village landlords were from traditional
noncultivating castes who often derived their control over the
land from its conquest by an early ancestor or its grant by a
king or overlord. Normally these were.sharply distinguished
in vama terms from the village toilers. In nor th "India ’ they
were mainly "twice-born"/ Rajputs, Brahmans, Bhumihars. in
many parts of south India the distinction was just as strong
even though no castes were recognized traditionally as Ksatriyas;
.in Tamilnadu these landlords were mainly Brahmansxor Vcllalas
who distinguished themselves from the exploited sections as
sat-shudras, while in Kerala though the Nayar landlords only
had a status as shudras, nevertheless they maintained their
ritual distance from tenants and labourers by classifying all
the others as some form of "untouchable" or "excluded" caste.
In the traditional "ryotwari" areas the situation was
a bit more complicated/ for here it seemed that the village
"dominant caste" or "managerial caste" were not in fact non
cultivating landlords but were the cultivating ryots such as
Marathas, Kammas, Reddis etc. Probably originally it was
true that in these areas the main relations of production were
at'first not. feudal but rather tributary relations between
a majority group of peasant cultivators and the state. But
with feudalization the headman (patil, patel, gauda) developed
as an intermediary; the headman1s sub-lineage became in effect
the village feudal rulers nnd came to be noncultivating land
lords who dominated not only the artisans and labourers but
also junior lineages and "guest families" of peasant culti
vators. Pavlov has estimated that these headmen had the
right to a 15-25% of the village produce (1949/ 77-80)/ and
perlin has shown that rising higher feudal families often
"bought up" village-level patilki rights to increase and
centralize their landholdings (
). Thus, the non
cultivating landlord caste in the zamindari areas, and the
headman^ lineages in the ryotwari areas were in fact
essentially feudal landlords; they were the lowest rung in the
very extended and stratified ladder of feudal exploitation,
and they along with the representatives of the feudal state
at all levels enforced and maintained the caste-defined
behaviour which stru Jbured the ways in which "unpaid surplus
labour /was/ pumped out of direct producers."
Pavlov’s analysis helps to show one important way in
which this structuring differed from European feudalism. This
was not simply in terms of the existence of "birth-ascribed"
class membership nor in terms of the fact that religious and
cultiral factors shaped the economic structure -- and feudal
4
■ i
11
societies are "ascriptive” in some sense and in all religious
and political factors directly enter into production relations.
The difference was in the relationships among toilers, in
In
Europe/ though membership in the exploited peasantry was defined
by birth/ there were no such birth—limits to performance of
specialist functions, a peasant might do his own carpentering
other work# or there might be specialist carpenters/ but
even if there were a boy from a peasant family faced no abso
lute barriers to entering such occupations• in various ways
guilds might regulate entry into skilled crafts/ but this was
not part of the basic social rules. Similarly an impoverished
family that lost its land might be forced to mainly work as
wage-labourers (and there were in fact wage-paid field labourers
m medieval Europe)/ but again it was only economic obstacles
which placed people in such positions and prevented them from
moving out of them/ and not social ones which assigned them
to groups who were held to be by birth and nature fit only for
tasks as labourers.
In contrast/ Indian—caste—feudalism split the exploited
classes into several major sections. Pavlov argues against
applying the very word "peasant" to India/ for essentially this
reason :
If this conception is based on... personal
participation in agricultural production the
category will have to include sections as incomparable
in social and proprietary status as the untouchables
among the servants of the community/ and its upper
sections which (in Maharashtra/ for instance) took
.part in cultivating the soil. But these did not in any sense form units in a single class/estate
(1978: 48).
Thus he describes to reserve the term ”peasant’, for
only the tillers of the soil among the upper castes who held the
land as rayats” and he notes that this section constituted only
a minority of the population in contrast to the European notion
of the peasant as a land-tilling majority.
Below these cultivating rayats were inferior tenants
c
and. sharecroppers of lower castes or subcastes. And along with
them was another numerous section in rural society/ the
artisans (KarninS; balutedars). They included a wide range of
castes from relatively high-status goldsmiths down to leather
worker S/ rope—makers and others often classed as untouchables;
but they were always socially and economically subordinated not
only to the landlords but to most of the cultivating peasants
as well, a very important fact stressed by Pavlov is that
production of the means of production for agriculture (carts/
ropez leather/ iron) was carried out through the jajmani/
balutedari system in which the craftsman was not paid in
exchange for each item he produce^, but was considered as
a village servant entitled on a ongoing/ hereditary basis to
■
£
i
12
rewards that included the allotment of grain at harvest time/
a whole bundle of social and economic perquisites and occa
sionally the allotment of land for self-cultivation* In
contrast to this# production of consumption goods such as
c.loth/ jewelery etc. was nearly always carried on for
exchange though again by members of specific castes.(Pavlovt
1978: 51-57).
The lowest <jf the castes within this system were
usually considered untouchable on the grounds that they per
formed polluting occupations/ and were forced to live in
separate settlements outside the village boundaries, signi
ficantly/ almost everywhere there were one or two large
untouchable castes who not only did specific craft duties but
were also.bound to the performance of general menial labour
that included acting as general plough servants and field
slaves for landlord families/ carrying and fetching services
for.the village headmen and higher state officials/ woodcutting
and other general casual labour for the village.
Could artisans and labourers be called ’’peasants” in
any sense ? In fact their position was an ambivalent one.
On one hand they were agricultural producers in the sense that
they performed functions necessary for agricultural production,
yet they had no recognized right to the land itself, and they
were never considered to be "peasants” or "tillers of the soil".
"Though many untouchable castes have traditions which define
them as descendents of ancient native sons-of-the-soil, this
was never recognized by the wider society)... in contrast to
European labourers and artisans, their economic position did
not result from impoverishment or choice of a specialization,
but was rather an ascriptive one within a system that main
tained a permanent class ^f field labourers as well as village
resident artisans.
!
JI
j »
I
Thus there was three major sections among the exploited
producers in Indian feudal society: the kisans or peasants;
the kamins or artisans; and the untouchable labourers. The
kisans were almost always drawn from the main "present" or
land-tilling caste of the region, and in fact their jati name
was also frequently the word for "peasant" in a local language.
They were Kunbis, uats, Kurmis, Reddis, Vokkaligas, Kammas, Vanniyas,
etc. and thoy were always classed as shudras in varna terms.
Similar in status and almost in the same category were castes
whose "traditional" function was that of sheepherding, covzherding
or vegetable gardening (Malls, Yadavas, Ahirs, Dhangars, etc.)
but who often became cultivators and sometimes constituted the
dominant caste in villages where they were a majority. It
is important to note that while the kisans were mainly an
exploited section of toilers, the village feudal classes
(from patils to zamindars, deshmukhs and others) could he
drawn from their ranks, and in this sense they had an access
to economic and social mobility that other sections lacked.
1
■?
13
I
Below theset the eirtisans weire alweys dtawn fironi
specific castes known by the name of their function to the
wider community; they were also classed as shudra in varna
terms. Finally there were the labourers/ who were untouchables
or ati-shudra in varna terms and were the most exp1oited
(tnough not the only exploited) section at
the base of the
system. Next to the major kisan caste/ these were often
numerically the biggest caste in the village and today also
they represent castes that are quite big in the Indian context
Chamars/ Chuhras/ Mahars and Mangs/ Maias and Madigas/
Holeyas/ Puleyas/ Paraiyans and Pallans.
Should these three sections be called different
“classes” or different sections of a single exploited class ?
This may oe simply a matter of terminology, what is important
is that in the Indian caste—feudal mode of production/ the
economy was structured and the surplus ’’pumped out” in such
a way that it maintained in existence such highly subdivided
and unequally exploited sections of tiolers. For antifeudal^ struggles the conclusion is important: While it
would be correct to say that in India as elsewhere "agrarian
revolution” (the revolutionary transformation of relations of
production on the land) was central to the anti—feudal
struggle/ thus could not be attained simply through the
abolition of landrordism. Rather it required a thorough
attack on the caste system itself and a transformation of
the relations of production within the village and among
the toiling masses an a way that would assure that artisans
and labourers as well as the kisans could gain basic rights
to the land itself and to its produce.
I I
•j
I
'4
i
3.
i
•:Colonial Ryle and.Anti-Fedual Struggles
Indian feudalism mas'not, of course, revolutionaized
by an indigenous development of capitalism. Rather it aag
transformed by the imposition of British colonial rune, mhich sub’
ordmated the entire Indian social formation to the needs of
the developnent of capitalism in Britain. The concrete form
m which colonial bule both sowed the seeds of capitalist
development as well as maintained semi-feudal structure in
existence in Indial provided the conditions under which
anti-feudal, as well as anti-imperialist movements developed
improvement aspect of this was the transformation/
maintenance of the caste system and its relation to the rest
of the society.
First, the British aboloshed the pre-existing purely
casteTdefined access to land and other goods and imposed
legal relationships of land ownership and tenancy backed up
by courts operating on a definition of legal private
property. Along with this, new factories, mine$ and planta
tions as well as the now schools and bureaucracy recruited
their workars, students and employees on a basis of formal
eguality in which caste membership did not in and of itself
bar any section from entry. The state ceased to ba a
protector of.the tradcharacteristic of capitalist society
began in India under colonail rule.
Caste and class continued to beheavily interlinked.
The educated elite was overwhelmingly drawn from the higher
castes who had formerly a literate tradition, that is
Brahmans, Kayasthas and others. Hen from peasant and artisan
castes of shudra status constituted the large majority of
factory workers ; while dalits should find some openings
in factories or on roads and railways, generally they filled
the lowest, most unskilled jobs. In the mines and plantations
it was the sections most exploited in feudal society
(dalits) or those outbids of feudal relations altogether
but brought into them by colonial rule (adivasis) who formed
the bulk of th© work force. Merchantd and moneylanders were
mainly drawn from the vaishya castes who had traditionally
performed this function, and though they gained
power over peasants as aowkars an^ct control over much of
the land on mortgage, they generally did not emerge as
actual landlords or owners of the land but preferred
simply to control the crops„ 1t was from their ranks that
an industrial bourgeoisie, ultimately a national bonrgooisie, began to take shape.
In terms of their legal position, landlords were a mixed
lot : in some parts of the country they were legally defined
as such(as zamindars, khotedars, talukdars etc) while in
other areas they emerged within a ryotwari structure as
those who acquired large amounts of land through various
means (from traditional ownership including former patil
and inam rights to buying up land with advantages of
education and bureaucratic connections), and fommed it
mainly through tenants. Nevertheless in caste terms they
were almost always drawn from the previous village feudal
classes, the Rajputs, Brahamans, Bhumihrs, Vellalas,
Nayars, Nambudiris etc.
15
Below these could be found a large peasant section
including owner-cultivators s well as various types of
tenants, Those were overwhelmingly shdra in varna terms
and they included both the former kisan castes a^Guall
as artisan castes. By the dnd of colonial rule it was
clear that most of the specialist csteas-many of wholn
had been ruined and displaced by imper.ialist competition
were direct cultivators of the land rather than performing
their ’’traditional" occupation. At the same time there
was a process of differentiation among this peasantry.
The better off sections of owner-cultivators and the
richer tenants (and these were almost all from traditional
kisan castes) began to consolidate their position and
even emerge as exploiters of wage labour and other
forms of labour extracted from the lower castes, wlyile
others became steadily more impoverished. The rich peasants
clearly benefited from casteforms of exploitation in their
villages, even though they also had an interest in opposing
the caste privil_egos and economic power of the landlordsmoneylenders-bureaucrats. Finally, at the bottom the
status of the untouchable labourers continued much as
before ; though now it often took forms of debt-bondage
and legal contracts, these untouchable servants-serfs
often continuted to ba known by the traditional terms
for fiefid slaves (e.o, pahniyal). Still, among the growing
numbers of agricultural labourers, th-ere were many who
had originally been riddle caste cultivators or artisans and
were thrown now into this position by impoverishment ; these
often had a more free status and there were some areas
(e.g. western Maharashtra, the Andhra delta) where dalits
as well as caste Hindu labourers were more mobile and
less bound.
r
Under British rule th :-re was thus a broad correlation
between caste and class which duplicated the main classes of
the pre-colonial caste-feudal period 5 Nevertheless it was
only a correlation, and not an identity, and in/^very/:aste
there could be found some individuals who could get
education, a little hit of land, some access to new
opportunities. The fact that articans and even untouchables
had formal rights to land ownership, to education and to
new occupations was connected with the emergence of ’’caste”
and ’’class” as separate but highly interconnected, and
this was the material base on which the very complex
anti-feudal struggles of the colonial period emerged.
These anti-feudal struggles included the kisan move
ments, the nonBrahaman anti-caste movements, and the dalit
and agricultural labourer movements. Of these, the kidan
movements have been tho most thoroughly studied ; they
contered around demands for abolition of zamindari and
so primarily involved the interests of middle and rich
peasants who had traditionally recognised claims to the
land as tenantsor as cultivators. But they also included
a large number of related issues-deman ds for restoration
of cettain lands grabbed by the zamindars, opposition to
forms of foreedd labour collectively termsc as v ethbeqar.
opposition to moneylending, demand for cheap access to
water resources etc. and they frequently involved poor and
caste peasants. Further, both the climactic struggles
of the kisan movement- the Tebhaga movement in Bengal
andjhe Telengana revolt-transcended the limitations of
the earlier kisan movement and involved large sections
of the rural poo?.:
Anti-caste movements, in particular broad nonBrahaman
mpvements. of south India, were also generally anti-feudal,
for the.large section of peasant and artisan masses, their
oppression was in- terms of oaste as well as class
and
as some educated sections began to develop within’each
jati these took leadership both in more conservative forms
of organizations (caste associations which essentially
accepted the caste heirarchy but sought to use caste
identity/to complete for a higher position- within it) as
well as in more radical challenges to the system itself.
Toilers as veil as the^e educated sections began to reject
their hitherto accepted position as shudras within an esta
blished varna helrarchy and to see themselves as nonBrahamans
or nonAryans or ^ahujan samaj
fighting an exploiting Aryan
exploiting Aryan
elite or shet.]i-bhatji
class which had originated
the
’
__
. j
caste system as a means c"
of^subjugating and dividing them.
The Satyashodhak Samaj in Maharashtra
movement in Tamilqadu at times took the place of the kisan
sabhas in these areas and engaged in sometimes direct
attacks on moneylenders or landlords as well as in a fierce
c allenge to the.ritual status of the elite. In north India
antdi-caste organizations generally took amore conservative form
in uJhich the middle castes mainly claimed tesatriya status.
in Bihar the middle peasant kisans organized through the Triveni
4-k.n9n 33 r611 .aS
Kisan Sabha, while in northwest India
he Arya Samaj and Kisan Sabhas became interwoven expressions
of the (mainly Sat) kisans against their (mainly Rajput)
exploiters.
At the same time the untoubhable labourers^ inspired by
such struggl es but only partially included in them, began
to organise separately. Movements based on their notion of
th emselves
ori9inal "sons of the sil " (adi-An dhras ,
di-Hindus, Ad-Dharm etc) betgan to emerge in the 1920s, and
a new term expressing' a totality of socio-economic exploitation,
began to be used from about 1930 in Maharashtra and
north India. Struggles began to hke place only in the towns to
?^imMe^U5atlxn 9 le9al eights or use of tanks, and temples
(the Mahad satyagraha ; the Vaikom sttyagraha), but also in
the villages to claim land (either forest land or cultivable
?\L,19her U/a9e? and the Gnding Of vethbeqar. The late
1930s, the same period in which the All-India Kisan Sabha emer
ged ps a united organization under left leadership, saw the
emergence.of separate dalit based agricultural labouerer
organizations in Bfehar (led by Oagjivan Ram) and Andhra (lecj
by Hanga and the Communists). In the same' period Ambedkar
founded the Independent Labour Party to link dalit, peasants
and workers
struggles. Finally, people in the tribal areas,
now subordinated to.new consolidated feudal exploitation,
'
also began to organize in a new fashion that stressed their
identity as adivasis.
J7
The Telerigans revolt (1946-1950) u/as in many ways a
climax of all those movements, ^hile both the Kisan Sabha
and agricultural labour organizing had been strong in the
Andhra region, in Telongam itself the mass organization
which was a basis for the revolt was the Andhra Mahasabhawhich combined social reforrj, anti-caste and nationalist
features. It had earlier taken up ar.ci-untouchability
and antifevethbegar as well as cultural campaigns ; and
to these a new Communist leadership linked militancy and anti
landlord struggles. Thus, dalits artisans and the
landless as tell as substantial villages landholders
were involved in the revolt, and when the revolution took
up both abolition of zamindari and distribution of "excess
land” to toe landless the first time this really was
brought forward as an issue in struggle they were meeting
inpractice the needs for land of the low castes as well
as the cultivating kisans.
But in spite of these achievements and in spite of
the long history of sustained struggles, by and large they
remained under rich peasant and middle class hegemony.
In the end it was Gandhi and the Congress, rather than
the socialists and Communists, who maintained leadership
in the anti-imperialist as well as over the anti feudal
struggles.
On one hand this was a feiilure of the left, and this meant
the inability of the working class, peasant and dalit forces
to evolve a dilitant anti-feudal movement that could unite
all the various aspects of the anti-caste and peasant struggles,
and to combine these with the fight against imerrialism.
In spite of impressive local efforts under communist
leadership in such placets Andhra and Kerala, there
was by and large a separation of struggles at the national
level, In the Kisan Sabha movement, for instance, the issue
of caste and untouchability was general ignored, the
specific problems of the dalit labourers were underplayed,
and there was no real analysis of the specific characteristics
of Indian feudalism. The result was that the ’’agrarian
revolution” and the ’’abolition of landlordism” came to
mean in practice only the abolition ofzamindari and giving
land title to the tenants - that is, to those.who had some
historically recognized claim to the land, primarily the middle
caste kisans. For example, a final climactic resolution on
the abolition of landlordism of the All-India Kisan Sabha
in 1947 reads as follows :
With uhe abolition of landlordism all agricultural
land must in the first instance bo declared the
property of the state and then be given in permanent
ownership to actual cultivators of the soil. All
agricultural labourers must have a minimum wage*
All other tillers of the soil must get proprietary
rights in it under their direct cultivation and
cultivable waste land must be distributed among
poor peasants and agricultural labourers(Rasul 2
1947 : 147).
II ■
I
I
18
Here the "actual cultivators of the soil” seem to be
identified with the middle class tenants, while there
is a virtual acceptance of the continuing existence of
agricultural labourers who do not have the same rights
as other "tillers of the soil" ; 'tie evidence of all the
Kisan Sabha debates on this issue suggests that loaders
were defining the problem of tentnts and labourers An
European terms, and missingrtnost oflndian caste-defined
specificities.
One result was that dalits largely remained apart
from these kisan struggles and even when they did take
part they could usually not consolidate any gains in
rights to the land because they were not traditionally
"tillers" and there was no broader powerful peasant
movement conscious.'! enough to assure that they could
win such fights. E'.?n in the great Telangana revolt,
where dalit labourers fought along side caste Hindu
kisans, the kisans who got land as tenants managed
to keep their gains while the dalits and other landless
who got the "ceiling land" generally lost those. Here
it may be said that a general failure of the
(both of socialists and communists in this period)
was both to overlook the anti-feudal character of the
anti-caste and nonBrahman movements and to overlook
the specific needs of dalit labourers and artisans
within the broaddr peasant movement.
There was also a problem in combining the anti
imperialist and anti-feudal fight, a problem partly,
related to the great difficulty the communists had in
organizing and in evolving a well-define policy. Until
the middle 1930s (partly as a result of Comintern
directives) the Communists militantly organized the
working class but did not lead any anti-British struggle
and remained isolated from the national movement, Then
the Socialist party was fnrmed as a pressure group
y1Bao, as
co a left nationalist and not
within the Congress,
working
class party-and when the
an independent i_.
Communists switched their policy after 1935 to that
united"front
” they did so by
of the ’’anti-imperialist u..’-- '
tn
effect,
accepted the
simply joining the CSP and sc,
But
this was at
same policy of "working from within .
a time when in many areas independent anti-feudal
and potentially anti-imperialist forces were e"er9*n9’
most notably Ambedkar's Independent Labour P^ty in Mahara
shtra and Periyar’s Self-Respect movement. But communist
and communist-influenced cadres were directed to leave
these parties and join the CSP instead even though
y
were getting some considerable influence atleast in
casts of the Self-Respect movement and were helping a
movement towards a morsmilitant anti-feudal and anti
imperialist struggle. The result was . to cJeP^vs
8.®
movements of left and working class influence, and in
turn to isolate the Communists from the J^h^Y^nt
in Maharashtra and the Dravidian movement in Tamilnadu.
19
The repercussions of both are felt today. Nor did the fact
of "working within" the Congress really help the leftists
to topple a conelervativej, Gandhian leadership ; rather
they only helped to increase its mass base.
And on the other hand this Gandhian leadership
succeeded.quite brilliantly in forging a policy for a
bourgeois form of anti-feudal and national struggle
that did bring together under Congress leadership all
aspects of the anti-feudal movements but only in a
distorted, conservative and fragmentizing manner. One
aspect of Gandhi’s genius was iq fact that he could give
an all-round programme that promised something for every
section of society^ In the cast of the kisan movement,
the Congress supported or even organized struggles where
they had no choice or where they could be controlled,
and always with certain conservative policies : to accept
the principle of compensation and the ultimate right of
landlords, to avoid "violence", etc. At the same time it
sought to avoid connecting the kiaan movement with that
of the issues of labourers. In turn the Congress very
cautiously encouraged a limited form of organizing
agricultural labourers but only (under Jagjivan Ram)
where this was useful as a counter to a left-led Kisan
Sabha. But for the dalits as such, Gandhi’s main
emphasis was to avoid their economic issues entirely ;
to avoid also any militant action against caste oppression
as such ; and in fact :,o avoid organizing them altogether
except as "Harijans11 cho were objects of paternalistic
sympathy and "uplift”' from caste Hindus who were consciously
given control of the organizations auch as the Harijan
Sevak Sangh. The brilliance of Gandhi’s "constructive
programme" (from the our point of the bourgeoise), as
Dhanagare has shown (1930:
was that it provided something
fof the dalits and those who were motivated by their plight,
but only in a way that increased their subordination to
the rural elite and diverted them from radical struggles.
In other words, the Congress policy almost consciously
fostered disunity among the various sections of the
toiling masses while at the same time preaching a
harmony with the exploited ; while the left led many
militant struggles and' sought to intensify contradictions
in the countrywide to’their understanding but failed to
build up a militant unity of all sections of the oppressed.
Thus the promise inherent in the mightly Telengans revolt,
in the all-round participation of Communists in anti-landlord
and anti-untouchablility struggles among agricultural
labourers and peasants in such areas as Andhra and Kerala,
or in the attempt of Ambedkar in the late 1930s to
formulate a programme to unite workers, peasants and dalits
remained unfulfilled. Congress hegemony was maintained ;
the kisan movement ended up serving the needs of tho
rich peasants ; the nonBrahman movements fell under middle
class leadership and the dalit and anti-caste movements
in general failed to become a thorough dalit liberation
movement. When independence was won in 1947 it was in
thq/fferm of a bourgeois state.
-i
20
•I*
if
»
s
4.
Caste,
Class in Post-Colonial India
.
A close look at the notorious "atrocities against
Harxjans- chat seem to be going on everywhere today will
reveal in fact the significant changes that have occurred
in Indian agriculture since independence. The cases'of
Kilvenmani, Belcchi- Bajitpur.. Pipra may appear to be
feuda! m the violent, goonds nature of the onslaught, but
he very ferocity of the attack shows the growing rural
tensions, and the degree to which dalit labourers are beginn
ing to challenge the village powerholders,
m the case
of Kamjhawala, Maratnwada, and now Gujarat, a new phenomenon
eviaei;t: aj-OI?9 with riots and pograms, the sustained
orgamzec campaigns, demonstrations, mass-oriented slogans
designed to win over the caste Hindu toilers against the
An^ everywhere a simple question reveals a crucial
^2h®5ence
reudal, pre-independence period: who is a
attacking the dalits? now it is no longer Brahmans, Rajputs,
deshmukhs. Veilalas or highcaste landlords, but most oftin
the middle castes, the new rich farmers, those who were
once middle peasants and tenants fighting against landlords
XikArin°\h^
£
themselves bahujan samaj, kisan and
Those who were once allies of dalits iFTh£ antifeudal struggles now appear to be the main enemy.
These attacks themselves show the coming of capitalist
ln agrtCUltUre‘ They
the main lines of
conflict are no longer between middle and low-caste peasants
on one side and high-caste landlords on the other, bu? a“
now between the rich farmers and the agricultural labourersthey show that in this new emerging class
ca^te is one of the strongest weapons which the rich
are Uo_ng uo ^u-vide and attack the rural poor.
.The process of change in agricultural relations of
production and m the relation' between class and caste has
uneven fashion throughout India.
Therefore we ./ill firsu outline the broad character of this
change, and t len in the final section try to deal briefly
with the regional variations which form the background for
the various papers in.this volume^
TW^h independence, a new bourgeoisie came into power
n tne Indian state, ano. after the repression of the peasant
°lt ln. Tele,3ana and other waves of popular discontent,
it began to implement land reforms designed to change the
agrarian structure m the interests of the bourgeioise
Throughout the 195Os, the major demand of the Kisan Sabhamovement, the demand for the abolition of zamindari, was
implemented, though in a slow and halting way. Intermediaries
were abolished in the former zamindari aleas^though ?hej JeS
always left with enough land'and compensation to survive as
big farmers) and tenancy acts in the ryotwari areas served
a similar purpose of removing a major basis of power of former
noncultivating Brahmans and other highcaste landlords though
.
St
71
21
they hardly touched the lands of the
(e.g. Maharashtra). These laws laid “cultivating" castes
the basis for the
and big tenants to emerge as the main
lanaaolding elite in the
and put pressure on big
landowners to farm their:
"drrecti^,
that is by hired
agricultural lanourers,. :
5e
^l
ha
l
giV±ng
±t
out Qn tenancy.
As a result tenancy declined
and while it has r*
?? orTess
1961 (by 1971 17%
tenancy and 9.25%^of ^land^’a^t S?Elolds were taking land on
capitalist tenancy in Xb
\eaSe) mUCh Of this is
rich farmers (see Table n
?
13
en by middle and
in tenancy may 2 2 unde’estlmatlon°du
dGCline
"concealed tenancy", viu!ge studJ s
motives f°r
more actual tenancy) . similarlv
G 111131310 to show much
work farce who are aar^u-u^f t
Percentage of the rural
16% in 1951 to sS S ZSir the oh-^T^ riSen from
between 1961 and 1971
->nd tr'i-' a
work part time as labours and
land (omvedt, 1980).
*
b^0 been most dramatic
inClude peopl° who
9ly more on their own
ture - of poor peasants^n^artis-ns3!13?12^011 ±n ^ruculundlubtedly bee? a slow X
’ haS
post-colonial country cauoht in +--rlo\ • tQking place in a
in which industrialiJaSo? has o
3 T °f ^P-'rinlism
a capital-intensive Say thaf! Is
V&ry S1°wly and in
power displaced from the land. it is"within absorbln9 labouralso that we have to see the Parlous'land^^^ ^text
(passed mainly in two waves, 1961 and 1971 ’ -.nd 9 ?
very haltingly) and other measures claimi™
implemented
the demands of the landless for 1 ta S
9 ° giVe meet
land, cultivable waste and other SdX^hr^i
31
Unlike the Zamindari Abolition measures
al pO°rtaken to be failures*’ cortiiniv
ures, these are generally
estimated surplus land has bee? distributed1 piJoponrtio2 of the
Zamindciri Abolition acts, also thncn
■> Unlizo the
reforms in the interest of capitalist G not class oourgeois
but rather go against the immediate inSeS^fad develoPme“t,
owners, capitalist and feudal alike. NeJSLlfst
2
argued that such measures have plaved 2 r2i
1
ay be
absolute proletarianization (anc^s? al?o SW'aloWlng down
extend the readiness to revolt of thn 2
? calling to some
rural families who do not
2 T P r)/ f°r tbG ^urdaer of
ics) has dropped from 22% UTl953^0
97? NSS statistless proletarianization is ooinn nr 4 '6/° n 1971• Neverthefashion, for the number of famil-ip.e 2
sornewbat different
has risen, by the sS s^t!s?tos
nOt -^bivate land
families Include itSell Sobers
tO
These
those working in other rural wage-e'rninq^X3^13^5'
the small plots of land they ow?)oA(coXr°t
rent °Ut
truck-driving, etc), aiv^n
contract work, construction,
1-2% own enough Sa ?o
about
Xn aaaltlon. ore an oven larger nXX of aSStora?1?^'
ayiiLuiturai iabourers.
I
r22
their tS^plotriid^k^J^ageJ6173^
cultiJate
rural4^,^plots b-: land, maintain milk wf ? °Wn ?r cultivate small
other aurlli^y^^X S ta?
haVe
maintain them on the land in
...
which serve to
jobs are not suffiQ±ontiv av‘ai- i?bh°C
Whi
±ndustrial
labour power. urriCi''ntly variable, .and to cheapen their
Along with this proc ass ■ the ending <-■=
< ■
in large sections of India, th- eni’ aJmani. s¥stem
the ending of the
of dalit Sondage (th -dT
uhe Pilous forms
such
as carrying
i
dead cattle and othe:. s -rv'ices
S??
away
ir many areas, the o -v-ter monifh
^9 farmers)
ER?°S
isS tcven
&ES asxio.’
i
,9Sa^*lyrr"ers
the has
- S’
become more and more commercialized
feudal and patronage-oriented and ro^e
of open capitalist ex'o-'-i-atic ■ '
-
nd 2
nd more one
se:; --
I
!
ctural facilities to rhe i-ch f^frastraof irrigation (bv 197r
h farmers. The promotion
land, ar??) ", r Lt 1 - flt«~t« ab°ut 3« ot the
promotloa'ofioLetLLes sSS"? Programmes, the
facilities (most^not-blv beai'nnT
tO lnsure credit
nalization
in
1969)
an<
?
'
he'wh
h
9
"
r
°
m
the bank natio"
include, new teeS S
crated with the -green revolution- hav^
aSS°“
capitalist farmers
a significant profit
2eS6
,ha''e a11
iS n5
it,/P, ’ t.-f"’"3' as
“SSJ 3"a
'4 :
J.
‘i:
r’
?
«
IM
23
In the villages of the more ,<advanced,,
Particular the rich farmers have b^en aided in states in
consolidating
and modernizing
._4_. their power by an associated set of government
measures - setting
up and supporting
village cooperatives, new educationalnew gram panchayuts,
societies andd a whole set of villaae associations/ dairy
which have
generally been cc>ntrolled by tne rxc.iassociations
farmers but have
served as reservoirs of patronage and other powers by which
;V
.■A
piS?si‘Sdtfe£u?^anoe
lo"er c??^<j poor
iS
constltuS^ Si
state - education, r •sorvatiun of s Jts for the Sh 5o?r9eois
-"“Lxssrs ?u
one hand, they server finallv^to
?ffGCt« On the
the n..ar-absolute^ox-4iati n K ^asaoc^te "caste" from
now small middle claso sS^ons developlng°in ai?^? ClaSSl
castes had s^mc ODnorturn’i-^r +-<■'
t • a
Qll the low
move ahead. Now indeed even sian?f°lla^te their position and
the dalits and lo^ caseeJ XhJ^ T
" SrtiOnS from amon9
acts, jnoasures giving them llS o? coX? oSr’SSVSS11^
'■I
’
u
occMl^aiSHhelpXTSX°V?hlseiJ fact^as^e^SHb0”
Sra^oor”^::1^ the C?n9ress “a IndlS SaX ?o°t£r
s?ht^tSsstwg?in 4
iact that merdaera c? t£
I
$
i
caste continued to have a high correlar?11 °^.^hls meai?t that
continued to be drawn'mtinl^fJorn th!^ral'elitef01100
oraanizat?^! prGCesses have had important effects on caste
to emerge as a s^r”? thC ?c^onial Period when "caste" began
to emerge as a Separate social phenomenon, the middle class
ihit
i?“t£““St“SS»=£rlm“St every lall baS
T
—st—
inioived
tried to unite the
association" - organizations which
LLicG to unite the different subcases within the iati to
4
17
24
social hierarchy. These casce associations had always
existed alongside the more radical anti—caste organisations
of non—Brahmans and others. Now in the post—colonial period/
such caste associations if anything intensified their activity.
Sociar scientists now began to stres the emergence of castes
as •• competing groups*’/ of caste-linkod "vote banks” in the
countryside/ and they began to observe the ways in which the
bourgeois and kulak members of various castes were appealing
to caste identity to keep members of their ’’own caste" lined
up behind them and split away from forming class solidarity
with toilers of different castes. Tn the pre-independence
period/ broad semi-caste organizatic ns of the middle castes
(e.g. the non
non-Brahman
; ' the
•'
~
(c.g.
—Brahman movements) and
dalit
organizations
beta had a radicalanti-feudal
direction.
Now
among the
~anti-feudal
middle castes the rodical element vcnisho-d/ only the conser—
vative caste associations and c
caste appeals remained while
only am^ng the dalits did certain
-- 1 caste-based organizations
(e.g. Dalit Panthers/ Dalit Sangarsha Samitis,
>t even Repub1ic an
Party) continue to have a dual character with both radical
aspects
and conservative aspects,.
The reason was that only the dalits
and similar groups remain to a large degree proletarianized
(their middle class section is primarily one of the pecty
b urgeois employees, rather than property-holding exploiters
Power)/ while among the middle castes economic
differentiation
was now
now qualitatively
r‘
------------ 1 was
different: some had
become capitalist aside from
-- the
—> employed sectins/ farmers
many were middle peasants/ while large numbers
.3 were poor
peasants and labourers, r
' •'
‘ / farmer sections no longer
But^the
rich
had any radical or anti-feudal interests
------- — o at all.
*■
In very general terms/ ignoring regional variatiers
for a moment/ we can define the new shape of agrarian classes
ana thear caste composition (sec Omvedt/ 1980 for empirical
ciata). First/ about 15% of all rural families can be classed
^?rmer
including capitalist farmers, capita-l-^n^lordS/ a mimority of feudal landlords existing in
more backward areasz and families who also include merchants
and rural employees. in caste terms this section includes both
the traartional feudal classes (Brahmans, Rajputs, Vcllalas, etc.)
as well as the middle kisan castes. But it is the kisan castes
who are now dominant among them (there are only a f3^5“a minule
proportion, a families from artisan caste or dalit background
m this class) especially in the more capitalist regions, where
Patidars/ Marathas, Jats, Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Kammas, Rcddis,
etc. seem almost equivalent to the new kulak farmers.
Tnese rich farmers have an ambivalent, almost dual
political character. on the one hand the proportion of ex
tenants and peasants among them, the fact that they have a
heritage of struggle against landlords and the upper castes,
allows them to take on a surface appearance of being "peasants"
shetkari/ bahujan samaj) and leaders, not simply
oppressors, of the rural masses. Their role in the new
capitalist institutions of dominance (gram panchayats, coopera
tives etc), thv. fact that they are now largely educated, their
r
.4
t;
1
ability to exercize a sophisticated, coopting form of rural
power in which some patronage is dispensed and some members of
low castes are given a place, is part of this. But on the other
nand, ‘their o^vn background as village power-holders and their
readir. ?ss to take on even che most brutal feudal traits of the
classes they once fought against means that they are also ready
to exercize their power in the most corrupt, violent and
gangster forms. Similarly, their relative caste homogeneity
means they often are able to put on an appearance of being
less casteist’1, but this is the section that most strongly
uses caste associations and caste appeals to rally people
behind them, that relies on kinship and caste ties for
influence11 in education, employment and other concessions.
and^gives the strongest support to all the religious and cultural
institutions that uphold casteism. Their specific class
interests often lead them into adual political battle, facing
the urban industrial bourgeoisie on the one hand in claiming
more credit and higher prices (though here their contradiction
..antagonism is nonantagonistic) and facing the rural semiproletariat on the other. Generally they attempt to use a
rhetoric of ’’peasant unity” to win over middle peasants and
sometimes poor peasants to their side, but with this also they
use caote ties and appeals to win over the poor peasants and
agricultural labourers of their own caste in dividing and con
centrating their attack on dalit labourers.
Middle,peasants, about 25% of all rural families, are
again primarily of kisan caste background but include a small
but significant proportion of artisan castes and other allied
castes and even some dalits. Though they are continually threa
tened with problems of unemployment, price-rise, and with the
corruption and bossism of the rich farmers, their own aspira
tions as petty property holders and their caste ties with the
rich fcumiers normally lead they to tail after this class.
Finally, the'poor peasants and agricultural labourers,
the proletarianized rural majority, perhaps 60% of rural house
holds, are the most divided in caste terms. They include not
only dalits and adivasis, but Muslims and other minorities
and members oi all the former Hindu shudra castes, both artisans
and the traditional kisan castes. In capitalist areas (such
as western Maharashtra) one can find that not only are the
dominant” caste of Marathas fully differentiated in class
terms, but in each village practically every clan of Marathas
is equally differentiated, inexuding both rich farmers, middle
peasants and landless agricultural labourers.. On an all-India
basis, the 1974-75 Rural Labourer Enquiry showed that of 30%
of households classed as rural labourer families (meaning that
over half their income came from agricultural or other wage
labour), some 37% were Scheduled Castes, 10% Scheduled Tribes
and the rest ‘‘others” - and that these were almost equally
likely to be landed or landless (Scheduled Tribes were somewhat
more likely to have land, Scheduled Castes
somewhat less
likely).
.■''■r
___________
*
26
i
j
Thus a large ’’semi-proletarian” section is emerging that
cuts across caste lines - but these divisions run deep. Though
it has the greatest objective need of all the rural classes to
destroy casteism, its history and material conditions make
this difficult. Both dalits and savannas may be agricultural
labourers, but there is a difference. Dalits who are wage labourers
have most often risen out of a position of even worse feudal
bondage and have done so through their fighting anti-feudal
movements.. Savarnas (whether former artisans or former
peasants) in contrast have often experienced a loss of
economic position that is upsetting.in a different way; they
in fact still have some material benefits from living within
the village and having social and kinship relations with middle
peasants and rich farmers, and in the face of their poverty
and the economic crisis this makes them liable to the propaganda
of casteism which tells them their problems come from the dalit
who are going ahead and getting all the advantages. Thus there
is a material base also for the hegemony of the rich farmers
and their ability to use ’’caste as a weapon”.
Among the. rural poor toilers, the continued existence of
caste divisions and the continued, if varying forms of the
special oppression of dalit labourers means that a struggle
against social/cultural oppression and an anti-caste struggle
is.a crucial part of their general battle for liberation. But
this is no longer a simple anti-feudal struggle as before. For
one.thing the main enemies now are the rich farmers, including
capitalist farmers, and the bourgeoise state as such, and the
dalits can no longer find their allies as the ex-shudra
peasantry fighting against the ”twice-born”. Now the question
has become one of uniting the dalits - and breaking the false,
cross-class ’’caste unity” of the middle castes in order to bring
the middle-caste toilers into alliance with dalits; it is now a
question of a dalit liberation movement along with the formation
of a broader militant class unity among the rural poor under
the slogan of ”dalit-shramik unity”.
£rowth of capitalist relations particularly from
the 1960s the rural poor, agricultural labourers and poor
peasants, began to break loose from the former domination of
the rural elite (which.had earlier been partly an alliance in
the areas of more militant struggle) and to assert themselves
independently in a variety of forms, under agricultural
labourer organizations, in dalit organizations, sometimes
under ’’caste” - influenced class forms (as in Thanjavur where
the form was that of the CPI(M) - led Kisan Sabha but the
content was provided by the caste panchayats of the Paraiyans
and Pallans), sometimes with hardly any leadership at all
except local contacts. Politically this class had - and still
has- no party of its own on a national basis: the RPI is
limited to only its dalit sections in a few areas, the CPI(M)
though based mainly on this class has also been limited to
pockets and in the more feudal and backward areas and has
been facing heavy repression, and the CPI and CPI(M) though
leading a number of struggles have been objectively more
/
I.
ii*
27
- -.--I-i;., • ’
r
„ SCT ; .
V
: ... fc-t f; .. 1^..
y
becoming parties of the middle peasants and rich fanners in
the countryside. In this condition the indeponden?™Srgon
txlle^S haS necessia'tated a new kind of political
v
appeal by the broader national parties, an appeal based on ‘
ideological (both class and caste) factors going over the
eads of the rural elites - and it has been the party of the
industrial bourgeoisie, the Congress - Congress (I)/which
has been most successful in making this appeal. After fostering
the growth of the kulaks by their policies of limited land
reform, credit:etc., the urban bourgeoisie found it handy to
check the upsurge of this class as well as to Throw a feJ
?f^bSm/- he rUral pOOr ln 'terms of a tinY bit of surplus
land, minimum wages, rural house-sites etc. And in the
overall absence of any revolutionary party of its own, the
rural poor has mostly responded to this appeal.
The capitalist farmers, in turn, began to emerge as a
l^athis/fmePOthr~hiOHdinf/laSS 10-20 yea^S after independence.
/ 5?’ ^he °ld PoliriCE of parallel and interlinked ~
tenant-landlord and non-Brahman-upper caste struggles were
coming to an end in the more capitalistically-developed areas
In these areas, m south and west India, the new kulaks came
to power under a variety of political forms, including the
nMVS^eS^ 12? Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra and Gujarat, the
DMK m Tamilnadu, evenin a partial form with the Communists
1 Kerala. But their discontent with the Congress policies and
their conflicts with the urban bourgeoisie over prices and
credit were growing, and in the northern states where feudal
tendencies were stronger and where the Congress at a statelevel
remained controlled by upper caste elements, these were enough
to drive.this class into opposition. So by 196? most of this
section in Bihar, UP, MP and later Gujarat went to the
Congress (0), the Akali Dal, the BKD and BLD, and finally by
1977 and the end of Emergency into the Janata Party. The
southern kulak class has also tended to go into opposition
( rs Congress) but the weakness of the political opposition
has driven many of them back to the Congress (I) and finally
resuited in the formation of "non-party" class organizations
- the various Farmers' Associations - through which they
have tried to assert their interests against the industrial
bourgeoisie and re-establish their rural hegemony outside of
parties (and within them).
I
Counter-Statement on Humanistic TemPer
methods of science in everyday life and in every aspect of
human endeavour from ethics to politics and economics — is
essential for ensuring human survival and progress, and...that
one should accept knowledge gained through the application
of the method of science us the closest approximation to
A Statement on Scientific Temper, a
truth.” What was a plurality of visions becomes, thus, a
thought-provoking document signed by outstand
hierarchy of methods, with one method having not only perma
ing scientists and public figures and released by
nently higher truth-value but also unrestricted applicability.
In the process, Nehru is reduced to a fourth-rate pamphleteer
the Nehru Centre in-Bombay {Mainstream, July
for modern science and to a maudlin ultra-positivist.
25, 1981) has touched off rethinking among
The signatories aim to “provide our people, once again, with
intellectuals in the country. Two comments on
a vision and a method for translating that vision into reality."
the Statement were published in these columns
If they were less pompous they would have seen that the only
concrete vision they offer is a new stratarchy based on the
(Mainstream, August 29, 1981). We publish here
possession of scientific temper. The stratarchy hierarchises the
a vigorous critique of the Statement, and invite
scientists and the laymen, with the naive non-scientists who
readers to participate in this discussion.—Editor
sign obsequious statements on scientific temper placed some
where in between. If one looks closer at the hierarchy, one
discovers its real meaning: its lowest rung is mostly people,
< A Statement on Scientific Temper,’ signed by a group which not by those whom their statement overtly attacks (the obscur
A includes a number of my terribly icspectable and highly antists and the Right reactionaries), but by the ordinary
successful friends, may read like a paean to conventionality, citizens uneasy with the Western and modern categories of
propriety and middle-class wisdom. On closer scrutiny, it thought. In other words, the target of the statement turns out
turns out to be a mix of superstitions, half-truths and cliches.
to be those at the receiving end of the present global system
The statement begins with a sleight of hand. In the preface, and the statement turns out to be a new attempt to hold the
PTI Haksar quotes Jawaharlal Nehru as follows: “This sufferers in imperfect societies responsible for their suffering.
method (the method of science) may not always be applicable
The ultimate logic of the statement is the vulgar contempt
in our quest of truth;...Let us, therefore, not rule out intuition for the common man it exudes. That is why it has to ignore
and other methods of sensing truth and reality. They are the fact that science today is the main instrument of oppres
necessary even for the purposes of science." The statement sion in the world, that 60 per cent of the world’s scientists and
then goes on to mock this insight of Nehru and his implicit most of their funds are spent on destructive technology, which
faith that modern science may also have to learn something in turn is used not so much in inter-state warfare as in withinfrom this civilisation. It claims that “the fullest use of the state oppression.
ASHIS NANDY
i
16
I
I
I
1
I
Concurrently, the statement has to whitewash the fact that world where arbitrary authorities constantly deny one control
modern science today is big business and the modern Indian over one’s fate, a situation created partly by modern science
scientists are mostly a new class of compradors, that to be the and technology, astrology is for the poor a psychological
subjects of such a science and to be subject to such scientists defence; it is an attempt to find meaning for an oppressive
is to be doubly subject to the national and international struc present in a controllable future. Whatever be its original
tures of oppression. The resistance to science in the ‘laity’ is meaning and however vulgar its practice, present-day astrology
based on an unconscious awareness of this fact. The com is a corollary of the scientific-modern worldview. Let us not
be taken in by the antics of a few astrologically-inclined politi
mon man is not that common after ail.
The scientists among the signatories will of course try des cians. Everything said, astrology is a myth of the weak;
perately to deny the true nature of modern science and tech modern science that of the strong. If you have the latter you
nology and to become what Georg Lukacs used to call a have to have the former.
Secondly, science itself is the major source of superstitions
“silent species.” It is astounding that the non-scientist
signatories sheepishly accept this pretended amnesia. Recent today. It recommends social eugenics, it eliminates millions
experience has repeatedly confirmed that the so-called kindly of under-privileged students from schools through IQ tests,
sciences like medicine and agronomy are not merely cut-throat it institutionalises millions in the name of‘mental illnesses’
enterprises but are also fast becoming counter-productive which are within the span of normality in the older societies,
mega-organisations, dealing out mega-suffering and mega- it uses unnecessary drugs and surgeries for sometimes as long
.death. In some countries, more illness is now caused by the as decades, it wastes more than one thousand crores of rupees
'modern medical system than by natural causes; in some, if you a day on the military for the sake of a mythical security, it
hold constant the. energy inputs, the net coi tribution of modern promotes mechanomorphism, part-object relations and objecti
agronomy to productivity becomes negative; and in some fication. Because such superstitions endorse the sense of
others, more suffering is produced by modern economics than omnipotence and omniscience of the privileged, they are seen
as cognitive faults which could be corrected from within
removed by it.
.
‘ .
.
It is often claimed that modern science has eliminated science. This, I believe, is the beginning of a new form of
major epidemics, shortages and backwardnesses. Recent works sedation.
have challenged even that. Epidemics, they show, have been
mostly eliminated by social welfare measures, in turn brought
about by alterations in poljtical and social structures; produc THERE is a need for a change in public consiousness, not
tivity gains in agr.culture often are a function of heavy energy from non-scientific to scientific temper, but from a conscious
inputs made possible by cheap energy obtained, we know how; ness which accepts the hegemony of science towards a con
and economic development is frequently the other name of an sciousness which accepts science as only one of the many
oppressive political economy and ‘developmental authorita imperfect traditions of humankind and which allows the
peripheries the world to reclaim their human dignity and reaf
rianism,’ vended as transient stages of social progiess.
The statement is packaged in pseudo-empiricism. It begins firm those aspects of their life on which the dignity is based.
The base includes various forms of traditions, religions and
with bogus history. Galileo, evidence now seems to show,
_______
__
myths. The Establishment consciousness blames the religions
was not unilaterally persecuted by the Church v(see
de Santfihis case
lana, Barfield, Koestler). In LL
.... at‘ least, it was the for the oppression of the caste system in India, for the intole’ to
• have
’ - rance of dissent in medieval Europe, and for communal riots
Church which proved itself more open and• sought
plural images of the cosmos. Galileo, like the signatories to everywhere, but when it comes to science, it ignores that
the statement, thought he knew the truth and he wanted to science has collaborated with the major massacres of this
oust all other concepts of truth. The Church, though it might centun — from Nazi concentration camps and Hiroshima to
have gone about it foolishly and hamhandedly, objected to Siberia, Vietnam and Cambodia. It ignores that Nazi racism,
American modernism and Stalinist Marxism are all scientific
that part of the story.
If the knowledge of European history of science m the theories. They may be defensively called pseudo-sciences, but
signatories is poor, their knowledge of Indian history of the fact remains that they are corrupt sciences, not corrupt
science is no better. They rightly say that creative Indians religions. (In our times, religion and culture are held respon
questioned tradititional beliefs during the Colonial period, but sible for whatever is done in their name, science is not. For
ignore the fact that these questions were mostly raised within the ills of science responsibility is placed on those who control
the framework of Indian traditions. Contrary to what the and use science. As if no one controlled or used religions and
statement implies, none of the great Indians used modern cultures.)
Such obscene logic is best expressed where the statement
science as bis or her vantage ground, not even the highly
Westernised ones like Madhusudan Dutt. Often, even when says, “There is, in fact, essential incompatibility of all dogmas
they themselves were not believers, they worked from within with science.” This not merely goes against most traditional,
a religious faith. Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar is one example; neopositivist, anarchist, and radical understanding of science,
B.R. Ambedkar could be another. The reason for this is it is a total sanction for the amoral cognition promoted by
obvious; these men wanted to avoid the model of official science and an open encouragement to us to demolish the tra
dissent the colonial power offered. Gandhi, for instance, used ditional faiths by which the majority of this and other simi
traditional West as an ally, not modem West and certainly not larly-placed societies protect themselves against the oppression
modern science. The present statement shows no such of the modern world. This encouragement becomes a sick
cultural sensitivity; it shows total ignorance of Indian creative joke when combined with the attempts in the statement to dis
credit idea systems which maintain some harmony between
efforts to understand the social context of science.
Particularly, the attempt to set up science and religion as ideas and feelings, what, according to Haksar, Nehru called
antagonistic forces in India is entirely derived from Western “a harmonious living consisting of a proper balancing of an
experience and is further proof that the statement is a posthu individual’s inner and outer life.”
It is in this context that the plea for “the fuller use of the
mous child of colonialism. The first attempt to use modern
science as a critical force within Indian society came from method of science in everyday life and every aspect of human
within religious reformers and it remained that way throughout endeavour from ethics to politics and economics” is a plea for
the entire colonial period. Rammohun Roy, Bankim Chandra totalisation and a prescription for cultural and intellectual
Chatterji, Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore, M G. Ranade, aridity. It is a plea for the destruction of all norms, all spont
J C Bose, P C. Ray, Lokhitavadi, Srinivasa Ramanujan, aneity, all rebelliousness, all under-socialised thinking It
Mahendralal Sircar and C.V. Raman were all believers and comes at a time when science has already reached our relation
ship with our children and our co-workers, our playgrounds
they never found any contradiction between faith and science
Nor for that matter did Jawaharlal Nehru. Even the foreigners and our bedrooms. In the name of increasing scientific temper,
who took serious interest in science in India were mostly it is a plea for a total take-over of the consciousness of the rest
of this society who are, unwittingly and as a part of their own
men of faith like Father Lafont and Patrick Geddes
The argument against astrology used by the statement is so struggle for survival, resisting the imperial presence of modern
ancient and it has been so badly mauled by Paul Feyderabend science.
on scientific, normative and methodological grounds that I am
ashamed to restate it for a group which includes a number of
literates. I shall, however, add two other arguments to NO discussion of science and technology is possible in the last
Feyerabend's, because of their relevance to India. First, tn a quarter of the twentieth century without taking into account
MAINSTREAM October 10, 1981
17
!
the role science has played in the institutionalisation of suffer
ing. Science has helped millions to escape suffering and death;
it has sent many more millions to death. A critical conscious
ness can never downplay the second role of science. Even
more important in future might be the kind of legitimating role
science has already begun to play by objectification and reifica
tion of the human situation. For instance, in the black art
called economics, the quantification of poverty is today a more
weighty problem than poverty itself; thus, the larger the num
ber of people one puts under the poverty line, the more radical
one becomes. Military weapons today are not instruments of
national security; they are irrational substitutes for security —
So much so that if you point this out, you are accused of being
a woolly visionary or a traitor. Similarly, one now measures
suffering to objectify it, so that one can discuss, in cabinet
meetings or at party headquarters, how many should be killed
for the liberation of how many, or how much suffering could
be imposed for the sake of development, national security,
progress, or law and order.
Secondly, modern science has everywhere shown the ten
dency, after destroying the hegemony of religions and cultures,
to become not merely the Establishment but also to promote
internal and external authoritarianism. By internal author
itarianism I mean the way modern science has cornered all
other classical, traditional or ethnosciences and monopolised
power, patronage and money. By external authoritarianism I
mean the way modern science has pre-empted all criticism
from outside and has become the ultimate standard for estab
lishing truth in every sphere of life. (So that, today, you have
to be “scientific” to criticise science but you do not have to
be a Muslim to criticise Islam )
NOTHING is as tiring as the slogans of yester-years. At one
time the science lobby might have been in a minority Today, it
monopolises the show in crucial sectors of our life. Even
when you grow a sacred tuft of hair or arrange your daughter s
marriage, you now either invoke sentiment and apologetically
say your ailing mother wants it or you try to find a quasiscientific justification for it In such a world to plead for
scientific temper is to plead for the Establishment. No one is
more pathetic than the middle-aged, successful academics,
politicians, journalists and bureaucrats pretending to be young
rebels.
Let me therefore appeal, over the heads of these worthies,
to the younger scientists, scholars and social activists to consi
der the following propositions as a baseline for a more serious
debate on science and society in india:
(1) It is possible to jettison the idea of an imperial science
which would one day liberate the less scientific from all the ills
of the world through science. Ina world where science and
technology are crucial planks in the global structure of ixploi* tation, where science constantly threatens ethnocide and an
nihilation, the first need is to humanise and educate the
scientist and the technocrat and wean him away from ruling
powers and ideologies. More humanistic temper in the scientists
is one of the basic need' oj this society. In any case, the false
consciousness of the elite is more dangerous than the false
consciousness of the citizen.
(2) We must learn to reject the claim to universality of
science. Science is no fess determined by culture and society
than any other human effort. The problems of science soring
not merely from with its context but also from its text or
content. There is a direct correlation between the claims to
absolute objectivity, inter-subjectivity, internal consistency,
dispassion and value-neutrality, on the one hand, and violence,
oppression, authoritarianism, killing uniformity and death of
cultures, on the other. Science must recognise that there are
limits to human certitude and it must learn to live with an
attenuated social status
(3) It follows from the above that one cannot place science
outside 'history' and everything else in history.
After seventy-
five years of work on the history, sociology and psychology of
science and on the creative processes involved in science, it
should be obvious by now that one part of science itself has
now shown the limits of science. The next generation of
Indians should be able to strengthen this awareness and find
out the specific limits and scope of science in this society.
(4) Certain basic values — human dignity, freedom, non
violence (both institutional and non-institutional) and equality
for instance — are outside culture and history. The ideas of
cultural relativism and the dogmas of progress are less universal
18
principles than the shared values of humankind. Science in its
present form constantly flouts these values by being a reliable
ally of authoritarianism, violence and Machiavellianism. These
values must be reaffirmed and science must be subjected to
criticism as a new faith with its own built-in dishonesty and
moral blindness.
The stress on values leads to a strong society; the stress on
science, in its present form, leads to a strong nation. The
latter without the former is a prescription for fascism and
imperialism.
, .
(5) Religions and ideologies must be similarly criticised
from the point of view of these values. However, there is
need to be more protective and respectful towards the faiths
held by those defeated and marginalised by the dominant
global consciousness.
Also, there ought to be equal rights to interpretation. If
modern idea systems like Marxism are given the right to
distinguish between their vulgar and non-vulgar versions, and
thus escape a part of the responsibility for what is done in
their names, the same right must be given to traditional idea
systems. It is safer, however, to believe that every id.a system
must taken full responsibility fur whatever is done in its name.
(6) Oppression diminishes but nev r ends When one form
of oppression end', new forms emerge. (For instance, the kind
of surplus the scientists and technologists extract these days
is no less than the surplus once extracted by other kinds of
rulers ) Eternal vigilance is the price of freedom from oppres
sion and from one’s inner disposition to collaborate with
new and more hidden forms of oppression. What was once
a major ideological prop for oppression can in a changed
circumstance become the baseline for a new vision of a less
oppressive society. Similarly, what was once a dissenting con
sciousness can become a collaborationist strain. The contents
of oppression change: the baseline of criticism also should
change. No successful movement, no change of regime, no
revolution can change this fact This may lead to greater
congnitive and moral uncertainty, but in a shrinking world
one must learn to live with such uncertainty.
(7) The common man has not only his traditional qr folk
science, he has his own philosophy of science It might be
vague, implicit and non-professional but it is informed with
the experience of suffering. Such folk sciences and folk
philosophies must be taken seriously. In fact, we can hope to
build an indigenous science only when such lost sciences and
implicit philosophies are respectfully articulated by contem
porary Indian scholars.
No theory of progress negates this principle of basic respect
for non-modern idea systems.
(8) Modern science is one of the many traditions avail.ble
to. humankind.
one of
.
.... It is...also ........
, the many
, traditions of science.
...
-r.L-------------- :x.'_-----------_1_
-I.J------- x_ u,
Unfortunately, like some- of
the Semitic creeds, it claims
to be
the only truth outside all traditions. It is time for us to affirm
that modern science has the right to praselytise but not to
forcibly convert. Least of all has it any right to totalise our
consciousness or to vend itself as a cure-all of the ills of this
society.
(9) Modern science is an over organised monster, sold to
‘normality,’ hypermasculinity and conformity. It should be
partly deorganised, so as to facilitate cross criticisms among
competing idea systems.
This is because if science has a duty to critici e other systems
of thought and cosmologies, the latter too have a duty to
criticise science. The idea that the scientific critique of reli
gions is a respectable sociology of religion, whereas a theologi
cal critique of science is a reactionary ploy, is obscurantism of
the worst kind. Also, one should be allowed to criticise a
system of knowledge not merely from the points of view of
other systems of knowledge, but from outside all systems.
We should be willing to defy conventional concepts of nor
mality, rationality, order and maturity.
(10) If science takes credit for the achievements of techno
logy, it must take responsibility for the misdeeas of technology.
For the moment, in societies like India, the politics of science
cannot be divorced from the politics of technology, though
conceptually it is vital to distinguish between science and
technology.
(11) Finally, the ordinary citizen has a right to know more
a out the politics of science, which is very ugly and is hardly
likely to inspire others to trust the scientists. Hence the effort
by
. die scientists and their PR consultants to hide the politics
of science and vend science as an apolitical expertise. ©
r
Chitrabani: an Indian
experience in
development communication
i
13
Gaston IIUMVItyU,
Roberge, L/HUUlWf
Director VMM
and founder of Chitrabani
(Photo: Saiim Paul ©Chitrabani)
WOdLK/ll
i
1
f.
■
GASTON ROBERGE
r'iSt4 bu -
Gaston Roberge has been living in West Bengal since 1961. In
1970 he received an MA in Theatre Arts (Film) from the
University of California in Los Angeles. He has published a
number of books on film and the media and is the director of
Chitrabani. a social communication centre in Calcutta.
Chitrabani, a Bengali phrase meaning image/word, is
the name of a small communication centre located in
Calcutta and created in 1970 by the Jesuit Fathers of
West Bengal. It is a registered society and is recog
nized by the State of West Bengal as an educational
institution for training and experimenting in the
production and use of communication media support
ing educational and developmental programmes. 7he
centre is a church-related institution but it is not a
. religious centre. Staff members are selected for their
competence, irrespective of their religion. At the
moment, the director and the manager are two
Jesuits, the other 18 staff members are lay people,
half of them non-Christians. Except for the director,
all are Indians. The Chitrabani centre includes a
reading room with nearly 4,000 books and well over
fifty magazines on communication; a library of
photographs; a multipurpose hall; a sound-recording
studio; a photographic dark room; and space for an
eventual film studio. Since its inception, Chitrabani
has been supported by various Catholic organizations
(the Jesuits of Calcutta and of Montreal, CARITAS
India MISEREOR, UNDA, OCIC) and by the govern
ments of India and of West Bengal. Funded projects
^°a
account for nearly half of the budget of Chitrabani.
Philosophy
The involvement of the Catholic Church, and of the
Jesuits of West Bengal in particular, in the field of
communications is prompted by a keen realization
that there is an intimate relationship between
development and communication. The particular
rapport between the members of a society is estab
lished and expressed by, among other things, the
communication processes prevalent in that society.
Any improvement of the communication processes,
therefore, is an improvement of social life.
Today, the majority of the people in India do not
have free access to the facilities required for the full
development of their human potential. The entire
spectrum of communication media is an integral
part of this situation both as an effect and as a
contributory factor that maintains it. There is a
crying need for a change — not for a little more or less
of the same, but for a radical change. And there are
two main change-agents: the
politician and the
educator. The politician seeks power to bring about
socio-economic change; the educator seeks to bring
educational ixoadcaating intarnational Saptamber 1980
about change in people's mind in order that socio to them free of charge, but the trainees will have to
economic changes might be meaningful to them. That supply their own photographic material. This scrvlca
is why a communication centre cannot be satisfied also depends on a grant we have applied for.
only with teaching technical skills or only with churn
ing out so-called educational programmes. The type For high school students
of training offered and the approach to programme For ,a long time we have been interested In initiating
making themselves are educational. They are not and high school students into the media of communication,
cannot be neutral. They either strengthen the situa because it is at high school age that the young form
tion prevalent in the milieu or they contribute to their habits and critical sense in the use of the media.
subvert it. It is with this thought in mind that Every year we take a group of twenty pupils and we
Chitrabani was created and designed to fit in the give them 12 to 15 lessons on the media. A teacher's
particular situation of Calcutta. Some of the prin manual, Chitrabani, a book on film appreciation, and
ciples we have arrived at through our experience may a student's text, Mass Communication and Man, have
be useful to people living in other circumstances, but been published by us. For more advanced students
our activities and especially the form of our activities we have written two more books, Films fo» an
Ecology of Mind and Mediation, the action of the
may well be impracticable elsewhere.
Chitrabani's activities divide broadly into two meoia in our society (to be reviewed in EB! - Ed.). A
groups: training and production. We believe, against five minute excerpt in 16mm from the film Father
the practice of the majority of training centres, that Panchali was also made available to institutions
training and production ought to be associated. We wishing to teach film with the help of the textbooks
feel that even theoretical courses like film aesthetics mentioned above. Nearly twenty copies of the film
must be grounded in and lead to a 'praxis', namely, excerpt have been supplied.
that of film criticism. In this article, after describing
our main training and production programmes, I
For social workers
shall discuss some of our projects.
For social workers we have designed a two-month
course in the use of low cost media. Two groups of
TRAINING
social workers from the Department
of Social
In the last ten years Chitrabani has experimented Welfare, Government of West Bengal, and workers
with various sorts of courses.
from several voluntary agencies have been given this
training so far, and many more sessions are planned.
For professionals
The course deals with four main media: puppets;
We have given courses ranging from five days to hand-made slides; group discussion with the help of
nine months in duration in: script writing for tele still photographs; and poster-making. These coursas
vision, radio and film; radio programming; cinema are conducted in Bengali, and wa are currently pro
tography; film appreciation; television production; ducing notes in Bengali for the trainees. The notes
still photography; graphic design; advertising; journa published so far include: education, development,
lism; philosophy of communication, etc. Most per culture, adult education, magic lantern, and group
sons enrolled in these courses were interested in discussion.
Increasing their chances of getting a job, whether or
not they liked the subject, and whether or not they Diploma programme in communication
were fit for it. Even persons joining courses in film
In 1977 we launched our diploma programme with an
appreciation or the philosophy of communication
open syllabus and no academic pre-requirement.
often turned out to be persons who wanted to Students joining this programme have Included a high
become film-makers. Since there is only a small
school student (who completed the programme very
chance that our trainees would get jobs because they
successfully but was an exceptional case), college and
have attended our courses, we have resisted the
university students and office workers. The city itself
demand for giving more of these courses, especially
is our resource centre and the students are encouraged
In cinematography, where the demand is most per
to Integrate the various media experiences that the
sistent and job opportunities least numerous. We have
city offers: films, dramas, folk media performances,
come to the conclusion that since there are so few
music, dance, exhibitions, radio, television, advertis
job opportunities our courses for would-be profes ing, seminars, lectures, etc. Each student select* the
sional communicators should be offered to persons
items of his or her choice and reports to tha academic
who are already In the field of amateurs, freelance advisor on what has been done, The advisor
or full time workers. Thus, our programme for the
encourages the student to deepen the&e experiences
next months will be us follows.
either by private reading, or by writing essays, or by
Rtidio; Ws shall take three trainees for two years. getting Involved in media performances, or by pro
They will work full time with us and they will be ducing media programmes. So far, saven students
Initiated into all aspects of radio production. They have been awarded our diploma. It takes nearly two
will be given a monthly stipend for the duration of years for an active student to complete the statutory
the course and a diploma upon successful comple requirements for the diploma, In addition to his or
tion of the training. This scheme, however, depends her other actlvites. There ar® currently twenty
on receiving a grant wo have applied for.
students In this programme.
, Still photography and tllm-maklng:
shall take
ten trainees, each one of them for various periods
of time, Ths trainees will have access to 36mm still
cameras and to 8mm, Super 8mm and 18mm cine
WBM(1W6
„, They
II,wy will be permitted to use our dark room
cameras,
and our Super 8mm and 18mm film-viewers. They
will be given personal guidance In the Implementstlon of their projects. These facilities will be extended
bfoadAftsting intarnctionAi SaidUmtoair 1330
PRODUCTION
So far, we have gained experience In the production
of photographs, video tapas, sound recording for
radio, Super 8mm films, 10mm films, ©nd graphics,
We have decided to limit the range °£our productions
to still photographs, 18mm films, radio programmes,
and graphics.
137
r
PROJECTS
/
Ours is a team of communicators at tTie service of
!
other communicators. We can produce excellent
material, we can teach adequate approaches and
techniques, but finally we are not the communi
cators. The successful use of oui material, the im
plementation of our approaches, depend on the
actual
communicators
whom we serve. These
-
-€.
I
J
-al
>
belong to at least five categories;
T government departments
2. development and service agencies
3. churches
4. educational institutions
5. advertising agencies.
These are all persons with definite messages to
convey. Moreover, most of them are concerned with
convey. I
results that can be computed in finite quantities. Not
few would even like to increase their 'power'
a
through communication techniques> that 'would
* t we want them to do bemake the people do what
i
i
i -
what they should do'—as a young
cause we know
k.—
; i once told me. To the five groups
social worker
j should
be added 'the people'. Through
listed above
s
communication, they figure out how they feel about
each other and they 'relate*. The real educator is
concerned with that level of communication. How
ever, I am amazed to find how tew communicators
are educators. And one of the most difficult aspects
of our work is to adjust to the approaches of
communicators who have no concern for education.
For instance, when we had an exhibition of the
children in the Pilkhana slum, a very devoted social
„
10^2
! -■ -f
■
worker commented that 'showing photos is all very
nice, but what people need is not pictures but food'.
I argued with him that the Pilkhana slum people
crowded into the nearby cinema hall. They them
selves took some money from their meagre income to
buy pictures, not food, for they need pictures,
everybody does; but the pictures they get are mindpollutiny. We can take a tiny fraction of our budget
to offer slum people pictures of themselves which
they can be proud of and which can contribute to
reinforcing their identity. Most social workers are
concerned with tangible results. They would rather
keep away from values, because values are very close
From The PUkhana Child collection (Photo: Brian Blant?
©Chitrabanil
..frii/'H:
i- ■ i I ' N ! i
‘ .
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, i
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I ■
4k
rL
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ft.
3
II
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4
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-r'om r/)e Ptlkhana Child colleciion (Photo: Brian Balen
©bniVahani)
When this photo was exhibited in the P.khana slum, the child took ms muuw.
along to see it. She was so proud of her son that she stood next to the photo to
explain to the visitors that this was her son and that he earned 50 patse a day.
(Photo: Brian Balen ©Chitrabam)
139
educational broadcasting international September 1980
Still photographs
We undertake two sorts of photographic assignments:
documentary and educational. For instance, during
the 1978 floods in West Bengal we took documentary
photographs of the affected area for use by relief
agencies, and we documented the work done by
these agencies. Our educational photographs are
meant for group discussions. They are printed in the
8" by 12" format, mounted on cards and covered
with plastic so that they can be handled freely by the
users. These photos can also be used in exhibitions
and are then printed 20" by 30". It is our view that
the image one has of oneself largely determines
whether or not one is underdeveloped. We believe that
without the cultivation of a dynamic image of self,
socio-economic development is impossible. Hence the
photographs we take are designed to reflect a positive
view of the persons photographed. Our main collections of still photographs include Saheed Minar
(1,500 images of Calcutta), and The PUkhana Child
(1,000 images of children of Pilkhana, a slum of
Calcutta). Fifty photographs from the latter collec
tion were exhibited in the Pilkhana slum in January
1979, during the Year of the Child, as a homage to
the children of the slum. The photographs from our
various collections are available on loan free of
charge for social work. We do not encourage the use
of slide/sound programmes for social work because
we consider that in our milieu these programmes are
too expensive. However, we plan to guide film
students in the making of such programmes because
they constitute a cheap alternative to actual film
making when doing exercises in montage.
Radio
Film-making
We are by choice a small centre and from the start
we felt that we had to choose one of the following
three media: Super 8mm with sound, 16mm with
sound and video tape. We opted for the best estab
lished medium, 16mm. Since we took this decision
the governments of India and of West Bengal have
also decided to promote the use of 16mm for educa
tional films and even for feature films. Four years ago,
we were offered some film-making equipment: an
Arri camera, a Nagra tape recorder, a Steenbeck
editing table and a multi-track magnetic 16mm sound
mixing console, but it has not yet arrived. Although
in 1975 we made two 16mm films for television
broadcast in the SITE programme, at the request of
the Ministry of Education, the experience convinced
us that without a minimum of equipment of our
own, 16mm film-making was still too difficult and
too costly in India to warrant the effort. However,
at the moment, we are making a 20 minute animation
film in 16mm. When the donated equipment arrives
we shall resume making educational films and will
offer practical training in film-making.
»
Graphics
In the past we have had the services of different
graphic designers on short term assignments and we
shall soon have with us a full time graphic designer
specialized in visual communication. In addition
to meeting our own design needs, the graphic de
signer will be of assistance to numerous groups who
require promotional leaflets, illustrated reports,
publications, exhibitions and teaching materials of
all sorts.
Every month we produce six hours of Bengali
programmes for Radio Veritas, Manila, Phillippines.
These socially-useful programmes are meant for
broadcast to Bangladesh and West Bengal, a potential
audience of over 120 million. The programmes are
also available for local use on cassettes and we hope
that our educational radio skits, in particular, will be
increasingly used for group listening on cassette
recorders.
Sh
A home for the aged, from the Saheed Minar collection (Photo: Vivek Dev
Burman ©Chitrabani)
138
An artist at work, from the Saheed Minar collection
(Photo: Subrata Lahiri ©Chitrabani)
educational broadcasting international September 1980
k
I
I
to the area of politics and also because dealing with
values would make them question their own vantage
position which permits them to 'help' in the first
place. A social worker who believes that relief work
or a housing scheme are value-free is sadly mistaken.
But this sort of mistake is a cherished one.
The quality of our projects, therefore, depends to
a large extent on the communicators who are in
volved with us in the implementation of these
projects. And this is as it should be. Social work is
not done in an isolated office or on paper, but in a
dialogue with actual people. There are two more
factors which have an influence on our projects: the
first factor is the very size of the problems we are
facing. These problems are so large that we are
tempted to create projects commensurate to them.
We resist this temptation: not because we would not
like many more people to benefit from our action,
but because we believe that our action can only
remain ol good quality il it is not loo big. We wish to
do things because ol then significance not because ol
(he number ol people who would sujiposedly be in
some way influenced by them. And we have in
front of us so many examples of 'big' schemes that
only come to nothing. There is a second factor which
tends to affect the very nature of our work: it is the
rapid advance of technology in richer countries and
the tendency in developing countries to embrace
technologies for all aspects of communication.
Frankly, I am worried by the pressures pul on Third
World countries—from within and without—for them
to go in for television and video technologies. I
cannot discuss this point here adequately for lack of
space. The following projects will give an idea of our
orientation and of the way in which we seek to apply
the few theoretical thoughts I have discussed so far
in this paper.
Audio visual laboratory
This project is to be initiated shortly. We shall put on
in our hall an exhibition of low cost audio-visual
aids centered on an educational theme, like adult
literacy, hygiene, leprosy, etc. The exhibition will be
open tor 200 days a year and for two hours each day.
The media used will include: models, scrolls, posters,
photographs, hand made slides, and a live perforance, like a puppet show, singing or group theatre.
Visitors will be invited from a school, a club, etc so as
to form a homogeneous group of nearly fifty people.
Two social workers will show the visitors around and
a researcher will study their reaction to the various
exhibits to assess their suitability. Social workers,
educators, pastors and teachers will be welcome to
observe. Thus, the laboratory will provide a useful
experience for the visitors, it will enable us to test
oui material and il will serve as a demonstration
centre. Exhibits will be designed so as to be easily
moved to anothei location should we wish to do so.
The Bauls of West Bengal
This is an old project entering into a new phase. The
hauls ate mendicant singers and are perhaps the best
communicators in rural West Bengal. There are several
thousand of these troubadours who spread in their
songs a sort of counter-culture, neither Hindu nor
Muslim, and containing elements borrowed from
Tantrism, Buddhism [Sahajya patha} and Sufism.
Every year they congregate in five or six main festi
vals and people flock to listen to them. It is said that
the Baul festival held at Kenduli in the Birbhum
District attracts some three to four thousand Bauls
and thousands of devoted listeners. In the course of
the last two years we have attended most of the
important festivals and a number of secondary ones.
We have established an enduring relationship with
I?
£
p..‘ n
</
r
i|
•
i
(i
10
1
Bauls at Shantiniketan (Tagore's University). This young
singer is the son of the famous Baul in the next picture.
I Photo Sai
Paul
Chitr abani'
140
I
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f .
■-J
X,
(Photo: Salim Paul ©Chitrabani)
educational broadcasting international September 1980
several Bauls and have interviewed a few of them and
recorded some 200 songs. Very soon some Bauls will
perform for an urban audience in our centre, and
will follow this with a discussion. Recently, we had
the opportunity to assist Jerzy Grotowski who
conducted a theatre workshop with a few Bauls and
people doing theatre in rural Bengal. Thus, this Baul
project is progressing well. However, since none of us
is trained in the disciplines of anthropology or
sociology, I fear that the project may drift indefi
nitely. We are considering abandoning it unless we
obtain the Collaboration of a scholar interested in this
field of studies and especially in ethnomusicology.
5radian experiences in the- use of low cost
media for education
While initiating social workers into the use of Sow
cost media we constantly come up against a difficulty:
valuable experience in the use of low cost media has
already been gained in various parts of India but too
little is known about it. We feel that a systematic
study ot some 15 to 20 cases should be made in order
that these scattered pieces of work can be discussed
and integrated into a fund of knowledge available to
social workers and educators. We are now formulating
a project to this effect.
slides by drawing them directly onto a 3%" by 3%''
piece of glass. This simple technology makes it possi
ble for the users to gain an experience of a participa
tory and fully accessible communication medium. So
far, we have supplied over 50 magic lanterns to
various groups and it seems that many more lanterns
will be needed. I recently saw a slide show in a small
Santali village at Ajodhya Hills in the Purulia District
(West Bengal) where a young Santali teacher had had
her pupils draw the slides for the show. We have
started to make photocopies of some of the slides
___ ___.s
order to study the codes of rep
made
by inusers
resentation in use in a particular area and visual
perception among illiterates. This study is necessary
because images, contrary to a misconception very
common among social workers, are not a universal
language. For this project we would also need techni
1
cal assistance.
Bibliography
Hobuigo, Gaston. Chitra Bam. a book on film appreciation,
with a preface by Satyajit Ray, an eassay on Indian
cinema by Kironmoy Raha, Chitrabani, Calcutta, 1974,
Rs 25.
Roberge, Gaston: Films tor an Ecology ot Mind, essays on
realism in the cinema, Firma KLM Private Ltd, 257 Bipin
Bihari Ganguly St, Calcutta 700 012, 1978, Rs 25.
Roberge, Gaston Mass Communication and Man, revised
edition consisting of fifteen chapters excerpted from the
book Chitra Bani, Better Yourself Books, Saint Paul
Society, Allahabad 211 002, 1977, Rs 8.
Roberge, Gaston: Mediation, the action of the media in our
society, Manohar Book Service, 2 Ansari Road, Daryaganj,
New Delhi 110 002, 1978, Rs 100.
Roberge, Gaston: Eisenstein's Ivan the Terrible, an analysis.
Chitrabani, Calcutta, 1980 (forthcoming), Rs 65 approx.
Magic lantern and codes of representation
One of the media we recommend is the magic lantern.
This, of course, was already known and used years
ago but it has fallen into disuse. What is new in our
approach is that the lantern we have designed is
inexpensive (Rs 285) and can be used with either a
kerosene lamp (usually available in villages) or a
lOOw household bulb. The lantern can be dismantled
for easy transportation. But what is more important
still is that we encourage the users to make their own
88 6 HF
The Chitrabani magic lantern (Photo: Salim Paul ©Chitrabani)
/
A woman worker drawing a slide (Photo: Salim Paul
©Chitrabani)
141
aducatidnal broadcasting international September 1980
Ih'
July 10, 1981
What Kin-'J of Lifeboat ?
A Humanist View of Mankind's Ecological Predicament
x
by Christian Bay
Garrett Hardin
admirably ecolate writer.
He is
learned, lucid, and didactically effective in getting across his urgent
warning of impending
progress.
ecological disaster, and indeed of disasters in
But politicolate he is not;
(1) He seems oblivious of the political impact of his repeated
warnings against•aiding the world’s poor.
(2) He does not seem to
understand that warnings of disastrous developnEnts call for a critical
examination of the conventional (liberal) political wisdom and for a
consideration of possible alternative policy priorities, beyond his
simple plea for population control©
(j) Paradox!cajly,
Hardin seems
unaware of the necessity of making a choice^ between liberal and humanist
priorities, once you understand the ecological predicament of our time,
even though his own work has demonstnated so powerfully the necessity
of such a choiceThis is the most charitable and also the most reasonable interV
pretation of Hardin’s work.
«
On the basis of some of his ’writings he
anti-humanist, a privileged Cali-
might be pictured as a callous
fornia professor who crusades against the world’s poorest populations
perhaps because he is disturbed by other people’s troubled conscience
regarding oppression in the fhird Uorld;
perhaps, for his own mental
comforts, he might be repressing his own guilt by way of blaming the
world’s poverty on its victims.
Astoujitling statements to the effect
that there is no world hunger problem, anymore than there is a world
earthquake problem, would seem to support such a reading (pp* S5--56)*
But I much prefer to accept at face value Hardin’s repeated assurances
(pp. 56, 57, 61, and 62) that he does not believe that excess human
populations should be killed off, on the game management model.
he lacks is not so much humanity as politicolacy•
x
Baschwitz Institute, University of Amsterdam, and Department of
Political Economy, University of Toronto.
,
.... id -
CE1V
^arks
. -1
What
JLL.
2
1.
What we write can
have political consequences
extremely unjust world
I take it that we live in an
aion? ■;ith & willingness to sacrifice, is in short
in which compassion, along nw ax
&
those who have and could afford to share. numan solidarity
supply, among
preached by all the great religious
is a cardinal virtue that has been
/5
commitment shared7 by philofounders and leaders, and^ a basic humanist
revered in tne historical
sophers and social reformers whose names are
countries• To Hardin, "Love of justice is
and literary works in many
the establishment of a commons in a world
but not if it leads to
f ine
ruled by scarcity” (p. 59).
important point;
Let me stress that tre makes a valid and
what disturbs me is that he has nothing further to
say about justice in this paper;
What disturbs me more
as a virtual crusader
nothing positive!
is the context of Hardin’s continuing role
against the world’s poor, — or the world’s
undeserving poor nations
to be more exact, in that he wantyto end
rich nations only to those Third
foreign aid from the US and other
achieve effective population-reducing
World countries that have failed to
policies.
His frontal attack was launched in a popular magazine,
Psychology Today, in 197^ with the essay ’’Lifeboat Ethics: The Case
Against Helping the Poor.”
1
case to be made, no doubt
In scientific journals there is a
rticular policy of social justice, and there are valid
against any par
arguments to be made a gainst aid that leads to more rapid population
growth.
Hardin states such arguments well, both in the essay before?
us here and in his ’•Lifeboat Ethics”.
3ut I wonder whether it has
occurred to him that his ’’Lifeboat Ethics” essay most probably has had
reducing funds available to the many small
a very substantial impact in
American agencies that work to save lives in drought and famine areas,
and in increasing public support for reduced American participation in
international and bilateral governmental aid programs.
Writing in 1975»
5
also in Psychol'o{c;y Today,
2oger Lewin estimated that more than
JOO Million Third V/orld children at that tine suffered from "starved
long-term malnutrition serious enough to reduce signifi2
Does Hardin
cantly their potentials for mental or physical growth.
brains”:
relish his role of a formidable, very articulate and influential
antagonist of all these children ?
I should think not.
father, I
think there is a woeful lack of politicolacy in his otherwise so
enlightened ecolate perspective®
2•
The possibility of alternate policy priorities
A lifeboat is in one way an appropriate model for
k tin
n
understanding the modern ecolate predicament‘ of our worl^ hn
but
other ways it is profoundly inappropriate.
It is appropriate in bringing home the fact that we all live
on a globe with a finite system of life supports, floating along in
an ’’ocean” of space.
The earth, like a lifeboat, can carry only a
limited number of people, and everyone is perhaps better off if the
t
actual numbers fall far short of the upper limits. -
No, not everyone.
very one ?
For hundreds of millions today, far larger
numbers than in the past, this issue has little significance.
They barely
exist, at the margin of life, or they die, or they see their children
die a slow death.
Do they care, or should they be expected to care,
about what happens to the rest of us
are shared equally.
In a lifeboat scarce resources
‘^hero is a sense of solidarity.
While our world’s
least privileged classes barely survive, if at all, they see the superrace or the super-class speeding along the highways, or in the jetplanes
above.
(Some of then are even treated to international car-races, in
this world of desperate energy shortages for many poor people).
This is vfhbre the lifeboat is so radically inappropriate as a
simile•
A luxury liner is what our world resembles more, except that
no actual ship ever.
came close to matching this world’s class and racial
4
divisions*
Our jet-sets would probably find even the most sumptuous
First Class accomodations too cramped for their own lifestyles.
And
below the Third Class deck there,would have to be decks for the dis
eased, the starving, and the dying, with no medics or social workers
in attendance.
ahere
are "numerous pockets of hunger and poverty scattered
throughout the world,”
Hardin concedes
(p- 55)*
He suggests that they.
much like earthquakes, should be seen as local problems (further on, at
"tl
these calamities are not man-made,
P • 66, he su-'gests^4 eartnquai\.es, as
do merit international relief aid).
Problems of destitution have local causes, being the result of
too many persons born and not enough dying, as far ds Hardin is concerned•
Nations that now rely on the First World to help them against
hunger and disease are parasitic, we are told (p. 67)»
And we are treate
to one ludicrous example of ostentatious waste on the part of the
President of a relatively affluent African country, as a demagogic way
of denigrating other African countries as well as international aid to
the Third World generally;
public insistence on
only Mao’s China gets gdod narks, for Mao’s
H regeneration
through our own efforts”
(pp. 6?—68).
One must wonder at this point whether Hardin has ever heard of
imperialism, or neo—imperialism•
It is a fact, is it not, that ^irs*-
World nations conquered and subjugated most of what is now the rhird
VH
World, and that European settlers drove the natives
many of the 1best lands ?
many areas off
By these evictions they secured not only lands
but generations of cheap, subservient labor.
After political independ
ence much of the good land in pro-West Third /Jorld countries is now
owned either by local affluent people of favored families or bj agribuoi—
ness corporations.^- Host present Third World regimes encourage cash
er ops
large units of rural production, and urbanization with industri
alization, to be able to raise taxes to pay for armies, police, and
5
bureaucracies.
Peasantries trying to be (or remain) self-reliant
have few politically influential friends, unlike the multinational
c orporations.
It is in this kind of world that peasants and other poor people
raise many children.
do
9
In their lives of nisery, vzhat else is there .to
'Jhat other personal hope is left, tnan seeing one of their own
children make good in life, and perhaps be enabled to give
comfort
or even support in one’s old age ?
lt is well
sens in other
established that people in welfare states, and citi
affluent countries who can afford to secure their
private welfare, tend to have few children.
There may also be a rather
general tendency for children of the securely affluent to develop
it
post-materialist values, ii according to Honald Ingldhart’s research,
- that is, values that reduce commodity consumption and waste, in the
context of ecologically responsible outlooks.
Here, it seems to me, are cues toward a viable strategy for
coping with the serious problem of over-population in today's world,
— a strategy far more viable, at any rater, than preaching (or imposing,
if one ever can) low birthrates for populations living in utter misery:-
reduce their misery and improve on their sense of security, give them
hop
a lucky child 1
oi a □etier life for themselves, aul not only for
Another viable strategy, if standards of welfare and education
can be raised, might be to encourage feminist consciousness and movements.
Male macho-ism and female subservience clearly are big factors,
in many cultures, in the persistence of traditions of hav ing many child
r en •
It may well be, too, that a larger female role in family decisions
will tend to encourage environmentally more responsible lifestyles,
compared to the highly individual-achievement-oriented male lifestyles
in many male-dominated cultures, in whicn nature as well as women a^d
children are generally seen as objects of subjugation©
6
Liboral-individualist achievement
orientations and possessive
u^limVed Commons, w-oulti ewra
individualism, with the world seen as an
4
world of John Locke, with
a lot of sense in the 17th Century
continents still to be "conrruered ” and with
and
other
new
the Americas
unlimited possibilities for the private
new technologies promising
The liberal ideology of laissez-faire helped
accumulation of capital.
dominated by London and Faris.
World affluence and a world
to build First
dominated world, but our recent
We still have a Vie stern powers-'
developments have become very destructive to
and current technological
natural environments, with deserts expanding on several cpntinents?.
our
affecting flora and fauna, including the
and accumulating pollution
the human species, in many localities. It seems clear that
health of
more people in th
the world's remaining
remaining bounty
bounty now
now impoverishes many"
than it enriches, due to the unjust property relations
Third World
developed and
sanctified in the heyday of imperialism.
structural injustice imposec.
How to undo, how to reverse, the
by the heritage of imperialism i
Having asserted the ’‘sanctity of the
■
of our eco-system as a first premise Oi enlightened
carrying capacity ” of our eco-system
Hardin would be well advised to reflect on what politipolitics, Garrett
will be required for poor people and rich
cal and economic changes
ecolate consciousness. .
to reduce birthrates, and to achieve an
people
How about bringi'-'I have a more specific suggestion as well.
Ministries of Defense ? Should they not
some new questions to our
responsibility for the defense of our (international)
assume some
environment, instead of remaining fixated on the defense of national
against evil designs from foreign powers ? And, while we
real estate
have the attention of NATO Defense ?4inistries, how about insisting that
Washington's and NATO's continuing quest■; for military superiority must
-.ndering of the whole orX(i < G
wit:, tie er.oru.ons squw..
EK**
now be ended,
i-tf
most
other
H:o>arms race imposes^n Moscow and on
r-' rrnrccs t1
:r,n>.
Ct/
r l ' < c a pi t a Is •
<
7
7^
which the US as: the leading
6 arms-racer would have to initiate,
Vould not a slowing down of the military arms race^
achieve
far more toward resolving our ecolate predicament than a reduction of
shipments of powdered milk and medicines to the Sahel countries or to
Hangla DeshJ"
If substantial savings in weaponries could be channeled
into funds for the improvement of health, welfare, and education in
such countries,
then a considerarbl? sense of optimism might become
possible, even for highly ecolate people like ^r. Hardin*
5.
Liberalism versus humanism:
the necessity of choice
Lardin leads off his essay with a critique of Jan Tinborgen * s moral view that the rich countries ought to share with the
poor,
or else
the future looks rather bleak,
Tinbergen asserts.
From my own humanist perspective the present, too, looks rather bleak,
as I have indicated*
I agree with Tinbergen that in the absence of
larger foreign aid, or more equitable international trading arrangemehts, the future will become bleaker still*
Hardin’s moral disagree-
ment With Tinbergen concedes, however, that the outl^ook is bleak.
•/frat Hardin argues is that increased foreign aid in the present world
order will hasten the current drift toward ecological catastrophe, and
soon lead to a universal bleakness beyond Tinbergen’s most pessimistic
forebodings for a non-aid futqre*
On this crucial point I think Hardin is entirely night* If the
liberal
present7world order is not to change, then increased foreign aid will
in a small way (no generous increases are likely) hasten the arrival
of massive ecological disasters, which will make most of
immeasurably worse off.
mankind
There is no doubt but that the St. Matthew
Island reindeer population study that Harden cites (p. 57) has direct
relevance to our human situation as well.
‘.'hile the world’s total
Commons are very much larger, our numbers are also vast, and our technological powers of destruction and waste have become immense*
8
Hardin has rendered a great service, in my view, with his
didactically brilliant 1968 essay, "The Tragedy of the Com-.ons".
I don’t know of a more lucid and devastating
(implicit)
critique of liberal ideology, philosophy, and economics
(see above,
Hardin demonstrates conclusively that
pp. 50—51, for excerpts).
unrestricted free enterprise v.'ith a right to accumulate private
wealth from nature’s Commons must lead to the depletion and destruction
of nature, and eventually destroy all human life.
He is right to
insist, in the paper before us, th^t these are facts that must be
understood by everyone who is not only literate and numerate,
but
ecolate as well, as we must all try to become, as responsible citizens.
Hardin’s enlightenment is admirable up to this point, but it
extends no-
further. In the domain of politics he:- is. stuck with the
blinders of a conventional liberal ideology that takes private property
rights and the legitimacy of boundless individual acquisitiveness for
granted.
Much like Robert ^ozick, the most articulate of libertarian
political philosophers,
5
Hardin simply assumes- that existing pro
perty entitlements, and the right to (legally) accui^ulat e new property,
infringed upon.
must hardly ever be '
first premise in his political outlook.
seem to carry little weight.
This appears to be the
Human needs, by /comparison,
With this kind of basic assumptions it is
no wonder that his reasoning leads him toward the brink of suggestin
that surplus populations in various Third World countries must be left
alone to die, while we in North America . - remain preoccupied with
problems.of obesity and
reducing diets.
Hardin scornfully rejects the allegedly anarchist-inspired
view that human need
creates right , along with Proudhon’s idea that
"property is theft" (p. ^9, his italics).
at which Hardin must be confronted:
This is precisely the point
what eIse, Sir, should be construed
as creating moral rights, if not human needs ?
Does man exist for the
sake of (property) rights, or do rights exist for the sake of human
9
beings ?
6
I have on a number of occasions
argued that this is
precisely what the issue of human rights is about:
for the sake of
all of humanity, we must struggle toward establishing a consensus that
will insist on certain universal and paramount moral entitlements to
be granted to and enforced for all human beings everyizhere, because
such entitlements are required to facilitate meeting the most basic
needs that we all share as members of the human race.
They come in
four main categories, I believe, in the following order of priority:
the need/right to survive;
to be protected from physical violence,
needless disease, and extreme misery;
c ommunity-s olidari ty;
to be afforded dignity and
and to be assured liberty
choice and of
personal growth, within the constraints of social and ecological
responsibility.
Hardin’s position is that rights-
•priorities in accord
with priorities of human need-claims are impossible, it would appear,
for the simple reason that he takes rights-claims to be infinite while
'''iT
resources are finite •
liberal rights-claimfe on behalf of
affluent per.Tons or corporations can indeed be almost boundless.
Hardin is to this extent right, provided that exi: 'sting private and
corporate property rights are to remain sacrosanct.
they are.
For him, it appears,
Thus, on the altar of liberal free enterprise, an ideology
and an economic system that made good sense to the rising British
bourgeoisie of the l?th Century, Hardin is
today prepared to sacrifice
all need-based human rights, and indeed human lives by the millions.
.
surely, Garrett Hardin is no monster ?
Surely not.
His
humane alibi must rest with his premises of conventional liberalism,
more sinister/
are,
vrbr-se'
wh r-s e implications
i mpli c at i ons ' /not for all to see. Unlike Barry Commoner, for
n
example, who is as realistically ecolate as Hardin*-, the latter has
not been up to imagining the possibility
01
an
ecologically responsible
10
human rights take precedence over
world order in which high-priority
corporate property rights, or he has not seen that
most private and all
toward building sruch communities and societies,
it is possible to struggle
and such a world.
to reduce the
Hardin’s answer to ”Common-ismw is to seek ways
the Third tforld, while defending (with nuclear
numbers of human beings in
?) the immense wealth that Europeans and Americans
arms, if necessary
other parts of the world, in part by
have extracted from their own and
and neo—colonial
e
a domination that continues today,
way of colonial/dommation, international banking, trade arrangements largely
through the sysvem of
dictated' by the strong
against the weak, and by way of bolstering with
military assistance almost every corrupt or terroristic Third World
regime that feels
justice;
threatened by demands and movements seeking social
. . \e- are automatically
tneA
most cases.
Hardin
*.4.^-1 of pro-Soviet leanings, in
apparently expectfthis particular variant of the
’’white man’s burden ” to be eased somewhat, however:
on p. 68
he
Third ’Jorld will be able "to keep
anticipates that the wealthy in the
their own
threatening poor at bay”, thus
’
saving the Americans
the trouble of having to defend their^wealth with arms.
An enlightened humanist response to this prevailing liberal
barbarism (it certainly does prevail in Washington today, with Presi
dent keagan’s Administration^ must share with Hardin the insight th
earth’s carrying capacity?
there can be no human rights beyond our
must urgently sack ways of inducing reduced
and, as well, that vie
growth rates for the ’world’s population.
Indeed, we must aim for some
reduction in total population size, eventually.
But such policies must be placed in a humane context:
human
to be seen as, sacred, in the sense
lives must remain, or again come
or creed or
that they are to be treasured as ends, regardless of race
territorial location.
Foreign aid to areas o:? famine and other misery
I
11
must be increased considerably, in order to affirm and .
enhance
the humanity of the donors as well as the recipients.
These are indeed
our ancestors’ victims;
debts owed to descendants of
but, much more’
are human and
important, this is aid that we owe to people because they
have needs more urgent or extreme than our own.
1 K
Such aid programs, along with more equitable trade relations,
must be only a beginning, however.
America must seek ways
our
As privileged people, we in North
of constructively sharing our wealth (as well as
information, which also Hardin is willing to share).
And we must
engage in joint struggles with the world’s underprivileged, for policies
oi
just human rights priorities, environmental protection, and local
self-reliance and self-government.
2-
Hardin’s vision is of a fortress -America, which he would like
to close to most would-be immigrants
(p. 69), -
so that 2 '
the US can remain a four ^neals a-day country in an increasingly one meal
a-day world (or none)•
His political predicament, of which he may not
be fully conscious, to me illustrates the flagrant obsolescence of
liberal individualism in our time.
It is time to call for a humanist
approach, a hurr.an rights-approach to resolving the‘modern ecological
predicament, an approach that is committed to just priorities of human
most property
rights, in every part of the world.
rights- ahead of%/p
Notes;
1.
2.
5-
Psychology Today, Vol. 8 (197^, September), pp. 38—43 and 123—126.
"Starved Brains". Ibid
Ibid.., Vol. 9 (1975, September), pp. 29—35*
Frances Moore Lapp? and Joseph Collins. Food First^.Bevond the Myth.^f
Scarcitv.
4.
3oston: iloughton kifflin, ly/7*
The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles Among Wes_tern Publics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977.
Anarchy, SUtn, and Utonia. New York: Basic Books, 1974.
6.
”A Human Rights Approach to Transnational Politics.h Universal Human
Rjo-hts, Vol. 1 (1979), PP* 19—42; "Universal Human Rights Priorities:
i
12
Toward a Rational Order”. Jack Melson and Vera Green (Eds). International
Human Rights: Contemporary Issues. Stanfordvillc, NY: Earl M. Coleman,
1930, Chapter 1;
StraterTies of Political Emancipation. Notre Dame, Ind.:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1981, Chapter 4.
7.
See Commoner. The Closing Circle,. New York: Bantam, 1980 (1971)•
8.
US Presidency in 1930, as the
Commoner himself campaigned for the
a quarter million
leader of the Citizens’ Party, but gained less than
votes.
oe
On local self-reliance as an aim for polities of development in the
O’Brien and Roy Preiswferk (Eds).
Third World, see Johan Galtung, Peter
Seif-Peliance:
<\ strategy for Development, ^ondon: Bogle-L’Ouver ture ,
1980.
_ n
»•
■■
I
.
- 63
CRISIS, ’ACTION GROUPS’ & POLITICAL ACTION - a note.
- AAFTAAB
The Crisis
1 o'!
We' confront today a situation of crisis in the double sense.
In the first instance it is a crisis of the capitalist path of development
with its manifestations now festering in every sphere, economic, political.
In the other, it is a crisis of politics - an inabili
social and cultural
ty of the given conceptions, analysis and practices to meet the given situa
The two aspects of the crisis are related to one anotherc
tion.
The crisis
of politics develops, manifests and matures only in the context of the poli
tical crisis.
1 .2
groups c
The crisis finds its embodiment in the situation of the action
The formation and existence of the action groups (as well as their
relationship with the organised political forces) indicates the political
crisis..
The dilemma the action groups are virtually paralysed by.; is the
indication of the crisis of pclitics0
1 c3
To understand the groups and to be able to discuss their future
actions, it is hence necessary to briefly enumerate the major features or
the sccic-eccnomic-political crisis prevalent in India todayo This situa-
tion conditions all political^actian»
The conditioning is two folds
it
determines the conditions of existence as well as the tasks of political
action
The Backdrop
2O1
The crisis, by no means a new feature, is generalised, pervading
all aspects of life.
It strangles the economy, stifles politics and cor
rodes the socio-cultural spheres.
Stagnation and inflation, political
cynicism, divisive agitations, exacerbation of fratricidal conflicts, spi
ralling crime rate and the brutal responses to it ere all symptoms of the
same generalised malady.
2.2
Shrinking markets and scarce resources squeeze the Indian eccnory.
Import of capital and technology and export of commodities have only increased the weakness0
Every way-out announced with ever increasing fanfare
has only multiplied the problems.
Vulnerable to internal and external
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
47/1,(First Floor) St. Marks Road
BANGALORE - 560 001
64
pressures the Indian economy is now on a course of retrogression
2o3
Tuo sets of conflicts hence arise.
Firstly capital and labour
confront each other with sharpening antagonism as the former strives to
increase surplus and the latter struggles to maintain its standard of In
Secondly, various fractions of the capitalist class, unable to evolve
a common class policy move towards a major conflict amongst themselves^
ing
2^4 No party seems to provide a clear cut solution tc the problems.
The policy of each is characterised by marking time. The unprincipled, op
portunistic, unscrupulous and corrupt behaviour of most politicians has de
famed, denigrated and devalued politics in the eyes of the common man, particularly as his problems remain unresolved. (The only parties to have es-
capsd this absolute'erosion of the credibility are the Communist Parties,
which however are not vary effective at a national level at the moment).
All social values have today become eroded, There is no unifying
now generalised
strand in the social life of the country, The cynicism is i
pain and
The sensibilities are deadened. Human
I
as is the brutalisation
There is also
compassion
misery seems to evoke no empathy, no concern, no compassion.
2.5
There is no progressive ideology inspiring the broad
masses« Fissiparous, obscurantist, revivalist ideals are- beginning to ac
communalism and
quire a pcw lease of life today with ever greater vigour as
an ideological vacuum.
casteism take on defiant violent forms.
Assa1jIt
n the Working ^lass
The response of the ruling class and its state has been characteristically anti-working class. Dependence on foreign capital and export drive
3.1
are being combined with attacks on the working class,
Powers of the execu—
tive are sought to be increased as democratic rights are assaulted and eroded,
While the armed might of the state is strenghtened in a militaristic manner.
This is combined with an ideological offensive against the working class.
3o2
Major efforts have been afoot to prevent the working class from re
acting politically to the situation which crushes and dehumanises it.
I
These
have taken various forms?
well as by
a ) direct; brutal, common repression unleashed by the state as
the private capitalists..
J
- 65
b) draconian legal measures which restrict the democratic rights of the
workerso
c) complicated legal set ups which tie up the protests and struggles of
the workers in bourgeois norms.
d) populist mobilisation on non issues or false issues using a workerist
phraseology
e) emphasis on non class identities leading to deviaticnist strugoles
f) exacerbation of disruptive conflicts on casteist, linguistic, rc-
gionalistic or religious basis.
g) division or fragmentation of the working class.
ihe assault on the working class is important to the ruling class both eco
nomically and politically.
Crushing and curbing the workers is a precondi
tion to disciplining and containing other sections of the society.
The PoliticalStalemote
A.!
The resolution of this situation would normally be expected to
lie in political action,
And it is the sphere of politics which presents
the gloomiest picture-
The traditional responses seem to be woefully in-
adequate , nc longer effective. No new, revolutionary responses are however
emerging. The multi-party, parliamentary-democratic system, to common per-
cepuion,-is no longer capable of delivering the goods,
The only feasible
alternatives however are reactionary , dictatorial and anti people..
4.2
The masses as street crowds or as vote banks have long been mani
pulated by the establishment.
Populist slogans and charismatic personali
ties have held the stage for all these years.
Masses are mobilised to
Serve party or personal interests either with genuine fervour of the unwill
ing or with cynical contempt.
On a general level moreover,
moreover it can be said,
that barring temporary and regional phenomena it is the ruling party which
has used this process to the greatest advantage and effect.
4.3
The Prime Minister and her party have in the past shown a remarkable capacity to create a sense (illusion) of dynamism, and to mobilise
broad sections.
A populist ideological position was repeatedly and skill-
fully forged and used in this process,
Actions which would lend support to
the claims of intentions (atleast) cculd also be conjured. No such capacities have been in evidence in the current stint of her rule.
- 66
4.4
The parties cf the right are thoroughly discredited.
composed of pygmies who could not even retain power.
They are
Their major failure
was the inability to evolve an alternate bourgeois policy which would ac
comodate all factions of the capitalist class, would placate some (large in
number) sections of the masses and discipline the working class.
They could
accomplish, singly or collectively, regionally cr nationally, neither of
those tasks.
In styles of functioning of the organisations or in honesty
and integrity of the individuals they were net markedly better than t-he
ruling party.
No wonder that they confronted a distrustful mass of people
fls stalwarts lose glamour and credibility, the masses in general
4.5
are becoming apathetic towards politics in general.- Politics is being view
ed by the common man with distrust, disgust, scorn, scepticism and cynicism
This is not obviously an overnight reaction, it has been building up.
Apart from the corrupt behaviour of ’politicians1, and far more so, it is
reaotion to the faiTure of paliticaX forces to provide d way out of the
crisis-situation, to in anyway improve the lot of the masses or atleast
strugole towards that aim determinedly
As cursory
4.6 ihe masses havo not been quiescent and inactive.
glances at the newspapers also indicate, there are militant struggles in
all parts of the country by all sections provoking Lautals violent represThese struggles, .militant and determined as they are, however are
specific, issue based, local, sectional and sectoral. They are often pclidetically uncritical expressions of general dissatisfaction channelled on
viationist lines, on false or non issues. Quits a few cf these are fuelled
sicn.
by reactionary idsclcqies and led by right wing elements,
The people’s
mood to struggle is being harnessed today by the right, (The cnly exception
is the much maligned organised industrial working class).
Di1umma of the Left
5.1 In such a situation, with deteriorating economic conditions of
the masses - failure of the right - mood to struggle of the people, the
left would normally be expected to make rapid advances and become the domi-
noting political force posing a decisive challenge to the ruling class.
5.2
This is not houever the case in reality.
With the Socialists
- 67
having liquidated themselves as socialists, the Communist Parties are the
only organised force standing for a radical social transformation.
The major
current achievement of the Communists is that they have preserved their cre
Their actions have been political and not seeped in corruption^
dibility.
Their major incapacity has been the failure to emerge as a leading national
force capable of consistently and adequately representing the aspirations of
the masses.
Ths Communists have been sectcrally or regionally restricted.
They have been unable to pose a challenge and emerge as an alternative.
Their political practice too- has been largely issue based and protest orien
ted.
Masses$ Politics and tho Loft
6o1
The development of the political process in India has been such
that the common man has been more and more alienated and excluded from it
Politics has become a specialist's occupation over which the common-manworker has no control.
Capitalism and its corpcrate culture has pervaded
all forms of life so effectively that even the workers own organisations the unions - have become structurally distorted. They too tend to become
.
—
<
specialist-oriented5 elite-ccntrolled s heirarchically-structured organisa
tions.
The common-man-worker is now only aroused and mobilised and is not
organised for self-activity.
His participation is not at a deliberative
level but at a plebiscitary one. . The net result is institutionalised, substituticnism , which has a tendency to control and contain the constituency.
6^2
As conditions of the mass of the workers and other oppressed de
teriorate, as exploitation and oppression become more severe and hence ap
parent, the discontent also rises.
mounts.
The opposition to the prevalent system
Masses wish to oppose, confront and overthrow the oppressive struc-
ture in its entiretyt
alternatives
This confrentatien is combined with the creation of
It is further an action
the oppressed and the exploited,
an achievement and a celebration of
It has to be a continuous creative strugglej,
a way of life, an attribute of their daily existence.
praxis»
It has to be their
The alienating, excluding, substitutionist political process sti-
fles these attributes
Superbly articulated by electoral norms the bour
geois framework strangles the creative self activity of the mass of the
workers.
Politics then retains contact with their concrete, living,
68
subjective existence only through slogans which sound increasingly vacuous
and false.
Politics then gets devalued, loses credibility and is accepted
or condemned.uncritically on narrow, tactical opportunistic, local, issue
based immediate-demand oriented basis.
This quasi-depoliticisation of the
broad masses is precisely the objective of the ruling class.
Class strug
gles can then be distorted into non-class conflicts, even riots, and then
co-opted, contained or crushed.
6O3
The most glaring failure of the Left has been its inability to
adequately comprehend and then to deal with this situation.
It has been
unable to resist the subtler co-opting$ containing, deviating and depoliti
cising tactics of the ruling class.
It too got entangled in the establish
ment framework and norms of political --practices o
6.4
A critique of the Communist Parties lies cutside the scope of this
Relevant to the present context, certain features need to however be
note.
noted.
a) The working class remains disunited and fragmented and as yet unable
to intervene politically as a class,
The Left has net evolved an
adequate response to this situation.
b) The Left unions too are caught up in bourgeois norms and are unable
to escalate and generalise struggles.
c ) The Left has net been able to give leadership to all oppressed^ the
leadership cf the working class as yet remains a slogan.
d) Working class ideology as a total alternative is not yet operative;
socially the working class is not in a hegemonistic position.
e) An adequate” understanding of* the Indian situation with its specifi
cities and peculiarities Tias not yet emerged.
f) Caught in a crisis - imminent - collapse orientation, some sections
of the Left are unable tc meet new strategies and tactics of the
bourgeoisie.
g) A rigidity of programmatic/analytic frameworks hampers effective in
terventions in fluid, changing situationsr
h) It is often trapped in consultationi^t - legalistic - substitutionist
bourgeois norms.
i) A search for united fro’nts at times leads to non assertive role where
by independent class positions are diluted or abandoned.
■if
69
j) Preoccupation with legislative prectics blunts class basis of
bases as well as practices.
k) Participation in bourgeois political processes helps to lend cre
dibility to these processes.
l) Issue and protest oriented, legt1-legislative practice influenced
politics hampers emergence as class - alternative.
Corrective
practices become generalised.
6.5
These features must not obscure the fact that the Communist Par
ties are the only force with working class mass base demanding a transfor
mation of uhe society through a revolutionary process.
They are today^
the main representatives5 however inadequate, of the aspirations of the
toiling masses.
The'Action Groups’
7.1
This is the context in which direct or indirect political acti
vity outside the framework of the political parties emerges and takes
place.
It could exist and be a topic of serious discussion only in a con-
dition where the parties were facing a difficult situation and such non
party activity was proliferating,
The catalytic agencies connected with
such activity are loosely termed as ‘action groups'.
7.2
The proliferation of such action groups has given rise to certain questions
The political parties have naturally asked these questions
most vocally and persistently.
as doubted.
The action groups have been praised as well
The action groups have been suspected as being w-itting or un
witting nuclei of diversionary y deviationist9 anti-party actions.
They
have been hailed as the true representatives of the masses facilitating
their direct political participation.
They have been accessed of being
agents of indigenous or foreign vested interests^
They have been cham
pioned as the political alternative or as the keepers cf political con
science.
They have also been rather cautiously appraised as forces com
plimentary to the parties.
has varied widely.
The self appraisal of the groups themselves
7o3
The main reason for such a divergence perhaps is the lumping to
gether of widely different entities under ons name - in one category.
i
- 70 -
The so called action groups are quite different in their motivations& their
ideology$ their approaches., their functions and their styles of work, It
is perhaps symptomatic of the prevailing confusion that such widely diver
gent entities are not only lumped together under the same name but are also
brought together-, physically> for 'dialogues' with one another0
7.4
This note ccncerns itself with one particular type of 'action
orcup' - what may be called a 'semi political action group.’
Such groups
began their existence and activity with non cr anti political perspectives.
Their concerns were varied; aid, charity, education, development, etc.
The individual comprising these groups had no political backgrounds, no
political stances.
Ths activities involved a live contact with the exploi
ted and oppressed sections directly.
The activities also brought them in a
position of opposition to the oppressive, ruling, power structures in their
areas of activity.
The nature cf exploitation and oppression began to be
come clear to them through direct, practical experience.
Quite unknowingly
to begin with, they started taking political stands in choosing sides.
The
local experience and sensitivity slowly expanded and extended to beenme a
general anti—oppression, anti—exploitation stand.
7o5
These 'semi political action groups' arc working with the toiling
masses at grass’ roots level, aiding them in their struggles^
side the framework of organised politics.
vague; often ad hocist or pragmatic.
They are out
Their stands are unclear and
Their analyses of the situation is
often simplistic - even populist.
7.6
The deep crisis obviously affects these groups.
problems, also practical, before them.
It poses serious
They need today to clarify and de
fine their stands? to think anew their strategy and tactics.
It is hence
necessary to consider the strengths and the weaknesses; the vigour and the
limitations of these groups, as well as the precise nature of their dilemma.
Action Groups' end History
3.1
Two differing, equally intense and equally uncritical views are
currently expressed regarding the action groups.
One sees in their acti
vities a totally new and alternative direction of the political process.
The other sees in their activities a deviationist orientation which attacks
- 71
parties and politics and helps the quasi-depoliticisation of the
Neither of these evaluations are supported by reality.
masses..
Each grasps only one aspect, unable or unwilling to see the con
tradictory and complex nature of the action groups.
Both views
are also static,, refusing to see the groups as changing - becom
ing - living entities.
These views also ignore the social and
historical determination of the action groups.
To really understand the action groups it is necessary
0v2
to understand the.specific conditions in which they arose and
flourished as well as their complex and contradictory nature.
In this understanding again the changes the action groups have
undergone cannot be lust sight of.
8O3
The action groups became av phenomenon only during the
past decaden
This was not an accidental occurrence.
The crises
became generalised and acquired threatening proportion in'the
late sixties.
The end of the Nehru-era was virtually the end of
principleds honest politics
The exclusion of the masses from
the political process and their cynical manipulation was becoming
apparent.
The 1967 experiment of opposition ministries in many
states had failed.
The splits in the Communist movement and the
loss of steam of the Naxalite movement posed serious problems.
The Left was getting fragmented.
The masses were in uncoordina
ted struggles, becoming more and more militant.
CCS
)
Reactionary for-
were attempting to foment communal, linguistic and casteist
The State was Decerning increasingly brutal in its repres
riots c
sion of peepee’s movements.
It was the beginning of the crisis
of politics - of the traditional political parties and precesses.
6c4
This was also a period when many political groups were
being formed,
Party affiliations were no longer considered a pre-
condition for political action,
In fact the political groups con-
dernned the existing parties and aspired to build a new party.
The Communist Parties perhaps for tho first time confranted a mass
opposition from the Lefto
This group political activity legiti
mised the existence of the other groups toes in an indirect manner c
Their slogans and actions also focussed attention on the
a
•f
- 72
rural areas as well as on the tribals and dalits.
8o5
An ideological atmosphere condoning and legitimising non party,
grass root level activities prevailed.
Other developments were bringing
into consideration hitherto (relatively) neglected sections cf the oppressed
e.g. poor peasants, agricultural workers, tribals, dalits, women, slum dwel-
lers$ etc
The international atmosphere (Sino-Soviet split, liberation,
race , women’s, minorities', students’ movements. New Left, Maoism etc.) al
so encouraged this process.
Most important the masses themselves were ready
to listen to young, non-party activists.
8.6
There was also another side to the picture.
'Development' and
particularly 'rural development' became was cries of the establishment<
There were many reasons for this..
Capitalisation-and industrialisation of
agriculture was a need of the capitalist system.
seen as a political danger.
The 'rural time bomb’ was
Harnessing cf youth energy in ncn-communist
activities was also a political necessity.
Tolerance, encouragement and
patronage with appropriate phraseology was extended to ’development acti
vists'.
Liberal institutional finance - government and private,9 Indian and
foreign - was also made available - almost for the asking
Official and
non official agencies encouraged, promoted and facilitated 'development pro
jects.’
In these massive cooptation and containment efforts, the language
was. radical.
'Peoples’ movements
’, ’grass
movements',
yrat>t> roots
ruuib activity
ciuuivxuy ’, ’conscientisa-
tian ’ , 'participatory activity' became new catch words - continuously
mouthed by establishment representatives.
8.7
The action groups were conceived and formed under these contradic
tory influences.
Ideologically they were indirectly, inadequately, vaguely
and often unconsciously influenced by a radical ideology of social transfor
mation.
Structurally they were shaped, by-their links - above all financial
- to the establishment, however subtly and indirectly.
Since their very ori
gins, they were forced to perform a balancing trick, between these diametri
cally opposite pulls.
2.8
Situation and experience of the past decade make now this balan
cing act virtually impossible.
demands a clarity cf stands.
the action groups.
'Development' is now under a cloud.
Reality
This forces (or should force) a rethinking on
It also necessitates this dialogue.
- 73 -
8.9
This contradictionj between the ideological aspirations and struc
tural existence; decisively distinguishes the ’action groups’ from the poli
The latter had no institutional support; financial or other
tical ' groups .
wise; and only rarely enjoyed tolerance.
Their ideological stand and per
spective was always explicit and clear (however inadequate and erroneous it
may have been).
They were also by and large keen to develop ties with the
working class> to combine rural and urban work, to extend and expand their
activities
In light cf the current tendency to equate all ’groups’, it is
necessary to emphasize these fundamental differences.
No critical examina
tion would otherwise be possible.
££i£iP^ILlAljrviv31 of ’Action Groups’
9.1
An immediate question which comes up is 'what made the survival
cf these action groups in the field possible?’
as immediate or as clear as the question.
The answer is certainly not
-Numerous factors were responsible,
and these very factors indicate the strengths and limitations cf the.action
groups.
Before examining these factors however certain facts must be clear.
Not all ’action groups’ - or what were in the initial stages 'development
groups’ - not even a majority of them, survived.
folded up.
A large number cf them
Quite a few were forced tc change their areas of work.
The per
sonnel turnover was also large and rapid.
In fact a very few action groups
did survive. The ones that lasted beyond initial enthusiasm (and funds) also developed. These groups alone, identifying with the oppressed masses..
came face tc face with the political questions,
0
These alone are the semi-
political groups that should be termed as 'action groups', It is the survival and development of these ’action groups’ which needs to be examined6
9.2
The groups went into the field, urban or rural, with blueprints of
definite ’developmental activity’.
The activities were varied.
Educa-xon.
medical help, housing, supplementary employment, appropriate technology,
cooperatives, childcare, all sorts of programmes were tried.
The aspira
tions were simples to try tc improve the lot of the most exploited, oppres
sed and poor sections.
The experience was revealing.
Group after group cf
sincere and sensitive persons realised, however-reluctantly, the need for
organising the people and for siding with them in their struggles - above
all economic.
The focus shifted from aid, charity or development to
•4
- 74
community organisation$ people’s struggles and rights
9-3
These activists were motivated and committed.
prepared tc learn from experiencer
tial period.
They were also
This helped them to last cut the ini
They were independent cf the local power structure, could if
and when necessary oppose it.
economic or political.
They had no immediate stakes in the area -
Their approach and method was fresh and vigorous.
The informality and lack cf experience also added tc the freshness.
methods and techniques they used were quite new,
The
This made their contact
with people as well as communication interesting, and hence- effective.
9<>4
Their focus cf interest was usually a specific, small, local area
Their ideological vagueness itself contributed to the intensification of
their local interest,
:|
i
Nc larger perspectives were then operative which
would dilute, modify or transform the immediate interests.
These interests
too, often represented the felt needs and articulated aspirations of the
people they worked with.
The very same people were discontented, prepared
to struggle but alienated from the- political process.
In these action
groups these people discovered persons and agencies that made thorn’ the
centre and were responsive to them-
Rigidly structured agencies - govern
mental or political - with far off decision making centres with which they
had no direct contact (and obviously on which they had no control) had or
dinarily controlled their lives in consonance with the local oppressors.
These new agencies were somewhat closer9 in direct touch. Their approach
usually facilitated direct participation? self-organisation and self-activity of the masseso
9.5
These features were also common to the political groups - in fact
groups'1 due the
It was not the ’action orcuos
political groups which have posed the decisive challenge , in local situations^
far more’ so and far more clearly.
It is the political groups which have exerted pressure
on the established political parties certain other features however were dif-
to the establishment,
ferent,
9O6
The non-flarxist tradition of the ’action groups’ was in some in
stances responsible for making them receptive tc the immediacy of non-eco
nomic issues.
Their analytical schemes were polycentric, vague and populist.
This made them (paradoxically) .aware cf numerous non-economic aspects of op
pression and deprivation-
Lacking a clear class perspective they could not
- 75
have become class-reducticnist.
Nany mere areas, relatively neglected by
the traditional lefts were therefore taken up by these groups.
Horizons of action were.thus extended.
9.,7
to the oppressed masses themselves
Action was also restored
Quality of life became the focal issue,
rather than a distant and abstract system.
9o8
There were other reasons too, not as positive as the ones listed
The development groups did not have a confrontaticnist stand. Their
above
early life atleast, was free of conflicts with the power structures.
were net an immediate threat to the power structures.
They
Moreover they had
influential support frem powerful institutions with links with the state
Even
essentially conservative institu
'
tions were prepared to defend them as. lesser of the evils (as compared to
the political groups). They did not hence have to face any severe represslevel (if not central) authorities.
ion - private or state mediated , legal or extra-legal.
9.9
The financial situation of these groups has also been an impor-
The activists and activities were, due to their institutional
tant factor
support; usually financially secure. Finance, a great bug-bear of the poll—
extical groups, was rarely if ever a serious limitation4 (for existence or
i
pansion).
The finance also did not have overt, crude, direct strings
Local activities could proceed without hindrance and interference if certain
formalities were observed.
This alsc distinguished the action groups from
the crushing necessities faced by the political groups and activists of
seeking survival - resources as well as cf raising funds from .the people,
with whom they worked.
9,10
The seventies thus was a period in which the action groups CCUld
originates survive and thrivtc
'Action Groups? Today
The objective
The 1980s present a totally different situation
conditions have changed ( - though a formal similarity can be and often is
1 0.1
pointed out),
The intensification and extension of the crisis over the
past decade impart to it a qualitatively new dimension - above all in the
socio-pclitical sphere, The maturity, experience and militancy’of the mass.
of toilers has changed$ as has their fragmentation and ideological deviation.
- 76
f
The contours and terrain of class struggle in India have altered,
Thera
is also an urgency .to the situation, proportional to the intensity of con
frontation,
Observation from the side lines has become untenable and irre-
Partisan intervention is on the agenda.
levant.
-10o2
The action groups toe have today reached a decisive stage in
their cun history,
They are no longer a nascent novel phenomenon, to be
amusedly watched,
They are at a level of development where a serious eva-
luation is possible and necessary,
Prcclamations, promises and practics cf
The shorter age and life
the past decade are now available fcr reflection
of particular individual groups make no difference since the general traits
and trends are clear *
10,3
The sincerity, sensitivity and receptivity cf the groups end of
the individuals making them up was the basic motive force of their develop
ment,
They were in their observation and intervention in local situations
becoming ’politicised’,
This politicisation was not based cn experience of
personal - individual exploitation, oppression or injustice.
It was not a
result of theoretical - analytical reflections (economic, sociological,
political or philosophical).
It was based in the main cn an observation .
'of the oppression ano explditaticn of others.
The repeated obstacles and
difficulties encountered in achieving simple, humanistic goals (often re
formist and relief oriented) had steeled and consolidated it.
10,4 The political awareness was essentially the awareness, that po
verty and misery, exploitation and oppression were net accidental, natural
Exiscr divine but man-made, man-ccntrclled and virtually premeditated,
tence of classes, class oppression and class struggle was comprehended by
the action groupsv though not necessarily in a scientific manner. Society
was seen by them as being ruled by definite, articulated and elaborated
Links were also observed between local, regional, nation
al and perhaps international structures which were in- control of economic,
political, socic-'cultural and ideological resources and power through which
The
they dominated9 oppressed, exploited and deprived the vest majority.
existence of an oppressive, exploitative and dehumanising system was reccgnised. This was the extent of the political awareness of the action groups.
power structures.
beyond this it cid not develop*
-J-r
-77
This awareness tock the action groups temperamentally and moti
10.5
vationally away from ’development orientation’.
tent transformed.
The programmers were in con
The action groups began tc organise the people and to aid
them in their struggles.
This organising activity had certain distinctive and novel fea
10o6
tures in the healthiest cf the groups.
The range of the activity!was deep
and wide (within the geographical and often ethnic limits of the area of
All aspects of'.life were sought to be touched.
operation)e
new e.g. educational, cultural, medical actions were used.
Forms too were
There was a
flexibility to the activities, and efforts were made to adapt the same to
the felt and expressed needs cf the people.
There was minimal, if any,
orientation towards a priori schemata or programmes<,
The peoples’ partici
pation was hence mere direct and linked tc self activity.
There was in many
instances a strong element of spontaneity (sometimes leading to uncritical,
chaotic, ccnfusing and contradictory actions).
Overall.the organising acti
vity was in direct dialogue with the masses directly,5 hence responsive tc
them and representative of them.
10.7
There were also severe limitations to the activities of the
The political awareness was limited, simplistic and naive.
groups.
No de
finitive perspective beyond an indentification of local, immediate all.iep
and enemies was developed by the action groups.
Their orientation - inhe
rent and cultivated - was vehement in its populism, spontaneism, localism
and activism.
This consigned them to a distrust of and antagonism towards
intellectual activity, sophisticated analysis and mature theory.
Vulgar
practice orientation led repeatedly to ad-hocism and pragmatism.
Host
action groups were victims cf a deep-rooted even if concealed suspicion and
hostility towards Marxism.
This combined with their middle class roots and
links also produced an antagonism towards the organised, industrial working
class.
These attitudes posed serious problems - not only in generalised
understanding but in concrete, daily practical activities - in formulations
of strategy and tactics, in.evolving appropriate organisational structures.
10o8
The here-and-now, these-people-and-their-immediate-prnblems atti-
tude restricted actions as well as thinking to specific,, local areas.
This
localism was nothing but prereflective Utopianism in the classical sense.
The system was perceived as being composed of discreet units externally
i
?•
- 78
linked and not as a holistic organic entity.
People’s power too, was then
perceived as numerous islands of self organisation and self activity loosely
coordinated.
Mushroom groups jealously watchful of own identities and
spheres of influence then sprang ups. victims of a new sectarianism.
The
logical organisational outcome was a powerless federation of greups for
'sharing and dialogue’.
The carefully developed anti party attitude com
pounded and consolidated these stiffling limitations.
The approach of the action groups has remained by and large
10.9
self righteously voluntarist.
The practice then necessarily became issue
Each demand and issue was assiduously debated.
based.
contours and connotations were clarified.
were however generally missed.
The immediate class
The wider and mystified links
The methodological inability to work out
the links between the general and the particular leaves the essential con
nections between the local and national and international situations unrevealed..
The localism «f thought and practice, the limitations of perspec
tive, the fragmented organisational structure obsenre the operations of
the system.
lies
Energies are then directed towards corrections cf its anoma
the practice as a whole then becomes essentially reformist, more or
less militant.
Alternatives then evaporate, correctives emerge.
The
action groups become subtly coopted.
10,10
The origins, links and structures of the action groups also
are serious limitations.
The charitable trust cooperative or development
agency structure, the dependence on institutional finance, the style of
operation the liberal resources generate can and do cramp the ’political’
in the practice.
Legal ano other restrictions curtail and contain the
activity o
10,11
The strengths and the limitations of the action groups are com
ing into ever sharper focus now.
!
As the crisis deepens and poses essenti
ally political questions with imminent urgency, the nature of the action
groups become apparent.
The historical determination of these groups is
revealed as the contradictions sharpen.
’Action Groups' in Crisis
11 o1
In the most unflattering terms it can be said that the
groups' have been a collosal failure
’action
The promises they made and the hopes
«
- 79
they held out have not been fulfilled*
They have been brilliant and glo
rious experiments - demonstrative shew pieces at best*
The objective con
ditions of poverty ano misery, it need be hardly pointed Put, remain un
changed even in small local areas*
places by the groups*
People have been organised in some
These organisations have not been qualitatively dif
ferent from the traditional mass/political organisations*
The cliche
dreams of peoples’ power and peoples' leadership have remained unrealised*
No political alternative, at any level, has been created*
The 'champions
and custodian-keepers of political conscience' have had no political im
They can by and large be left out of any political considerations *
pact*
The-most successful and significant ones play a marginal and disputed role.
11 c2
The performance of the ‘action groups’ has to be evaluated in
comparison with that of the political groups for a fuller understandings
This note needs to point out only one feature
The political groups have
been able to act as catalyst - leaders of mass .movement in specific areas.
They have been, in. a limited way, parts cf the political map cf India*
They have also been able to raise a debat^ on political-theoretical issues*
The 'action groups' do not have even sucMachievements to their credit*
11*3
These failures find internal and'external reflections*
and events have usually passed the ’action groups’ by.
History
They have not been
areas.
able to intervene in any general currents even in their own areas.
If they
have been able to participate it is only by effacing themselves, never as
distinct organisational entities with distinctive characteristics* This
has been the major manifestation of their irrelevance*
11 ,4
In face of this situation, the 'action groups' are beginning to
realise their own stagnation*
They have been forced to mark time, finding
soothing justifications and rationalisaticms , while tne national mainstream
of life has been rapid and tumultous.
Preservation and continuation of
same programmes with minor geographic and activity expansion has been their
fate o
The efforts at coordination and coming together have yielded no re
sults*
Negatively, the frustrations have been laid at the doors of the
character, structure and ever, personalities of specific agencies
11 cS
In the evaluation it would al.no be necessary to ask whether the
'action groups' have had any negative impact*
No such effects are apparent*
Some features, more associated with 'development agencies’ than with
a
-SO-
’action groups' need to be however mentioned.
The chosen areas of action
were by and large in the vicinity of areas of militant, confrontationist,
mass-political activity.
Could this have been directed towards containment
of the disturbance and crea*tion of illusions of*reform?
The already com
plex picture of politics was further complicated by these groups in speci-
fic areas
The anti-party stance created obstacles in the operations above
all of the left parties.
What are the effects of this (unrealised) aspect?
The suspicion of strongly organised masses capable of a fight-back, in the
face of oppression - specifically the working class - has been a recurrent
Did this divide the toiling and oppressed masses and promote an
feature.
ideological schism?
And lastly, were natural recruits weaned away from
left political activity?
11 06
As the tempo of the crisis quickens and heightens$ the dilemma
of the 'action groups1 becomes sharper-
Their helplessness and stagnation
become urgent, immediate, concrete, practical problems to be resolved in
practice.
The failures of various efforts also indicates that these are
the fundamental. structural problems requiring redefinition and rethinking
in a radical manner.
i
/{ Question of Radical Redifinition
12o1
The logic of the capitalist system caught in a crisis forces it
to intensify exploitation for its very survival.
Conditions deteriorate.,
discontent mounts and masses launch struggles.
The struggles are however
capable of distortion.
Instability nevertheless mounts.
Democratic rights
of the toiling masses become a luxury which the ruling class tries to snatch
away«
The dangers of military ventures can also not be ruled out.
12o2
Talks of ’peoples’ rights' and ’peoples’ movements’ in such a
situation cannot remain local, specific and abstract
society again cannot be seen as a vague slogan.
Transformation of
Diverse nature of emerging
mass activity as well as the confusing character of mass agitations does not
allow any populist generalisations about pro-people and pro-struggle atti
tudes.
Concrete, specific, historical questions are posed before all acti
vists in a concrete, specific and practical manner.
Some of these can be
easily enumerated as the most urgent ones?
a) how to protect the democratic rights of the toiling people?
I
81
b) how to resist the increasing onslaught of the reactionary> authoritarian, pro-imperialist forces?
c) how to evaluate emerging mass agitations?
d) how to oppose divisive, diversionary, deviationist forces and the
fratricidal conflicts they engender?
e) how to translate these stands into practice in local areas consistent
with national perspectives?
f) how to locate allies at all levels?
12.3 These tasks demand a radical rethinking on part of the ’action
groups’. Ideologically they would have to equip themselves to analyse
their own situation, local as well as internal, in consonance with the glc
bal perspectives historically.
They will have to be able tc analyse the
character of demands, issues and struggles in dynamic class terms.
and wooly ’anti-capitalism’ can no longer suffice.
Vague
A consistent class-poli
tical position, a conscious left wing stance is now called for.
They will
have tc, in the first instance accept and learn Marxism if they have any
dreams of social transformation.
12.4 The ’action groups' will have to re-examine their contradictory 9
While mouthing
anomalous and dangerous position towards the working class
the need and principle of organisation and power of the toilers they are
enemical to the one section of the toiling masses which has this power m
some measure, the industrial working class.- They are witting or unwitting
opponents of the direct challengers of the capitalist class, It is necessary to get out of this dangerous posture. The working class is going to
be the first target of the capitalist attack.
If
If its
its strength
strength is
is crushed
crusnoj,
democratic rights of all other sections will be dispersed with minimal ef
forts.
A critical but firm alliance with the working class is necessary
for survival itself<
12.5
'People .versus political parties' is another pet proposition of
the 'action groups'.
another name.
This in practice is nothing but anti Communism by
The uncritical,equation of all parties - left and right
is a subtle and alluring snare of a reactionary, right-wing ideology.
It
leads to a concentration of attack on communists and decapitates the poli
tical strength of the telling masses by fragmenting them.
In the face of
the increasing ruling class offensive and erosion of democratic rights the
82
relationship with the Communist Parties can only be one of alliance.
All
non-myopic activists and organisations are being today impelled by reality
into a critical, corrective cooperation with the Communist Parties
The
‘action groups’ can turn away from this position to their own peril and to
the betrayal of the people they work withu
1 2o6
In their current structure and existence would it be possible
for the ’action groups’ to thus redefine their politics and political
stands?
This is a question they must urgently confront - a painful task
indeed which would test their mettle and committment to the extreme.
12o7
The inadequacies in the actions of the ’action groups’ can only
The questions of organisation, strategy and tactics arc
then be corrected.
primarily political questions since they serve and are defined by the poli
A clear political stand, which appropriates the expe
tical objectives,
rience and gains of the groups, based on a thorough examination of the ob
jective situation as well as their own history, is the absolutely immediate
need.
Then alone can the groups contribute to the process of social trans
formation in India,
Beyond Groups?
13»1
All problems are not resolved with the adoption of a consistent
anti-capitalist and pro-Left stand.
begin to get clearly defined,
In fact the most vital ones only then
What are the practical implications of be
coming? - is the major question.
No one individual, no single ’note’ can
adequately and exhaustively answer ito
and others would be necessary.
Tremendous debate by action groups
At this stage it is only possible to contri
bute to the clarification of the contours of this debater
It is possible
to point out what the answers are not, ana also to indicate the areas which
they must cover.
Any attempt to provide definitive prescriptions would be
misleading and misadventurous,
The ’debate’ prior to a formulation is a
practical and principled necessity.
Principled, because grass root parti
cipation in politics and in decision making, opposition to substitutionism
are necessary preconditions - of a political stand today.
Practical, since
no handed down position are likely to be accepted by activists and groups
in the current situations,
Demi-theoreticians as demi-gods (both self
proclaimed) is a situation which no longer exists in left wing politics
83
/
today o
13.2 One immediate position which springs up is that of joining a larger, national party. The jiarty which in most situation seems to be the ideal
Inone is
is the
the CPI(M)< '3oin CPl(l'l)' is not an insignificant trend today,
dividuals and groups are increasingly taking recourse to this alternative.
An impressive array of arguments is brought forth to justify this course of
action, most of them concretely, practically political.
It would be instruc-
tive to enumerate these arguments.
also of the mere political
a) the: action groups and their activities, as
;
groups, are-isolated, discrete phenomena, in no way capable of being
politically effective in their uncoordinated existence.
b) giveTthe centralised, .rganised, efficient might of the ruling class
state in its various ramifications the islands of per pies' struggles
are powerless and Quixotic efforts.
c) revolution would necessitate a general staff coordinating and directing the activity of the peoples’ actions.
d) in face of the anti democratic and authoritarian thrust of ruling
class strategy, combination of all revolutionary, forces cn a national
level in an organised manner is imperative and urgent.
e) the CPl(fl) is the only organised force capable of fulfilling this role.
f) this capacity of the CPl(fi) itself imparts to it the potentiality of a
dynamism whichwill rectify any lacunae that it may today have as the
situation and the revolutionary movement mature.
Activists and action groups will have tn individually and colleclively examine these arguments in the light of their own political under-
13.3
Standings and experience.
decisions*
On that basis alone would they have to take their
One factor needs to hawaver be pointed out, which must enter in
to these deliberations. The phenomenon of non sarty groups arose as a res
ponse to situations within as well as outside the parties, the CPl(fl) inclu
ded.
Have these situations or the groups' understanding of them altered fun
damentally? or is 'Join CPI(M)' a guilty and not properly understood denial
of the entire history of the groups? Any apologetic position on these ques
tions would lead to a fundamental political weakness, which may be smuggled
into the party itself.
13.4
The other call which may find an echo in the action groups is
I
II
i
- 84
’build a new revolutionary party’u
The multiple splits in the communist
movement - national ano international - have lent a legitimacy to this
call which would have been unthinkable only a couple of decades ago*
The
political groups which sprang up in the past 10-12 years were all victims
of this party building vision*
Each imagined itself £o be the nucleus of
the true revolutionary party,
Any such call today has to take into account
the failure of all such efforts*
The need or otherwise of a new revolution-
ary party need'not be argued here*
It is essential to recognise that action
groups, with their limitations can certainly not initiate the process of
its formatioRo
13-5
The note now begins to sound sterile,9 leading into a blind alley,
I
unable to provide any positive answers*
I
expectation that it should clarify the issues and areas of debate.
It also fails to fulfil the modest
It has
■
argued that ’act ion 'groups’ cannot continue to exist as ’action groups’*
It has stated that they have to become political entities*
It has further
indicated that effective politics cannot be the politics of fragments*
It
has then indicated the difficulties in merging with existing parties*
It
has.also put forth the view that ’action groups’ cannot initiate a new par
ty* idhat avenues then, if any, are open for political action?
Or is poli
tical "inaction beino argued for in a round about manner? This situation is
I'
•
precisely indicative of the oeep crisis* The crisis is objective as well
as a crisis of the ’action groups’ themselves*
Even objectively, it is a
political crisis (of looming imminent terrible dangers) and a crisis of
politics (of no readymade, available solutions).
ralysing proportions*
The crisis is one of pa
It therefore also magnifies and sharpens all contra
dictions and makes it.possible to recognise them*
1 3 06
The existence ’beyond groups’ ? it is necessary to realise, is at
thei moment a perplexing question mark,
The easy answers, the ones that hand
out' prescriptions, either fail to see or fail to acknowledge the gravity and
character of the crisis.,
They are thus,9 unless openly tactical and tenta
tive? likely to be erroneous, even dangerous.,
In this understanding the
’action groups’ will have to learn from experiences of others - particularly
the'political groups, who face similar questions today*
i
.1
35 -
QuejAions
14,1
The political greups came into existence around the same time as
the ’action groups’,
They were responses tc the same situation of creeping
political stalemate.
Their understanding and orientation were political
hence their responses were articulated politically.
ticism of the existing Communist Parties,
maturity and in their sophistication.
• of the programmes of the parties.
Each began with a cri-
The criticisms varied in their
Each however was a critique ultimately
The task was seen as the elaboration of a
new revolutionary programme, around which a revolutionary organisation could
be forged.
Debates on numerous issues were then taken up.
dency to dismiss all these groups as ■ insignificant.
)
(There is a ten
While it is necessary
to avcid and resist over glorification, it should not be denied that these
■groups were enthusiastic partners in the renewed and extended effo'rts in
Marxist enquiry in the country).
These debates being essentially program
matic, were within the frameworks elaborated by the parties themselves.
The actions of the groups - of those that were more than debating clubs were however bringing new experience and new lessons, which they were unable
to squeeze into the programmatic polemics.
14.2
7
On the other hand as their awareness of politics began to grow,
in practical terms, beyond self complacent localism and voluntarism, another
major inadequacy could be realised by them,
This was political ineffecti-
vity and stagnation.
Thcy
They had no role, it seemed,
seemed to play in the national
political mainstream
To them this inadequacy was crippling since they
could not unlike the ’action groups’ be content on ’micro-experiments',
The emergency, the 1977 and 1980 general elections were in this respect
telling events
14.3
It has been a complex and complicated situation.
No party,
23
’the revolutionary party’, emerged; nor are there immediate possibilities.
As groups their existence was ineffective.
changed.
The causal situation has not
No
Some important lessons were learnt from their own practice
existing party would be willing to recognise the validity of these lessons
or to. accomodate these experiences.
This situation makes it possible to
identify questions that confront them, contradictions that seize them.
14.4
’Action Groups’ de not share these problems5 at present. in the
i
f
86
same form..
It is nevertheless instructive to be acquainted with themo
For the sake of convenience and clarity they can be listed as grouped
below s
I
Practical
(i) The objective situation ripens rapidly portending major political
upheavals^ while the working class remains backward and unprepared
for revolutiono
(ii) The contradictions between a revolutionaryy confrcntationist stra
ti
tegic position and a day to day tactical comprcmise sharpens with
the ripening crisisc
(iii) .Masses continue to fellow ’parliamentary illusions’ while they re
ject it totally•
(iv)
The only help in face of armed, international counter revolution,
being from USSR seems paradoxical - possibly counter -productive..
II
(i)
Basic
Political expediency forces in ever accelerated manner ’temporary’
setting aside of revolutionary principles.
(ii) Emphasis on ideological total struggles, participatory democracy,
consciousness raising interferes with action towards capture cf
political power*
(iii) Reconstruction and building of alternate life patterns and wide
political confrontation with capitalist rule create differing pulls
and pushes*
(iv) Building of revolutionary organisation capable of capture of power
and worker centred democratic activity demand differing priorities*
III Immediate
(i)
Anti democratic thrust of capitalist rule demands alliances - assi
milation into larger parties while the urge is to consolidate the
fundamental gains0
(ii) Degenerations of revolutions elsewhere multiply dangers of giving
up the new search while ruling class offensive forecloses on the
available time,
(iii) Deviationist struggles and movements constantly jeopardise all ad
vances made while no answers surface^
(iv) The parties too seem unable or unwilling to confront the basic is-'
- 87
sues thrown up by theoretical considerations, vital to ‘post-revolutionary reconstruction.
14e5
These are serious real problems, only now realised as such,
The
answers do not seem to lie in the previous line of thinking? that of program
matic critique cf the parties.
The parties seem the only organs available
while the doubt remains as to whether they will act effectively.
These too
are the manifestations of the double crisis which grips the country.
Is
self-effacement and uncritical acceptance of the CPl(n) the only alternative
to ineffective Quixotic existence?
Crisis of Politics and Political Action
Political Crisis’
1 5o1
An era is coming to a rapid close in our country.
Confrontations
between the ruling capitalist class and the challenging working class are be
coming sharper.
The unity cf the ruling class is itself collapsing..
The old
set of conditions - the norms of economic, political and social activity are new neither acceptable to the working class ncr convenient to the ruling
class 0
The former will launch an all out mass upsurge, the latter will un-
leash brutal, repressive authoritarianism.
1 5o2
The situation generates hope and fear<
Hope because it is revclu-
tioncry, fear because of the weakness of the Communist' Parties.
with regard to the aspect of fear
ation is quite wrong
It muou,,
must
be pointed out that a static view of situ-
In such revolutionary circumstances, historical ex
perience teaches us, events and developments are speeded up.
The Communist
movement too gains strength with unforeseen and unpredicted rapidity,
so gets overhauled
It al-
It does not merely grew; it developSo
Other, gloomier possibilities too can ofcourse nut be overlooked-
If nene of the contending classes can decisively defeat the other, a period
of turmcil* - of instability and chaos can result.
This paves the away ulti
mately for a repressive and dictatorial resolution cf the situation.
15=4
All the possibilities have to be currently considered; none can be
ruled cut as the situation is wide open.
India.
1 5=5
This is the political crisis in
,
The'near-chronic weaknesses cf the communist movement point to the
other more fundamental aspect - the crisis cf politics..
It is yet to come
v*
88
cut of a defensive posture and pose decisive challenges to the capitalist
class rule in India.
It has also net been able tc take into account the
specificities of the Indian conditions and to emerge as the alternatives
It seems trapped in a body cf political thinking which is unable to ade
quately face the present situation - of both the capitalist and the work
ing classes.
1 5.6
Marxism is an epochal tneory.
tique of capitalism.
lae
It provides a comprehensive cri-
It is therefore a living method, nct a set of formu-
It is therefore also a general theory and method,
It has to be crea-
tively used to understand historical and specific situations,
If this task
is not fulfilled and if models and formulae are adopted and used a-histcrically, a movement becomes disarmed and is unable to intervene in a situation«
This is the crisis of politics of the communist movement today.
15 = 7
For groups then the dilemma is shaped by these two aspects of
The crisis of politics demands totally new thinking and search
the crisis.
in the political spherej the political crisis dees net permit the time or
the leisure.
This itself creates great temptations to deny one of the two
aspects cf the situation and tc call for either merger or the fermation of
new party, while in reality a dual solution is called for.
15.8
The-political crisis, as has been repeatedly emphasized, has an
imminence and urgency.
Consolidation, and strengthening, of anti capitalist
forces is hence the prime task.
A close alliance with the communist par-
ties is therefore indispensible.
This alliance is by itself likely to
prove merely defensive and not revolutionary - alternative.
To create
that, new processes - theoretical and practical - are necessary.
They will
have tc be sought and developed, during struggle, as the ruling class offen
sive is feught and repelled.
The initiative would obviously come from the
front liners in the revolutionary struggle - the organised working class
which in its direct confrontation gives struggles new dimensions aad fche
cadre which can theorise this new experience.
The role Tacticn greuos’ can play in cither of the processes so
long as they remain ‘action groups’ is doubtful. To participate they will
have to efface themselves as ’action groups’ and be joconstituted as revo-
15.3
lutionary activists.
6^.
i
I
RIGHT, LEFT AND CENTRE AS ASPECTS OF NATURE
I
J.P.S. UBEROI
1
I
I
In 1925, after the death of Lenin, there vzas published
in Moscow the
work
of
Engels
natural science,
on
Dialects of nature, edited from his Ms notes and fragments
of 18 7 3 and the years -following.
It is the chief work
of Marxism on science, without a rival in the corpus of
(
r
Marx and Engels , and its importance in the developments
that came after then exceeds even that of Lenin's
Materialism and empirio-criticism
(Igog).
The first work is
more dialectical than the second, and the second is .
correspondingly more materialist than the first. Engels'
chief thesis would appear to be that the positivist or
the metaphysical approach should not have a monopoly
over science , which should rather follow a non-dualist
dialectical way of thinking, i.e. along the lines of
the laws of the unity of opposites, the change of
quantity into quality and the negation of the negation
or the law of development through contradiction.
Such laws highlight the homology or the analogy,
self-evident to Engels, among the spheres of thought,
nature and society, which are not to be considered as
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
bangalore
GouOOl
4
in relation to nature; and I will not claim to have under-
stood the most difficult European philosopher of all in
the few years that-have elapsed since the
Phi/Losophy Oj
Mature was made available in English.
I had rather taken refuge from the polemics of the
right and the left, specially in relation to the debate
of'idealism versus materialism, in the non-dualist
dialectical attitude of the centre, represented at the
-turn of the eighteenth century in Europe by Goethe, who
incidentally never himself accepted the system of Hegel
but of whose own work on nature Hegel had formed the
highest opinion (e.g. as expressed in Hegel’s letter of
homage to Goethe) .
The importance of Goethe is that,
while expressing his ignorance of philosophy and practi-
sing as a poet and a statesman, he had pressed on for
forty years with his experiments in botany and optics,
etc., which were based on his theory of metamorphosis
and the archetype.-
Thus the dialectics of the centre
should remind us that the anti-positivist non-dualist
attitude is not merely a philosophical but also a
practico-experimental attitude.
The dialectical method.- •
of Goethe pre-supposed the equality of man and nature;
and this is implicit in his theory and practice of the
scientific experiment as well as of scientific explana-
tion, the process of discovery as well as the process
of proof.
it •
ii
5
Engels has himself attributed to Christianity r the
religion of the Spirit versus the flesh, the development,
after the decline of classical antiquity, of the dualism
;of mind and matter, man and nature, the body and the soul
(Dialectics of Nature
English edition, 1954 , p. 243) .
But
the dualist disease, rather than disappear under the
treatment of modernism, has surely become widespread and
endemic after the Renaissance and the Reformation, and
infected the. whole of modern European culture, including
its system of knowledge as a vzhole and in its details.
For four centuries and more modern Western positivist
dualism, with and latterly without Christianity, has
insisted that the two worlds of man and nature , truth
and power, science and politics, nature and history, the
fact and the value, lexis and praxis^ the Red and the
expert, are separate and different in all essentials for
study and action.
Yet the opposite non-dualist dialectical attitude
a kind of
always
found
in
Europe,
in
the
guise^of
Gnosticism
was
if not of Christianity, but it was driven underground
atter the failure of radical Reformation and the sc
called peasants' war in Germany (1526).
Indeed, I have
been told that Marx has somewhere in his Ms writing on
art made some kind remarks about the pantheist Franck,
who belonged to the radical Reformation, as against his
6
(Marx’s) juxtaposed unkind remark about the "stupid and
fanatical" official leader of the Reformation,
Luther.
viz.
Anyhow, the attitude I refer to has, in spite
of the modernist attitude, remained alive in the European
underground, and it has risen to the surface from time
to time, e.g. in the "philosophy of nature" of the right,
left and centre in Germany.
It pre-supposes the logic of the unity and the
variety of the two worlds, rather than their absolute
homogeneity or heterogeneity, and replies that when the
two. are apparently separate they are also in some sense
similar (competition), and that when the two are
♦
apparently different they are also in a sense together
(cooperation) , but that in no sense can we concede
separatism and difference to the two identities.
The
latter position would inevitably lead either (a)
to
absolute atomism by the infinite regress of dualism
(Russell); or (b) to the opposite mistakes of the
so-called new systems view of the world, which perhaps
rightly emphasizes the autonomy, self-regulation and
coherence of systems but forgets their rules of trans
formation and metamorphosis.
it consistently neglects
the principle of sympathy between the parts of two or
more apparently separate and different systems, and so
puts its faith in the coherence of the system at the
7
expense of the principle of contradiction.
The coming
debate of atomism versus the systems view. like the
earlier debate of idealism versus materialism or the
still earlier one of realism versus nominalism. is of
only secondary interest for us.
It seems that, during the decade
of the cultural
revolution in China, a serious attempt was made to give
shape to this non-dualist dialectical attitude, partly
through permanent joint Party-and-expert committees
attached to all national scientific establishments,
and partly through two popular slogans, "Every worker
a scientist" and "Overthrow all authority in science".
But it seems that the directives that followed
effectively exempted the authority of first nuclear,
then defence and soon all natural science, presumably
on the principle of the privilege of the expert.
Science is science and politics is politics, and the
meeting of the two spheres was reduced to only social
science and the arts , with the result that the sciences
of culture were temporarily destroyed in China and the
culture of science simply reaffirmed its immunity.
Today the youth of China is applying to every Western
nation for deeper training in that culture of science,
while presumably leaving its politics at home, and the
revolutionary joint committees are dissolved or under
suspension; the two slogans of yesteryear.have also
8
not been heard of again.
Social science has meanwhile
revived feebly in the new autonomous Chinese Academy
of Social Science, separated from both the Chinese
Academy of Science and the Politburo, so that any
future heretical confusion of truth and power arising
there can be quickly isolated and managed, if not
destroyed again.
China has reset its course to follow the modernist
principles of social structure, whereby the spiritual
elite (science) and the temporal elite (politics)
jointly try to persuade us, the common people, that
they are truly separate.
Separately and together they
♦
require us somehow to believe (a) that they are diffe-
rent from one another and from us, the non-expert nonelite;
(b) that this threefold division of labour is
natural, right and beneficial for all classes, nations.
races; and simultaneously (c) that no one of them is
responsible and answerable for.it.
The whole concept
of total social structure, the totality of the regime,
and the twin concepts of the freedom and the responsi-
bility of man in relation to it, are therefore condemned
as a body of illusion, presumably mischievously fostered
by Stalin, Mao and Gandhi.
Yet the reply of the underground, nothing daunted.
remains to the effect that mankind should have more
9
truth in politics, and more non-violence in science, and
with
more truth, love and justice all round, beginning^our-
selves.
The habit of the dialectical attitude is the
habit of seeing all things in the round, i.e. in the
light of the unity in variety of everything, specially
in relation to study and action, man and nature, truth
and reality.
Let those scientists who claim to be sepa-
rate from politics, and to belong to the world community
of science, begin again by explaining to us why half or
more of that community is, and always has been, willingly
engaged m new destructive weapons research and development in
all countries under the regime of modernism,
East and West.
If one half of the scientists in the
world are servants of the military, which -does violence
and
.
to man,Athe other half are the servants of industry,
A
which does violence to nature , then the love of man and
nature obliges us to try and rescue science from the
scientists and give it a new and different philosophical
I
dire ction.
I
II ■
II
(C I ’
: 17
A note on the
15 year Perspective Plan
for
the Development of Goa, Daman & Diu, prepared by the Administrative
Staff College, Hyderabad, on a consultancy paid for by the Goa
Government.
For circulation among those, interested in the Goa Dialogue and
among people interested in these questions generally*
COMIWUMITY HEALTH CEll
47/1,(First Floor)St. Marks Road
BAWGAtO 3E ■ 530 001
2
The objectives of the Perspective Plan are as follows:
1)
To solve the problem of unemployment of both educated and
uneducated in the territory in 10 years i.e. by the end of the
Seventh Plan period (1978-1988).
2)
To double the State Domestic Products with an overall growth
rate of 7% por year, so that the per capita income is also
: doubled from Rs.1270 to Rs.SffcO.
3)
There will be more emphasis on the development of the hitherto
neglected, backward, inland talukas.
4)
Better land use and of the environment in the settlement of the
Goan population.
5)
The plan greatly emphasizes conservation and ecological balance.
6)
Rural development*
7)
Special attention to poor and backward classes of the Goan
population..
Silent features and quoted from the Document
J
1)
This is a 15 year Perspective Plan, a long-range, long-term
view of the Goan economy. The argument is that only in long
term planning of this sort, can one for see and accomodate for
the minimization of various imbalances in the economy.
2)
The approach followed in the preparation of the Perspective Plan
is one based on ’’resource endownment" i»e. the resource poten
tialities available in the economy and the territory’s needs
and capabilities to harness them in future - a ’’management of
resources” approach.
■
■
n
'
3)
In the past fifteen years, the basis objective aimed at in the
various developmental programmes were self-sufficiency in
opportunities and. raising the general standard of living of the
people.
4)
Both the objectives of increasing the agricultural income and.
the need for self-sufficiency in foodgrains can be achieved only
if the irrigated areas to the net sown area in the territory
is increased to at least 30-3^ from
present 9.8%.
5)
Mining cannot be an all - time asset. Precautions are to be taken
sufficiently in advance to prepare for the day when the assets
will no longer be available and when a large number of persons
employed in this major industry would have to be shown alternative
avenues of employment.
Illi
Introduction
In 1976-77, or thereabouts, the Goa Government of Mrs* S* Kakodkar
invited consultants from the Administrative Staff College, Hyderabad,
to prepare on a professional consultancy basis a long term plan for
the development of Goa, Daman and Diu* The Staff College is one of
the most prestigious management institutes in the country* The team
of consultants from the College was headed by Mr* E* 0* Maciel, who
has since joined another organization in Bombay*
What emerged from the consultancy exercise is now known as the 15
year Perspective Plan for the development of Goa, Daman and Diu.
The plan, it is needless to say, was prepared without consulting
leaders of opinion, leaders of different communities and associations
and certainly, the Goan population at large.
The Goa Government of Mr. Rane has accepted the plan in toto, which
minor modifications (these are not real changes, but merely increases
in certain sector outlays).
So, for the next 15 years, Goa’s development and yours may take the
shape outlined by a bunch of non-Goans, who juggled statistics offered
by out various departments, and wrote the report while sitting in one
of the fanciest management institutes this country can boast of.
-
What follows is a summary of the Perspective Plan, and other technical
details* This summary is for your information* You are requested to
read the entire document - there are two xeroxed copies in circulation
among our circle (Government had decreed that the Plan Document should
remain ’’restricted” in circulation. So much for what is said about
our democracies)*
The Perspective Plan's life is from 1978-1993.
This period will synchronize with the three 5 years plans of the
Indian Government as follows:
1978-1983
Sixth Five Year Plan
1983-1988
Seventh Five Year Plan
1988-1993
Eight Five Year Plan
i
J—■
— .
3
6)
But this occupation - fishing - has reached a stage that it can
no longer be carried on along traditional lines. It is difficult
to tap the availability of marine resources to the maximum by
depending upon the practice of fishing with non-mechanization
and better and modern techniques of management.
7)
A perspective plan can neither be definitive nor mandatory. It
outlines major trends of development that are desired or expected
in the long run, taking demographic, social and other factors
into account. A short term plan (like the five year plans) is
generally prepared without taking stock and accounting for the
long term effects of the Outputs on the total system. Such a
development leads to several imbalances which in the long tun
influence the economy negatively.
8)
Between 19.70-71 and 1975-76, the growth rate of the Goan economy
was 8.4%. The per capita income went.up to Rs.1224.94 from
Rs.915.70 in 1970-71, Compared to the all Indian figure of
Rs.695.
9)
The population per bank office is 6,000 compared to the national
average of 29000.
37% (national average : 25%)
125% (38% national average)
1.37 lakhs
10)
Population growth rate
Urban population growth rate
Influx of outsiders
11)
The plan requires the following conditions for making Goa
self-sufficient in food:
The net sown area must increase from 1,33,575 ha to 1,60,000
ha between 1978-1993•
Irrigated area must increase from 10,000 ha to 60 ha in ....'i
the same period.
‘ "
»i
1
2he growth rate in paddy cultivation should be 5% instead
of 2$ as at present.
Ihe yield of paddy per ha should increase.
There are seven chapters, two statements on outlays, and four
appendices. The Chapters are as follows:
1.
2.
34.
Profile of the Economy: pp 1-2L
Approach Issues and Objectives: pp 22-30
Macro-Economic Framework: pp 31-52
Sector-Wise Analysis and Proposals: pp 53-284
II
111 l|!ll■l■IIIIIWIIII !■■■ Ill
..
.1111111 II
Illi
4.1 Agriculture pp 53-69
4.2 Animal Husbandry pp 70-80
pp 81-93
4.3 Fisheries
pp 94-103
4.4 Forestry
pp 104-1M+
4.5 Industry
pp 145-154
^.6 Mining
pp 155-181
h.7 Tourism
pp 182-192
k.8 Irrigation
pp 193-203
^.9 Power
4.10 Transport and Communications pp 204-220
4.11 Education
a PP 221-238
4.12 Social Services pp 239-250
4.13 Rural Urban Development pp 251-264
4.14 Go-operation
pp 265-275
4.15 Institutional Finance pp 276-284
Organizational Arrangements: pp 285-294
5.
6. ‘
Financial Resources: pp 295-303
' Plan Formulation, Implementation, Monitoring and
7.
Evaluation : pp 304-309
■
- >
Statement 1:
Sector-wise plan outlays for the Perspective Plan
period at 1970-71 prices.
Statement 2:
Detailed sector wise sixth plan outlays at current
prices.
I Appendix I:
Population Projections (1978-1993)
Appendix II:
Estimates of Urban and Rural Distribution (1978-1993)
Appendix III:
Projections for Working Population in Goa, Daman
and Diu (1978-1993)
Appendix IV:
Estimation of Daman for Labour Force during the
Perspective Plan period.
.i
I
r
4
Background Material
Lokayan 16/1? May, 1981.
• r. ■ -
GOLDEN GOA THAT v/AS
(From Marg special issue bn Goa)
Golden Goa is the legendary name given to the paradisal landscape
on the western coast of India.
The beauty of nature, with the blue bays, creeks, and inlets of
water lapping on the shores of wooden hills and valleys and at times
kissing the long stretch of beaches, make a dramatic setting for the
good life, and through the centuries waves of‘people from the mainland
came and settled here'and built up intimate cultures.
The Portuguese adventurers of the sixteenth century made Goa
harbour the base for their ambition and to found a maritime Empire.
With the gunboats came the little ships carrying churchmen, and soon
under imperial orders, the local population was asked to seek the
Christian faith.
.
. bi
>
r’-‘-
Strange enough, a rich synthesis emerged in the building of '
churches? cathedrals, chapels and the incidental crafts of ivory and
woodcarving, in the hands of Portuguese and Spanish master builders
and the local artisans.
,
.
-
i
The resultant architecture was a Baroque style of unique tropical
splendour, unmatched, in any other colonised part of the world.
The tiny strip adjacent to the co st and the main rivers, is as
protected as it was isolated by'the natural barrier of the Western
Ghats and dense forest. Geographically, therefore it is a secluded
country lying between two major cultural regions, the Marathi and
Kanarese. The local language, Konkani. is not (as is often 'supposed)
a sort of~pidgen Marathi but a fully differentiated language'derived
from Sanskrit and the Prakrits on a line paralled with that of Marathi
,and Kanarese. Konkanl has many Portuguese, Arabic and Marathi
additions nowadays but until recently the locality of birth according
to not only district but village group could be ascectained from a
person's local Konkani variant.
Some little ironies strikingly refute the stereotype image of
Goans as facile exponents of westernisation. While the gastronomy of
the region is not surprisingly among Indias most spectacular, what is
much less appreciated is that Goa is'a centre of Hindu pilgrimage, >
ancestral shrines drawing people from many parts of India. In fact,
one of the sole remaining' temples in India still dedicated to; the
worships of Brahma is is Goa, and possesses moreover one of the
finest MURTI, idol of the South. Is it not a significant irony that
the one voice which the millions throughout India love as the very
voice of Mother India belongs to a woman who hails from Goa? How
many of her admirers know that Lata Mangeshkar., greatest of the movie
playback singers, bears the name of Sri Mangesa, most revered deity
of Goa, in whose famous temple near Ponda, her family had given
service for unnumbered generations? *** Excerpts culled out from the
Marg Publications, Golden Goa, 1980.
GOLDEN GOA: My Foot!
The GGVARASHTRA (Goa), after 19 years of euphemistic liberation
has been systematically sapped of it's riches and is fast heading
towards a 'land of the Jackals'.
' -1
II
. I'll I I I
I
2
:.O
\ J-
,
Goa today flooded with an Influx of people from the neighbouring
states, who, besides eating into the economic, and land resources of
the Govarashtra, are threatening to devour the Goan 'ethos' culturally
and socially-as well•i
Wide-spread phenomenon of "Educated Unemployment" of a large
number of Goan youngsters; break neck speed In the exploitation of
Goa's iron ore, manganese, and mineral resources by politically
influential private mine owners/exporters; ruthless moving down of
strategic and valuable forests by an aggressive and corrupt.lobby of
forest contractors systematic efforts .to eliminate the traditional,
rural- bcsed self-employed cottage occupations like toddy tappers,
ramponkars (Country boat fishermen), Carpenters, potters, artisans
dhangers and velips (Hill tribes) by introducing every mode of
eliminating factors vis-a-vis their occupations, are some of the
notorious achievements of the various governments that have ruled
and rule Goa till today.
Despite'19 years of much trumpeted self rule, there are several
hamlets in Goa which do' not enjoy the benefit of potable water,
electricity, medical services, transport, schools and proper roads
and paths.
On the other hand, while the feverish private mining activity has
turned out yester year petty shop-keepers and vegetable sellers into
multi-millionaires, vast tracts of fertile green lands and habitanions
have been swamped by mining rejects rendering paddy and coconut culture
impossible to thousands of agriculturists in Goa. with total impunity
to the codified mining laws and regulations. At this hour buried under
the heavy weights of dust as-far as Goa and it's Government is
concernedl
concerned)
Horticultuie like coconut, cashew,
ca shew pineapple,
pineapple chiku
chiku, papayas,
plantations which.would have been the only future for Goa are being
monopQlised by the rich multinationals and non-Gdan businessman/
politicians who have bought up large tracts of green land at Sanguem,
Quepem, Canacona and Satari Talukas, at a throwaway prices. Similarly,
a large percentage of hotels, tourist peraphernelia, business inlets
'.and outlets are today monopolised by a large number of non-Goans, who
in turn import non-Goan labour- at marginal (starvation level)
salaries and wages.
.
'
The few big size industries that gate crashed into Goa for the
love of its cheap land soft loans* subsidies and other incentives
(and not for their love of Goans) have donated Pollution to the
various rivers and estuaries of Goa. Whether it be £uari Agro Chemi cal s
Madras Rubber Factory or. Ciba Geigy or the various prawn processing
plants scattered all.over Goa# Their only benefit to Goa are the large
number of slum type illegal hutments to house their non-Goan labour.
The various 3 star and
star hotels^ ’’Tourist Resorts” and
’’Enclosures” built all over the Goan territory have not only rendered
Goans aliens in their own homeland but they have turned out to be
exclusive enclaves of epicurian affluence and vulgur entertainment
with unsatiable appetite to consume the best produce of the Goan
Society• While hundreds and thousands off genuine tourists are forced
to spend their nights on foot paths, pavements and public gardens.
Goan beaches, bus stands and railway station on the other hand, have
been systematically turned into centres of nudism, drugging, filth and
profligate prostitution all encouraged by the Governmental authorities
under the clumsy banner of ’’Tourism industry”* Undaunted by universal
failures like in, Sri. Lanka, Phillippines and Kandala in India the
existing Government is busy lobbing for an EPZ (Export Promotion Zone)
to invite multinationale through the back door under the dubious
slogan of ’employment for the local population1.
4-
>
3
Besides carrying the yoke of the non-Goan bureaucrats and
businessman the Goan masses are today saddled with a brood of young
politicians who have formally joined the national mainstream in the
realm of "corruption", "nepotism" and "political turn coatmanship".
They are in league with the rich mine owners, liquor distillers,
land lords, forest contractors, saw mill owners, cashew nut wholesalers
big time transport operators, real estate and houring contractors,
mechanised fishing boat owners and with the business community at
large which are the de facto oppressors of Goans. Whereas, vast
multitude of people are left today groping in darkness to'find~their
constaht^ friends and check mate their permanent enemies«~Tq. brie’f,
every existing politician today stands potentially doomed by hi s
faulutes - despite the tall publicity and face lift given to them by
the Goan media.
Let me remind you and our fellow Goans that it won't be long
before Goa is turned into another Sahara. The "desertification" process
of Goan economy, minerals, land and forest resources, classical man
power potential, and it's unique cultural ethos which began since 1961 5
has already yielded encouraging results for the die-hard enemies of
Goa and Goans at large. What with nearly ^0% non-Goans residing in
Goa and a bunch of Goan vested interests to assert their predominance
over us?
»
<*
* Will you let ’’The Pearl of the East”, "GOLDEN GOA", "The Star
of the East” to be converted into another dead meteor?
Think like the Goans feel,
Speak as the Goans do - Konkani,
Be as the Goans are - Socialists.
•J.
LEO
-•i
4
‘ rd
1.
A
J
i
■
J
[
CRISES
Iw
but it was devoid of meeting the ■
J have r^eeived a large number
to—
civilisational
compulsions. T’ at»
reacting
X of communications
is why the crisis. Indira Gsndhij
one way or another to my article
too is a believer in a strong na-1
entitled “India: the most dange
Lion-State but !s oblivious oi |
rous decades”. What is common
civil Nation al challenges.
|
in most of these communications
mew nave
ww many
umwj period’;'
There
have been
is a
of two sharply posed ques- libation had also declined and de- the British haa weaned away. His when the Indian civilisation went
v
centuries.
tions: (1) how did this situation cayed for many
centuries. Mao
Mao small
small hookVHindSwaraj
book “Hind Swaraj””,Uinugh
, though static. The last occasion, before
• crises
•
• • and was faced......
...
je]y written,
seminal
ot multiple
come about,
with the problem
cf. cru<
crudely
written, was.
was. aa E
—------ the present era, on which it en
(2) what could be the solutions? I integrating the civilisational pro- work in the sense that (a) it re- tered the phase oi a prolonged
superiority of the
would like to answer both ques- blem with the problem of build- iterated the
.somewhere betstalemate was
* i
over ethers ween
tions to the best of my ability, jn.c a natlon-State.
Indeed, his Indian civilisation
the
reigns of Shahlehan
am
t
....
.
.................................
—-------— was
— even more difficult berrfte™l.Mlfe values; <b) „„
„„„ the
„
though
I feel hesitant
to --------answer task
Indian,
Aurpngxeb. Since then
the second
question because
there
cause...
he faced another
challenge
d exposed
theJihollo
wne&i
ox tnaav
Qivnfsition
continued - fcO
to
decline
.A
V.AAWAAV.
«
VI IMJ* UVIi
VUUUUUVU
VAWV-A*.«.
* • •
A.J
•
__ .V.
J —— t
A. la
Yv* M
f W_
may be solutions which are fea- — of international Communism who denigrated the Indian civili- Untu the emergence of Gandhi w'..
slble but not acceptable and solu- which at that time had subjugated Ration; and (c) it gave bare out- attempted to stem the tide. AurangtlonS which are desirable may not itself to defending the Soviet na- lines of the kind of future social.
. ■ zeb
?.eb who tried to build a naticnnationbe feasible.
tional interest. Stalin was dead political and economic s u®*?® State ilc
.eilvcu ut
negated
or VVCM
even destroyed
»nst
I do not believe there ever was opposed to the Maoist line- Mao that would be consistent
with the
civilisational character of
- •
a dearth of solutions to our pro- successfully fought Stalin by fix- value system of the Indian civ> challenge through his
reli^iotw,*
he. bigotry and thus ended up by ul-’
blems. If, despite the solutions all ing both nationally’ and Commu- lisatlon. Quite remarkably.
our problems survive. It is be- nism. Mao’s reiA.ai^aole achieve- though accepting non-violence as timately making both the nation-’
cause we refuse to see what *is ment was that he succeeded in a creed and a way of life, force- State and the civilisation decline"
happening In the black boxes of combining the
rejuvenation of fully stated: 'T will not hesitate further.'so*much*so~that no mo
Indian politics. Besides, any see* the Chinese civilisation with the to use any amount of violence if narch after him could even at-t
culatlon about the future, whe- building of the Chinese nation- my civilisation was threatened”.
tempt to build the' nation-State.
lher optimistic or pessimistic, is a state and the Marxist ideology,
Indian Marxists may like it or The British found India ripe for’
risky intellectual pursuit, though something which was unheard of
a takeover.
both history
and Gandhi
we need not be as squeamish as before oi since. The sO-caP/'rl fai- not.■ but--------.. .
theband.
that
the
other
------On
oc-lmaa -, such as proved max
Marx was utterly
William Wilberforce was when he lures of Mao Tse-tung,
that
because SSkhs and the Marathas concen1 in
‘ ‘
’./Forward
wrote
1790; “I dare not‘ marry; the Great Leap
Forward and the wrong in.his
in ;his prediction.
prediction, Iberate
! he
hp future
fntirrp is
{« so
<ja dark and
nna uncernnepr. Cultural
rw*,,™! Revolution were
ai- even
were no
no ffaieven J . ignored
.
' the
** - civilisational trated totally on safeguardine, ana
lures*/In ‘tlTcfthese were essential aspect vx the
India, -renovating
tllC change in
iH
---------------- *3> the
—— Indian civilisation.
tain.”
I wish to pursue the subject of surgical operations
operations and blood Marx had predicted that British But'they had poor understanding,
my last article a little further, letting to complete the compre- imperialism would play a double, of-the nation-State. The scope foi;
role a retrieval of thesituation beTruly the current crisis is not na- hensive civilisational! revolution
revolut ion positive as well as negative,
tional but civilisational. India is that Mao wanted to accomplish, in India--On the one hand, it will came extremely limited because
destroy what he called “ancient in this period the push towaras
not merely a territorial entity or
the
static communities of India”
and a nation-State and
the civllisacivlljsaa nation In the normal sense of POLITICAL SENSE
... other create a new Westional struggle got pitted against,
the word; it is a civilisation which
on the
5
type of civilisation. Almost each other, resulting in economic
has already been sliced two or
In our own country, Gandhi tern 1
three times. It would be utterly faced the same problem when he as a vengeance, India has produc* and social stagnation for the
The process of :
Tl
futile to make comnarisons of came on the Indian po’itical scene ed
® a bastard culture ®nd. in re- three centuries. acculturation
of
l.
India’s crisis with that of any in the bginning of the century. In trospect, it seems that Gandhi was assimilation and
into the Indian
British !mother .country which does not many respects the
■ new
hewinfluences
the situation
situation pi right ,when hecalled
___________
shopped.'• For th**
have a civilisational
character. decay and pessimism of today is penal-ism an unmitigated disaster. _________ wa9
next 300 years or so the Indian
Leaders come and go. systems rise not much different
As late ns 1945, when science, civilisation continued tn decline,
from what
and fall, crises multiplv and dis prevailed then. The socio-econo- techno-logy, democracy
. andJ mo
appear, but It takes as long a time mic stagnation and the cultural dern institutions had come to stay yielding to easy British occupa
tion of the country. The rise of
for a civilisation to decay as it decay of those days had pushed in India. Gandhi forcefully
•TTI
3 ’e« relte•»» D«U»1J imneriai*isrn^
UHj/V l K»‘U»U, the'partition
— — --U
takes to build. The Indian civi
Indian political leaders and rated his faith in Hind bwaraj
------the
In(jja and even the. present-day
lisation, which has stood the test intellectual towards accepting the (which was originally written in
.
.
communal
conflicts
are
the
of many
centuries, onslaughts, cultural superiority of the West 1908> when
"
*
( r0<iuct or the residual problems
Nehru
raised‘ some p
corruption, internal
crises and
in every respect. Gandhi used an questions about it. It was clear of
■
the same contradiction.
sabotage, now seems to have en unusually violent language to de- that India would be independent
tered the state of massive decay. nounce the then Indian elite for sooner rather than later. Those
POWES ELITE
Unless this ■process Is drastically their collaborationist and subser- who ■ 'describe
doscribo
Gandhi fts anti- •
arrested, India will go the way of vient attitude towards the Wes- science or
anti-technology have
One of the main characteristics
< th er civilisations.
tern civilisation.
not read him carefully. ’What
of* the ----Indian
civilftation
wes the
The Incompetence
of the
uujnipcLciiLc vi
uut: lea
iva-
Gandhi saw was the
tne Ganger
....
.
danger or
of w
The situation then corresponded British imperialism leaving be- separation of elite functions wnu
dership that caused the demise
system, the dis- to what Marx described as des- hind enough of its cultural trans- or without a hierarchy. I he tuneof our political
i
bush potic and static or
what Orteg jnitters who, in the name of tions of value-determination, ex1 onesty and corruption of
cynicism of
the Y. Gassel referred to it as “anth- fic!ence and
rationality.
would erclse of political power and monessrnen,- the
racy, the
massive con- rnpomorphlc vegetations”. Toyn- precisely
prec.;SGiv destroy
destrov the
the basic
basic fabric
fabric ney-making
bureaucracy,
ney-making — the^ three functions
frontatlon of social forces, etc., to bee called it ‘‘aumalism” charac- of the jnc]ian society. India was of the different components c.of
which I referred in the last arti- teristic of arrested civilisations, no
u country
not^ aa srna
small
country toto be
be transtrans- the
the power
power elite
elite—
—were
were kept
kept sepacle. are only part ofthe process i e.. societies in which the pattern fOrmcd in a short time into a so- rate Whenever this separation and
threa
:ety of
three
"f this civilisational decay. The of behaviour was like those of cciety
the
of the
the Western
Western type.
type. Gandhi
Gandhi the
^he balance
balance between
between the
ical cause cf worry is inot the lower animals on pre-determined c]JOSe Nehru partly because Nehru functions were maintained,
the
crisis but the incapacity of the lines- Toynbee described the ata- had earlier talked In civilisational Indiant w
society moved forward and
power elite and the intellectuals tic situation of decaying civilisa- tG<-mg an(j partly because Gandhi Q?^resfied Whenever this balance
of
to stand the psychological strains tion thus: “The equilibrium
of thought he alone would be able *' ® upset
' / 0I
or. anv
any of
of the
the compocompo-,
produced
dis- forces ***
in their life was
so- exact
to imcgraie
integrate me
the warring
warring imvuvus
factions
. \ ,, 4 t0 perform its funcuvuuLtu by
ijj this
uxm, decay, the
luc uis— —
integration of the fabric of civi- that all their energies are absorb- jnside the Congress, while others tions, the system declined or col
lisatlon. and the massive human ed in the efforts ofI maintaining
maintaining
divide it.
lapsed.
r—LT—i they have attained
the position
alienation.
the
already, and there is no margin "of
All these functions and
energy left over for reconnoitring NATION-STATE
them
~"~3
performing
CHINESE TRADITION
elite groups
the course of the road ahead, the
through a prolonged and
To some extent Nehru perceiv went tIt Is not necessary to follow any face of the cliff above them, with ed Gandhi's approaches to the In- agonislng decline in the latter
view to further advance.”
fvmonai
..
Mughal imasw
phase u*
of the Indian —
civi
particular
philosopher's scheme a Gandhi
was the first modem dian struggle in a
civilisational lisation. Not unnaturally,
unnaturally, thm
ther :vof rise and fall of civilisations. Indian to have addressed himself context when he wrote his "GlimpGlimp•
.
difficult
to
but we must learn to respect and to this problem ...d
and ...-iL
made eivlii- ses Of
of World
HUtor£
But^e
theTlnc\
-.I"-." ■ '
** *
reckon with the negative and sation as the unit of analysis at a time be had come to write
positive historical forces operating
it came to modern tira-.
Wal^'reVn
’ed. Discovery ..of
^he^too
Hons when
when^eame
too had tions
hi imperialism
reigned
of India*
he t„.
in that direction. Most European timte when
Against the imperialistic ’ fallen in line with the other Lea- es. It was
observers' bad regarded the social supreme
ders and wanted to build India as lisationai compulsions that caused
nature of the global
system, oi the eternal East
East as n!!ture
gl°bal
^stera.’ be
’
models if tradition that were th- successfully combined the strug- a powerful natlon-State without continuous drift Of MusThr-F TV/ayTay
creating
consciousness realising that if the civilisational from others and this was f’-By
capable of
modernising themc
character of this subcontinent was exploited by the British.
selves. Mao Tse-tung proved them about the Indian civilisation with not kept -in view.
anti-civilisaanti-civilisaal) wrong. He rejected the linear•r the struggle for making India an
■
The hierarchical dimensions oif
be released• to
the nation- the power elite had to contend
path cf the West. By drawing in-.„ independent. State. He nev^gave
"n this task althoughcould'^not State ‘itself ~’DesVt’e "Gandhi’s with" the modern dimensions
spiration both from his own past Xs^Sid^cSom
of.
not State itself.
Despite
"
J——
gues and
and successor
successors » could
and the present, he was able to ^s
opposition,
opposition, other
other leaders
leaders showed democratic Eoeloties with a growsafeguard the
Chinese-tradition luLLy ^PP^e mm
accepting paTti.
horizonta! proliferation - and’ .
made the
of
and civilisation from decay by . He maut
.n . .struggle
iusk
which
we_ now
’ retros- fplurality.
chaUenge
in
4ic
,
It
.
ov
___
______
7
see
_____
__w. The double
modernising: them on the strength civilisation
civilisation iagainst
the West and a
K?
—
in
of their own values as much as against its own conformist elite pect, struck the biggest blow to the Indian civilisation faced.
_^***x..
, v
„ crises
had
national our civilisation. Between 1947 and
ear
ijer *phases
cf
on new knowledgethe focal point of the
the In- 1964 Nehru’‘s .was? a massive and now been imposed on the eh e .
In the first instance, Mao look- movement. He"
1-^ mobilised
uxau nic^
uaCJ the mass an imaginative attempt to build
cd upon China not as a nation but dian
masses and
and used
Continned on page 8 col 5
whom India into a modem nation-^, vale.
as a civilisation. The Chinese civi* line
IL.w to
L, isolate those IIndians
—
by J. D. SETHI,
18 ■
•
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u
The basic causes
of crises
The collapse of norms and valu
CeaUnaed from page 4 *♦> •
es of our sociely and the middle
incapacity to cope with the chal Hawes I- a direct expression ot
lenges of th« modern tcchno-do- this civjilsMional crisis. The somocratlc ayatein. The eli’e imba ciety U s» u in the point of tfesth.
lances and their functional confu In face of lolowal human sufiffrsion are the main sources of the Ing and poverty we pride ourselv
es cm being cheerfully cyniCwt
prevailing craia.
Even befote Gandhi came on Our universities and research ins
the scene at'.cmpto were made m titutions ere no longer places of
different paits of the country to Icnrnl’ • and scholarship: they are
rejuvenate the , Indian
civilisa waysides Cor gentlemen radicals.
tion by destroying the widespread The daily pressures on the ordlritualism which had come to do ntrv man's already diminished Inminate it »n the period of Stagno regrliy are, »o fierce that he 1U* if own
tioru This was dune by Introduc- flicts Mt
----- Inadequacy on his
. . ...
— ele neare,Bt Bn<
andj dearest. The valueing some po*«-iful
Wentcni
ments such
a.s trationality tod setters, social reformers and rescience into the main body of tne volutionarles of today ire unfamlcombination H3r porcerers. India is being rulAIndian society. This
’■ ) cd by the contagion of despair
of Western rationalism tml’ 'Indian
civilisation miuht have turned out
c ■* about the neglect of its civiilsathc
to be
!• 'd’:- but !' I
t... tional values.
ftet that it Insisted on the BradSometimes people express amaminical
tradition of keeping "e zement at the loas of values and
critical distance between the elite the
recrudescence of such ugly
and the masses.
phenomena as c< nmunal violence.
Men like Rammohun Roy. Ra-* The.ne are not the expressions of
nade, Gokhale and Ennklmchcn- a transitions! society moving into
■ dra
Chntterjl
were the great a new one. Instead they are the
pioneers in this new integration symptoms of the decay of socie
and assimi!.tlion prore"- For n
while it seemed that lite inu.an elite tal values. India had to be parti
might succeed, hut the British im tioned to solve the Hindu-Muslim
perialists proved too clever for prol.lem, but now It is returning
them. Thev cut short this process to the same form as it existed in
■ and split ’the elite in their own the pre-partition days. I cm premaking
„™ur by ,n
llklnS a section ot
them accept the superiority of th« f fundamcnt(li csusm ere tackled
Western civilisation. Gandhi chai- jjrst
denouncing
lenged this split by
I? the new classes among the
both
British
imperialism
British
iper ism and Hindus have been unable to graj those
who "had
«JO<*52*lie
Shifted
‘the becomeJts
entire thrust
end
snd pie with the rt/‘H”«onal1 prob. I He shiiied the vi'inrs
to
movemedi lem of India. It to too rmuch
I focus of the national
so.
fighting expect the Muslims to do
<
I from a
nation-State
_w
b
State
’'very religious
"
- »group
is attracted
j against an imperialist
He towards some clvillsatlonal maggrandJ clviltoationcl
conflict.
|£rir
-‘—J*—
Challenge net. If the Muslims ^re looking
j ser J*ly took up the
nnd
elsewhere, it Is the Hindus who
lot the Western civilisation
resis- .'-re partly to blame, though toe
J developed an intransigent
onshueht. Muslims, by turning away from
4 tance to its cultural^ cr.^-.
The
British thrt prrtCM* of Civilisation al IntegI What a contrast!
J could not buy up the Indian mind raiion, are making it lmpos»lb>«
| in 200 years After Independence for the Hindus to trust them.
On the other hand, the role of
it has been sold to them thr mgh
different
Mephistopheles.
to not very
■lour
indigenous
!<«■.,,.^-.^1-. ...— the
— R.S.S.
-- ______ organ
_
‘sation
I
»o U
1I The contrad lions of our society
either. This
s-----...v.
communal
than
the
Akai's,
II are truly Faustian.
'
The mistake that the post-war the
.... Muslim Lei.guc
--------- or the Politi
• I leaders mad-’ was thf.t they poll- cised Christian missionaries. The
4 ticised everything and pul every tragedy is that »s
iis an
I problem of the Indian civilisation body of the Hindus. It has nelthtr
of inthe
I into the political perspective of a developed the full concept or
'j nalion-State, They
,also re-estebre-estab- natlon-State nor learnt the dynadyne!T| lished old hierarchies ^which^
which had mlcs of a clviltot-tional
clviltsr-tional
change.
I been the main cause of the decay Paradoxically, It Is a non- deve’o| of the Indian civilisation. They re- pecj conservative force of dedicate
;| introduced the idea of e£•.-new caste w cartrc3. Hence Ito continuous
land status in politics and society, degeneration into sectarignlsm.
. 1 Nobody Is more conscious of bto
There r.re tides among nations
I status today than the Indian In ■
I tellectuals. Through status and when powers rl*e and fall, Tha
weakar.
' I hierarchy, the Indian cultur ’ and States grow stronger or
There may be riptides among nai intellectual life
got bifurcated,
m
I partly outside the context of the tlona, vast torrents of change
cul
I Indian c*. h:/'.ion and partly in politic*,- and economics .■'nd
ture sweeping away old structures
side it. thereby developing spilt
and creating new ones In
this
I personalities over the entire leatide Gandhi represented the colI d7?owher^'’is'Uthis more sharply loctlve conscience _* ‘1 j Indian
and their
gad
I reflected than in the two per cenl people s..»
—■„ civilisation
~
.
................
I English-knowing educated classes his aurcessoM the
coHecUve» taelite.
I refusing to sea the communicatl'm terests of tthe
— —
.— India
—----- -to not
II problem of the rest of the 98 per merely faci”* economic or mill’
♦ary compewilon with other naicent of the population for ' •
.... . tlona. She to pitted s-galnst alirt
I English makes no sense. Gr.wlbi
thi? clvilisational forces whose strength
gave the highest priority to
tn thi«
between i, now formidable. The external
| Issue of communication
I the
...masses and through his
’
un- threats to the country need not
J flinching effort made the entira ta^ the form of external aggresIcountry accept simple Hindi w» siort. It Is enough ....
•-«
that her soc'al
His .’.auccei- and cultural fabric to destroyed
the lingua franca,
tailed th car by all kinds of open or settted
singularly
sorei
and intervention through culture, techtradition
this
ry forward
:
••
•
ether facnot one
.
there
hut nolocy.
ideology
andI
if
today
in
the
cultural
tor,,'
J two Indias
TAILFIECE:
Prince
Kartb
I sense it is because of that misI take.
Singh is the latest defector. Hr
reminded
1 It to the middle class which «l- would not like to be
'Jways carries the civilisatio >3< v .~ of what he said ot his predeces
sors In thb gime of ratline an
| lues. Nehru created a large midd 2
one's comrades. 1 would also duclass in the hope that it would
I act as a buffer between the State mlss the story he is circulating in
that
Imd the masses. But, he paid scant Delhi's fashionable circles
| attention to two aspects of this according to astrologers, he U to
be
the
next
Prime
Minister.
Mrs
1 class:
(a>
numerical
the
miuute
middle
class Gandhi
---------- is there. only
. - to keep the
I growth
of the
•
•
/'I
tne
three
times
the
‘
gaddi
”
warm
for
him
until
times t.<|has
been
apnroprlitely
constellate.
* I growth of the working class — stars
But I cannot let pass his defection
I something which was bound to
|create an economic crisis; and (o' as it has a bearbig on ttie subs
I that this class could become the tance
t»nc« of this article. Prince Karan
lenerny of the Indian civilisation ‘Singh> swears by the n;.m® Auny• «( bindo who gr ■© the finest and
It.
by refusing even to look at
te
not to speak ’ enriching It. fn the most spohisticated shape
of the
principles
one sense.■. the crisis of our socletv values and
Karan
Singe
crisis
of.........
this
clan Indian clvilbatfon.
Is the i..
— - rparasitic
~- because the economy can.-ot pro is free to Girt with any political
ducc enough economic surplus to ptrty he likes, but to it oxorbifeed its fancies and dystum lions tant to expect him not to de««'
class to completely alienated crate the• name of Aurobindo aiwl
Th
thus —
defile
our civiliaationT
from the mixaes.
i**-"
■-
community health cell
47/1, (First FioorJSt. Marks Hoad
BAIVGALOFiE -560 001
belief in Positivisms that has becomo omboddod in
our psyches through tho process of technology in its
present domination# tho entirely erroneous assumption
that it is 'subject-matter* that is boing examined,etc0
Another one nay be tho inability to soo tho relationships
between • subjective* and •objective*,, specifically tho
conditions under which tho theq'subjoctivo’ becomes tho
•objectives’ and vice-versa®
4 - Let us go back to point eno. * have said that it is my
belief that what is being primarily investigated is the
process of cUiango that takes place in tho course of direct 0
participatory investigation. Xt is true that tho first
description of such a precess would bo 'personal'3, but
then are not all ’first* findings ’personal0 observations ?
ttowov®r when there io a broad enough data bust) i.o® a number
of such ’personal’ findings, to enable ono &3 studying tho
data to distinguish between what io cannon in most des
criptions, then do we not have tho beginnings of an
•objective’ science ?
What 1 am trying to say io that tho original collection of
data is always ‘personal\ that io on the buslo. ultimately,
of tho likes and dislikes of tho pioneering investigator.
It is only when there is an adequate fctn&s data baoo of
such •personal’ findings tliat some-one then tries to co
relate them to find the common ground and tho differences, ■to
systematise them as the first step towards ‘objectivity’. 'o
tho person oystcnatlsing the findings of others, those fin
dings are loss 'personal•. lvhat is personal to tho system—
atisor is his/her categories, classes, method of oystcmatlaation. As tho process develops o.g. steps of hypotheses,
laws, theories, etc. there is greater and greater distancing
from tho ‘personal9 and groat and greater degrees of
'objactificatiaa* - for all stages can now bo soon, and
perhaps take placo, simultaneously.
wGwever tho vosy incroaoing complexity of the process qIbo
loads to much being taken for granted and it io thio ’taken
for granted* that converto, lot uo oaye objective Ixnowledgo
to subjective boliefOo
5 - Conscious grasp of the stages and oubtlotloo mentioned above
wills it io hopeds sharpen the methods of acquiring luiov?lodge and ‘purify* it so that humankind and the individual
can tho better comprehend tho univorso of its/ one’s
cxporienco/oxistcnco tho more adequately vibo with it for
ita/ono’o purposes®
If
^Ai.
SOME THOUGHTS OtJ WHAT HAS COMS TO BE KNOWH AS
•PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH’, ’DIRECT INVESTIGATION’,
A»!D. PERHAPS. • ORAE HISTORY** ..
19
1 • This method o£ investigation io eno that changes
the very subjoctmatter even as the investigation
itself is proceeding vis* the USHJ paper on
•Dialectical Sransfcttnatlon** Dialogue*•*. and the
example of how ’scholar’, •worker* come to first
name terms in the study "Mining - '--hat’s happening
to the workers"*
If this is so then cloarly it cannot bo tho’subjoct
matter’ that is being investigated, tho very subjectmatter being in a state of fwftx flux. Perhaps then what
is being investigated io tho process of change itself ?
That isi the moments of that process are being rocordod
and being recorded as the •personal• experience of tho
investigator,
2 - xruo that such Investigation into tho •process’ itself
provides valuable insights Into tho ’objective’
conditions o.g. the economic, social, cultural forces
at work on both tho investigator and the subject of the
investigation vis. the scholar and tho worker in our
abovesa example, and it also records tho ’personal' re
actions of those to tho forces, tut, in view of tho
suggestion mado above, those Should be deemed to bo
secondary benefits of tho investigation itself.
I I*
I
r
Here the charge made against ouch a method of invostigatioe
is that it io’subjective’ - and such a charge is perhtoapo
perfectly valid to start with* ‘-oncidori the reactions of
both are •personal’ and these themselves change in,the
course of the investigation, if , for no other reason,
then the interaction between tho investigator and the
• subject’ - so that if they wore to go bac?. ovor the
whole process they would certainly deal with it in an
entirely different way. Tho same situation could never
be repeated in substantially tho same way. It is not
only ’subjective* one would say, it is pro-omincntly
• subjective* -in the sense that it is once and gone
forever t
3 - ■‘•he common error is not in that. The common orror is in
correctly seeing this type of investigation as •subjact
ive’ and from there concluding/implying that therefore
somehow it is invalid. There are many roasono for such
an unwarranted ’leap'. Ono could bo tlw deep-rooted
BAATGAi.Oke.660tarks
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THE MOST DANGEROUS DECADES
INDIA:
By
J.D. SETHI
The 1980s and 1990s are going to be the two most dangerous
decades for India.
Others said the same for earlier decades and
were proved wrong.
I hope I
through
shall be proved wrong by those who,
their mystical reflections,
have got a blind faith in the
nation*s destiny.
if the emerging crises are not sternly faced.
However,
sooner
fear these might converge on one another,
than later, to
explode into our faces and the prevailing stoic anger and
may burst into violent fury.
multiple challenges and crises,
Indued,
inertia
India may not survive these two decades
themselves to meet the
if her power elite, instead of preparing
for a disaster.
I
remain wilfully engaged in search
the time is running out on us.
Although there was never a period over the past 33 years
when India did not face one crisis or another - sometimes of
very serious nature
never before had she
a
to contend with the
as
co nvergence of such serious crises, both internal and external,
she faces now.
It is tragic that the elite response is either
collective acquiescence, breat-beating or becoming panicky or
downright
lies.
or honestry
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a nation
It seems that there is no scope left for truth
in India’s political leaders,
of liars.
Indeed, we have become
Pick up any newspaper in the morning and see
the truth about the lies anywhere.
POLITICAL SYSTO-1
India faces four major threats, all at the same time,
the Indian political system is dead and cannot be revived,
the
Indian economy has been pushed into
d ecay•
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F irst,
Second,
a situation of premature
Third, social violence is reaching
such dangerous propor-
tions as may rip the society apart both horizontally and vertically , and , finally, the massive military built-up by all major
powers in the areas around India has created an unprecedentedly
threatening
situation from outside.
Externally, India is being
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encircled from all sides by the super powers and their satellites.
The demise of the political system took place some years
ago.
But the politicans in their innocence believe it not and act
like a mother in her infatuation who refuses to believe the death
□f her child.
Political scientists act like maggots entering
this body through various wounds. The death of the political system
has orphaned political functionaries.
We may
have had a series of elections but with each election
the political institutions have been disrupted, corrupted and now
destroyed.
Political parties have become irrelevant because to
win an election the political machine is needed no
judiciary
more •
more.
The
has been undermined, humiliated and its powers have
been usurped.
The bureaucracy is nearly paralysed.
The education
system, except that part of it which is appropriated by a small
and affluent minority, has totally collapsed,
Not only have the
institutions been destroyed but all those norms and values which
impose disciplines on political clement have been thrown to the
winds.
PARASITES
Y et th ere is no exit from politics.
It is a remarkable aspect
of Indian life that once a politician, always
a politician, whether
in power, in legislature, in committees or completely outside power.
Most Indian politicians and socalled political activists cannot
make an honest living Outside politics.
According to one estimate,
there are about two million such perpetual parasites living on the
system through means and measures which could not but wreck
system.
any
The Indian economy and society are too weak and poor to
retain this vast non-functional army with the limited economic
surplus it produces.
The death of the Indian political system is being debated but
with great irrelevancies such as the choice between the parliamentary
v. the presidential form of government, the basic v. the non-basic
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It is a great reflection of the bankruptcy of the Indian Marxists
that they have reduced every aspect of Marxism to Centre-State
relations only.
In fact what has been thrown up is a loose combination of
authoritarian and anarchic forces, so loose as to be ineffective
and yet so intertwined as not to allow a new system and new
institutions to grow and function.
The line between the elective
and the non-elective systems has disappeared.
Attempts being made
to revive artifically the dead political system, instead of
giving birth to a new one, make no sense.
ELITE LEADERSHIP
There seems hardly any possibility for the rise of a new
political system until such time as a new leadership emerges,
The
entire second generation leadership of both the ruling party and
the Opposition has turned out to be corrupt, incompetent and
devoid of all political norms.
The attempts made to create a-
third generation elite leadership by the Naxalites, the R.S.S.»
the Janata and, finally, the Sanjayites, have all flopped.
Indeed, some of the roughnecks of the defunct third generation
leadership have proved so nasty and brutish that it seems that
the alternative to the present system would be some kind of a
d ic tatorship•
Those who had revelled in the illusion that India’s
foreign policy was a howling success now face its howling
failure.
The entire external environment with its manifold
inside-outside hookups has become potentially hostile,
It seems
that for nearly two decades there has been no active policy.
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the U.S, efforts to
counteract Moscow by declaring that it would resort to military
action if further inroads are made into the Gulf region, as well
as the Chinese manoeuvres in support of the U.S.A, on other
flanks in this conflict, are all likely to keep us under many
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pressures of destabilisation.
From now on whether it is detenete
or a situation of confrontation between the great powers perpetua
ting itself , or at the end of the decade the Soviet4Jnion becomes
friendly with China, the threshold of the military presence of
these powers in areas around India in one form or another will
continue to be raised, with every move posing a bigger trespass.
Therefore, if a domestic convulsion is ignited by some major
external crisis, the country may face dismemberment.
GUIDELINES
The naval activities of the two super powers threaten to turn
So far several factors
the Indian Ocean into another Mediterranean,
had helped to limit military and naval deployment in the Indian
Ocean.
If the gj per powers have not been able to increase their
presence at a higher level, it was because of obstacles to a possible
naval agreement stemming from technical considerations and the
involved in setting up qualitative limitation guide
difficulty
lines.
The situation which did not permit or provoke any super
power to he&/e a preponderant presence in this ocean has disappeared
with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the U.S* Gulf doctrine.
India has suddenly become vulnerable.
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The consequences of Pakistan exploding a nuclear device could
be serious.
i
What is going to complicate the situation is the fact
that Pakistan has since 1971 increased its military strength by 70
per cent•
This means that if we leave the divisions and forces
which are deployed on the border with China# there is almost
complete parity between India and Pakistan in military terms.
According to some analysts, Pakistan has an edge over us and will
continue to have it in future if the West decides to arm that
country.
Whether or not Pakistan is heavily armed by the U.S.A*
and China or makes approaches to the Soviet Union, tho consequences
for India would be serious once Pakistan explodes tho bomb.
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POVERTY
The most startling aspect of the situation is the premature
decay of the economy^
It is quite surprising that whereas for over
a decade and a half the rate of gross savings and investment has
moved from about 12 per cent to about 23 per cent, the rate of
growth has declined from about 4.5 per cent per annum to about
3 per cent
in
15 years.
But it is not quite surprising
that,
consequent upon this development, the number of people who have
been pushed below the poverty line has been increasing.
of growth of money supply,
The rate
inflation. Budget deficits, the balance
of trade deficits, etc., have all doubled or trebled.
It is
difficult to think of another country in the world which has got
into this kind of a mess.
mess*
There is no economic theory to explain
all this. .
It is for all of us to note that the economy is totally
mismanaged, both in the private and the public sectors*
infrastrutture, such as power and transport,
The
has declined in
performance so much as to make nonsense of any further planning.
Not to speak of earning profit, public sector undertakings are
unable to provide even for interest on borrowed capital.
Indus
trial sickness is spreading like an epidemic.
Misallocation of
resources has destroyed economic rationality,
The rural-urban
dichotomies and the respective lobbies that lie behind them arc
making the system increasingly rigid.
NEW GROWTH
More and more controls and regulations are being introduced
to sustain the old ones which have already ceased to produce
results.
Curiously, attempts at liberalisation of the economy are
being resisted not only by the ideologues but by business itself^
Business has developed vested interests in maintaining a controlled
shortage economy.
The crisis of
industry is
its growing sickness and low growth
rate, both of which emanate from sources that have exhausted their
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capacity to generate and stimulate new growth.
Besides, tariff
protection, subsidised finance, under-priced foreign exchange and
under-priced infrastructure and other intermediate goods supplied
by the public sector, etc., have all combined to bring about a
premature decay of Indian industries,
Tho most important reason for industrial sickness is the
inter—elite conflict as well as joint elite effort to maximise
illegal gains by a variety of methods.
system has been such as to
The fiscal and regulatory
give the bureaucracy a big share in
illegal graft, and to allow business to manipulate production,
distribution, gross earnings end profits*
How much of production
is illegally sold is anybody’s guess, but the fact that when
even conditions of high demand,
availability of credit and raw
materials, moderate taxation, etc., ore fully satisfied, firm
after firm keeps adding unlicensed and yet apparently "unutilised”
capacity.
This is a fraud unknown in history*
The crux of the #
problem is that when the owners can make larger profits by
illegal means than otherwise,
they develop a vested interest in
sickness because once an industry is declared sick, numerous
other concessions from government can be utilised for reducing
costs in addition to what is taken out from unlicensed capacities#
Behind industrial stagnation lie technological obsolescence
(despite many claims to the contrary) overaging.technology, neg
lect of regular modernisation of the production mechanism > absence
of innovations in production and marketing, etc.
India entered the phase of technological stagnation and even
decay some years ago.
This is not so obvious to many because
visits to industrial complexes give the impression of tremendous
progress*
This progress relates to the past.
gies are also being added every year.
Some new technolo
What has stagnated or
declined is the rate.of technological progress because of conti
nuous reliance on imported technologies without the creation of a
system of linkages between import and adoption, innovation
research and development.
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How does one measure technical progress?
is increase in productivity.
In industry
One macro measure
and manufacturing
The rats of growth of producti
productivity has sharply declined.
vity now is less than one—half of 1 per cent per annum and
sharp contrast to about 4
this is in
per cent in the fifties to about 2 per cent
in the sixties and over 11/2 per cent
in the first half of tho seven-
ties »
SHARP CONTRAST
The business community went wild with joy when the Congress(I)
won the elections early in 1980.
Government banning strikes,
They saw the prospects of the
as was done during the last Emergency.
They do not realise that infrastructural bottlenecks and slow
deliveries of inputs and services are far more fundamental
the loss of working days;
causes of
strikes are a crucial factor only in two
or three sectors facing major disputes.
The situation on the labour front is far more serious in
It reflects stagnation or decline in labour produc—
another way.
tivity .
In this field the role of the public sector has been disas
trous; no norms of efficiency are observed by anyone, be they
administrators, technicians or workers.
In general, India loses
30 to 40 million mandays every year and no labour legislation,
however stiff,
can meet the challenge because there is no serious
cost consciousness among decision makers at all levels.
And now
this figure is reaching the 50 million mark.
BLACK MONEY
Besides, workers are not always unaware of the black money
generated by the employers*
The share of this illegal graft also
goes to trade union leaders who sometimes live better than the
employers.
Demoralisation, bitterness and resistance to work
produced by this business culture are wrecking
the human side of
industry•
The most serious problem of the
Indian economy and polity
is the massive generation of black money.
It is true that black
8
money xs generated xn every country, but the xmportant dxfferencc
between India and other countries is that in India black money
has even crossed the limit at which it becomes inconsistent with
the efficiency of the system.
In recent years black money gene
ration has been growing at a very fast rate in this country, so
much so that it has become difficult to isolate a single sector
of the economy or administration which moves without tho use of
black money.
In fact, black money does not oil the system any
more; it obstructs decision-making.
Most economists are unanimous in their view that black money
generation has become a major factor for inflaming inflation,
because it not only misallocates resources but also shifts them
from investment to consumption.
Above all, black money generation
makes nonsense of all anti-poverty programmes because in the
final analysis this money comes from the pockets of the poor.
All the constraints which had limited India’s growth rate
in the past two decades have now disappeared.
Food, other wage
goods, foreign exchange, savings, technical manpower and irrigation
Yet the economy has moved
are no longer serious constraints.
into a situation of premature decay.
are more political than economic,
marginal .
It seems that the reasons
They are also cultural and
Economic recov ery is dependent upon a political alter-
native which is not yet on the horizon.
SOCIAL RELIEF
India has' faced many political and economic crises in the
past nut never did she face tho kind of social crisis it faces
now •
Earlier, the severity of conflicts end violence was confined
to communal problems,
Over the past few years social violence has
spread over many fields.
Indeed, social violence in one field
is now setting up a chain link by its extension to other fields.
The most disturbing aspect of the situation is the general belief
9
that violence is the only course left for defending oneself.
It is possible to think of las end order measures, education and
social work when conflict is, by and large, social.
But when
social and economic conflicts coincide the result often is large-
scale bloodshed.
The alienation of the masses from the elite and the autho
rity is also complete.
There is no respect left for law and
order, and the law openly appears as an instrument of oppression
and violence.
In view of the complexity and the mutually con
tradictory nature of the social crisis, it cannot transform itself
into a revolutionary movement.
It often creates new outlets
for violence while the status quo remains.
The most ugly aspect of social violence is the participation
of the police itself in rape, dacoities and murders.
At no time
in our history has the police been hated so much as it is today.
Third degree methods are used by the police to extort information
leading often to deaths in prison.
If social violence, re-imposed
by police violence, is not checked, it will overtake both the eco
nomy and the polity.
part of both.
Indeed, it has already overtaken a large
The very survival of the Indian society is now at
stake•
If the benefits of economic growth and prosperity arc
appropriated by a small minority and more ard more people are
pushed below the poverty line, society cannot remain stable
and peaceful.
On top of it, when it faces a 25 to 30 per cent
rate of inflation, it is bound to hurt severely also the middle
class whoso expansion has been unnatural and faster than that of
the working classes.
Even if the degree of violence has not
changed as is claimed by the Government, its intensity has
certainly become sharper and is felt acutely among the more
vocal classes.
The erosion of their incomes is rapidly leading
to the criminalisation of society.
There is a link between
black money, inflation and social violence.
!
All of them made
their contributions to the demise of the political system and now
threaten the survival of the nation.
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NUTRITION
Besides economic poverty, the Indian society suffers from
large-scale social poverty.
In fact, the two have been so com
pounded recently as to generate new violence and bitterness.
The technical meaning of the poverty line is that people living
below it do not get adequate nutrition because of an inadequate
calorie and protoin intake.
More and more people ha/o been
pushed below the poverty lino.
It is no exaggeration that
India is going through biological decay and this decay is severe
in the case of destitutes.
If this situation persists, in two
decades from now at least 20 per cent of the children born will
be morons.
Yet we take pride in the fact that we have a sophis ticated medical education system,
India is the only country in
the world in which the poor pay for the health of the rich,
This is also true of other social services such as education.
Indeed, the nation is getting divided against itself every—
where•
There are two Indias in more than one sense and they are
moving into a collision course: (a) those below the poverty line
and those above it; (b) the relatively developing eight States
and the stagnanat rest; (c)
areas that are becoming susceptible
to permanent militant intervention and the rest; (d) the minority
of the English language educated elite and the rest; (e) one
set of communci and caste clusters against the others,
Rural-
urban dichotomies and rigidities have reached a stage at which
economic policies relating to both have become impossible to
pu rsuc and which are pushing urban and rural elite into a
serious collision.
AU THQRITAR I AN ISM
We have left behind practically all the optimism, assumptions
and beliefs about what Independence was to bring,
now seems to have been grossly misconceived,
Every belief
The emotions
stirred by the rising tide of nationalism have become feelings
ill
of bitterness*
Democracy may or mqy not neve had much
cance for the bottom half of the population, but the survival of
democratic institutions had been regarded more confidently by the
Now that hope has gradually disappeared, if nor
other half*
into the actual death cf democracy, at least into the fear of its
future extinction.
Politics is in the malevolent grip of those
who have no respect for democratic norms and, instead, have the
guts to treat people with contempt.
Tho scale cf hopes unful
filled was seen during the Emergency and the Janata rule, and is
now seen in the rising tide cf the new and old forces of corrupt
au thoritarianism•
COMPLEXITY
If India*s leaders do not change their methods, values and
commitment s, the country’s very survival may necessitate military
intervention.
Students of Indian political change have so far
concentrated their attention - and probably rightly - on institu
tions, leaders, the party system and the bargaining system.
The
role of the armed forces in politics was not studied because, for
a variety of reasons, they were given no role.
Their history,
their structure and organisation and their ethics - all pointed
to their political neutrality.
Most of all, the complexity cf
the Indian society and the checks and balances built into the
armed forces on the basis of that social complexity ruled out
any adventurist military intervention in politics*
However, the
situation has now changed and points towards the strong proba
bility of their intervention unless the above mentioned four
threats to India’s survival are removed and a responsible,
competent and honest political leadership emerges.
There is a limit to which crises can go on multiplying and
deepening•
Beyond that limit there can only be an explosion.
There is, however, no chance of a revolution because the Indian
Left still live in tho sub-thirties •
When corruption becomes a
routine, hypocrisy and lies become norms and cynicism and oppor
tunism arc indispensable, the re is bound to be complete alienation
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12 between the Government and the elite on the one side and the
people on the other.
When the Government moves either too late
or too little or leaps too far and too scon, it is bound to
widen that gap further.
I hope and earnestly pray that every word I heve written
above is unlikely to prove right.
Mr. J.3. Sethi is a scholar,
economist, former member of
the Planning Commission and
Senior Fellow, Indian Council
of Social Research.
From the E dr tor i al of Tribunn
of ch j s~ - l d ay;
nWe carry on this page today a long article which
some readers will consider as too depressing to be
suitable for Independence Day. That the author cf
the article has painted the future of the country
in a language of unrelieved gloom is a fact. We
decided to publish his views not to add to the pre
vailing despondency in the nation, but in the hope
that the views expressed by the author after a serious
analysis will bring unpleasant realities closer to the
public eyo. The importance of Independence Day cannot
be reduced by words of warning. Cn the other handj if
India has to survive in one piece and self-respect, it
is necessary that those who have the capacity to think
should learn to face the truth which is the only way to
begin thinking of solution.”
Cr -1 7
george verghese
■Jw £ ■ ^2
CONWONHY HEALTH1 CELL
. Marks noad
47/1*(^irst ^•oO‘ . £ 660 001
PROJECTCHHATERA
- an experiment in
development journalism
George Verghese, an Indian journalist and author,
was 1975 winner of Ramon Magsaysay Award for
Journalism, Literature and Creative Communication
Arts. The trustees of the Award Foundation especi
ally noted Verghese’s “superior development report
ing of Indian society, balancing factual accounts
of achievements, shortcomings and carefullyresearched alternatives".
Verghese has written three books : A Journey to
India, an incisive situationer for the subcontinent set
in 1950s, Design for Tomorrow, a study off India s
national plans published in 1965, and Will to New
Purpose: Gandhi's Truth Recalled, published early
1974.
In 1966 Verghese became press adviser to Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi, returning to journalism in
1968 as editor of the Hindustan Times where he
conceived and created Project Chhatera.
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if it made news to report on events in Delhi
day after day, regular coverage of a village
should equally be newsworthy
"THE Indian newspaper is very largely an urban
1 phenomenon. This is often so even of the Indian
language press. This gulf between town and country
is not unique but fairly typical of the urban-elitist
orientation of India's growth model and social trends.
Much the same would be true of many if not most
other developing societies and calls for a conscious
corrective effort if the urban-rural dichotomy is not
to become a destabilising social influence.
It was with the object of trying to open a little urban
window on rural India that the Hindustan Times
decided early in 1969 to start a regular fortnightly
column depicting life In a village—any village. The
Hindustan Times is published from Delhi and
distributed over north-western India (circulation 1975
—about 170,000 copies) and we thought that if it
made news to report on events in Delhi day after
day, week after week, and year after year, regular
coverage of an average village in the region should
be equally newsworthy.
The news
breaks
And so was born “Our Village, Chhatera”.
The idea seemed exciting The first task was to locate
a suitable village. The criteria for selection were
simple. The village should be neither too near Delhi
nor so far away in either of the neighbouring States
of Haryana or Uttar Pradesh that it would be difficult
to reach conveniently. It should be neither too small
nor too large. It should not be on the main road
(along which urban cultures flow), and yet not so
remote as to be inaccessible.
Chhatera filled the bill admirably. It is 25 miles north
west of Delhi, in Haryana, five miles off the Grand
Trunk Road. Its relative proximity to the Capital and
to a major highway were, however, compensated by
the fact that it lies in the “V" of two flood drains
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the first splash of Chhatera in print proved
it; it was more than just another village,
a sleepy hollow; it was news
which at that time were unbridged at this point, thus
isolating “our” village from the district and ‘block'
development headquarters respectively. Chhatera
has a population of 1500 made up of landowning
Jats and Brahmins, and landless Harijans (lower
caste in traditional India; Harijans, the name means
sons of God, given to them by Mahatma Gandhi), the
normal caste combination in this part of the country.
It was on February 23, 1969 that the first instalment
of “Our Village Chhatera" appeared as the cover
story in the Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine.
It carried a picture of a group of children grazing
sheep in the village, one little Harijan girl, Premvati,
carrying a ewe lamb on her shoulder. The picture
portrayed a charming rustic scene (quite unlike the
grim reality of rural squalor and poverty) and symbo
lised hope in the future. A cut-out of Premvati has
remained the feature's title piece. Four years later
Premvati got married. The column has grown with
the village.
Villagers
take pride
We were not sure what we expected of “Our Village
Chhatera" when it was first started. Initially the
villagers were shy, except for the children who
delighted in being photographed. The first splash of
Chhatera in print was a matter of considerable
pride for many villagers. Chhatera was more than
just another village, a sleepy hollow. It was news.
The ice was broken. Confidence was established.
Friendships grew. At first we described the village
and its institutions and, of course, the people. The
farmers and elders began to tell us their problems.
These were reported. The major flood drain that
flowed alongside the village, Drain No.8, could only
be crossed by an old swing bridge, by then in a total
state of disrepair. It had begun to sag and fall apart
and the carriageway would get submerged during
the monsoon. More than one person had lost his
life on the bridge or in trying to cross the drain
during the floods. With 80 per cent of the village
fields on the other side of the drain, cultivation was
affected during the *Kharif season which coincided
*Kharif=summer
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Urban w
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the project had become a change agent,
playing the role of a catalyst, planting
new ideas and articulating aspirations
with the monsoon. Although the block development
office and the headquarters of the extension worker
were only a few miles away, officials seldom visited
the village. There were problems of education,
health, communications, sanitation, availability of
fertiliser and a hundred other things. But above all,
there was the problem of the bridge. Chhatera
wanted and needed a proper, “allweather” bridge.
Would we please write about ali this and publish
photographs to drive the point home?
We did. The authorities took notice. The district
officials visited Chhatera. A new bridge was sancti
oned. Within 18 months traffic was moving across
the bridge, Including a short-lived bus service, its
life cut short by local politics. The block develop
ment officer visited the village. The extension worker
showed up. Chhatera had got the ear of the Deputy
Commissioner at district headquarters, and of the
State Government in Chandigarh 120 miles away.
“Our Village, Chhatera” had become a change
agent, and publicity an Input In development. The
Hindustan Times found itself playing the role of a
catalyst, planting new ideas In the minds of the villa
gers and articulating their aspirations. It seemed
logical at this stage to approach various technical
and other agencies In Delhi to help Chhatera help
itself. We approached the Indian Agricultural Rese
arch Institute to provide extension cover and the
All-lndla Institute of Medical Sciences to provide
some simple medicare, a fortnightly out-patient serv
ice under the giant *neem trees that provide a canopy
above the Jat Chaupal (meeting place) where we
usually met, with raucous peacocks screeching
overhead. They were happy to oblige, faculty mem
bers and young Interns glad for an opportunity for
fieldwork. The village received them with open arms.
j comes to
Chhatera
Waterlogging of certain farmlands on account of
the backwash from Drain No. Shad resulted In saline
patches and had affected certain wells. Farmers lined
*Neem = margosa
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the morning's experience taught us more
about rural health problems than all
the findings of urban seminars
up to have their water tested as an *IARI analyst
took samples in a test tube and added some chemi*
cals to show varying reactions in accordance with
the quality of water. Science had come to Chhatera.
Later, the IARI conducted a complete soil and water
analysis in Chhatera and worked out a new crop
and rotational pattern on the basis of the findings.
A “green revolution” followed, as elsewhere in
Punjab and Haryana, with the introduction of highyielding seeds, chemical fertilisers and more irriga
tion, the number of tubeweils having more than
doubled since 1969.
The **AIIMS doctors made a health status survey
and started an immunisation campaign, giving anti
gen vaccine shots to all newborns and children below
the age of six. At one time as much as 70 per cent
of the village had been covered before the pro
gramme unfortunately fizzled out for lack of logistical
support. Social health workers began to talk about
general health care, nutrition and family planning.
A contributory medicine chest was set up, a number
of drugs being stocked for common ailments and
dispensed by Dr. Maha Singh, one of the village
leaders with some basic medical knowledge. The
system worked. It helped the villagers and, like much
else, greatly educated us. I recall one autumn when
an inspection showed that the medicine chest was
empty. Inquiries revealed that the monthly contri
bution for the purchase of drugs had not been collec
ted. We asked the reason for this apparent loss of
interest. Came the reply, “At this time of year no
one can afford to be ill”. It was the harvest season.
Illness is regarded only as a discomfort or an incon
venience, its debilitating effects being insidious and
often unseen. But on work — timely agricultural
operations in this instance — depends survival. The
morning's experience taught us more about rural
health problems than all the findings of urban semi
nars that we had ever reported.
•IARI = lndian Agricultural Research Institute
♦*AIIMS=All-lndia Institute of Medical Sciences
6
$
4
’t
the three major communities in the village
had always lived in harmony, but never
met socially
With income generation, farmers tend to spend a
good deal of money renovating their houses or even
rebuilding them—ugly, dysfunctional, expensive
brick-and-cement structures, imitative of the worst in
suburbia. We called in the School of Planning and
Architecture in Delhi. The Professor of Town Plan
ning set his second year students to prepare a
master plan and regional plan for Chhatera and its
neighbourhood, 1971-1991. The young architectsto-be set to the task with enthusiasm. They camped
in the village, surveyed and photographed it, talked
to the people, made projections, and produced an
admirable “master plan” with models of new-design
dwelling units, improved drainage systems, paved
streets and the rest. The plan was never implemen
ted although the villagers, and especially the women
folk, evinced great interest in an elaborate exhibit
put up in the village with charts, pictures and models
explaining the salient features. Be that as it may,
the students who prepared the plan probably learnt
a great deal more from the experience than from
classroom lectures. Chhatera had become a
School.
The Department of Atomic Energy (which then also
looked after space) initiated a scheme to place tele
vision sets in 80 villages around Delhi in order to
pre test a bi-weekly farmers programme, lyism
Darshan, with the accent on improved agriculture.
This was the harbinger of the bigger Satellite Inst
ructional Television Experiment (SITE) which india
conducted between August 1975 and July 1976 with
the aid of the United States’ ATS-6, an advanced
technology satellite. Since Chhatera was just within
the viewing range of the pilot TV station in Delhi,
we persuaded the sponsors to install a television
set in the village. The Jat Chaupal was selected as
the location for the set as it had a platform, storage,
an electric connection, and enough open space in
front to seat an audience of a few hundred. It was
made a condition that everybody, irrespective ot
caste or sex, should be permitted to visit the Jat
Chaupal.
7
(
if television brought the village together as
a community, it divided it another way;
it accentuated the generation gap
Television comes
to the village
The TV set was installed with due ceremony and
villagers gathered from miles around to see the
wonder box. Social taboos broke down. Men of ail
castes gathered together in one place, something that
had seldom happened before. Although the three
major communities in the village had always lived in
harmony there was no occasion for them to meet
socially. Television brought them together. The
segregation of the sexes broke down as women
joined the audience, seated on one side. Yet another
taboo fell as the women included not only daught
ers (who belong to the village and later marry outsi
de) but wives (who belong to other villages), the
privilege of visiting the Chaupal (if ever occasion
demanded) hitherto resting only with the daughters.
However, If TV brought the village together as a
community, It divided it another way. It accentuated
the generation gap. The children of all communities
joined together to insist on viewing ail programmes,
educational or otherwise—Including the popular hlpswinglng Saturday feature films. The elders of all
communities kept protesting and tut-tutting about
the corrupting Influence of cinematographic immor
ality and the fact that the children were out watching
TV evening after evening when they should be at
home attending to their school homework. The
argument raged for months and the TV set was
locked away for a while. Ultimately the kids won.
Their horizons expanded.
The first signs of
opposition
8
Superstitions die hard, especially among the old.
Rattan Singh, the wealthiest man in the village and a
retired headmaster would never use fertiliser. Ramu,
an amusing old codger, is a progressive farmer
but not one to be taken In by TV. Came the Ameri
can moon-landing which was billed for screening on
TV. We Informed the villagers. Ramu, however,
simply laughed off the whole thing. The proposition,
he patiently explained, was absurd. No one could
touch Chandrama (literally Mother Moon). The
Americans were obviously engaging In a hoax. The
smart thing to do, he said, would be for Mrs
Gandhi to call their bluff by telling them that the
Indians were going to land on the sun,
ft
Trac
I
*<7
■tors enter
when the S yndicate Bank opened in
Chhatera, money hoarded in earthern pots
flowed in almost instantly
Although Chhatera has a cooperative, it barely
functions and has been unable to cater to the
farmers' credit needs. The village decided that
Chhatera needed a bank. We sought out one of the
major banks with an innovative record in rural busi- ’
ness. The Syndicate Bank made a quick survey and
decided that it would be a viable proposition. A few
months later, early in 1970, the Syndicate Bank’s
Chhatera branch opened its doors in rented pre
mises. Over Rs. 20,000 was deposited within a
couple of hours, wizened-women digging out
earthern pots buried in the ground or embedded in
the walls of their houses, stuffed with old coins and
dirty currency notes. Several accounts were opened,
and even as the deposits were coming in, the bank
began lending operations. Loans were sought for the
purchase of buffaloes or bullocks, for drilling and
energising tubewells, for buying tractors, and much
else besides. Today the bank serves about a dozen
villages around Chhatera within a radius of about
six to eight miles. By the end of 1975 its deposits
had exceeded Rs. 500,000 and the branch manager
had set himself a target of doubling this figure with
in a year.
Wlth more tubewell Irrigation and multiple cropping,
some farmers had registered their names for the
purchase of tractors. But the waiting list was In
ordinately long. We approached a leading tractor
manufacturer and managed to get five tractors
allocated to the village from the Directors' quota. The
problem now was to decide how to distribute these
among the 10 applicants. There was a great palaver
at the Chaupal. Ultimately we were asked to
arbitrate. We proposed a draw of lots. A week or
two later five new tractors were operating In
Chhatera. One or two of the new owners found
excellent business In custom-hiring their tractors
within a radius of 10-15 miles.
The tractor firm began sending Its farm extension
team to Chhatera. Other firms folk wed suit
fertiliser companies laying on fertiliser demonstra9
Chhatera's village council had remained
a faction-ridden body and unable to
provide community leadership
tions, pesticides firms following up with trial demon
strations. An electric company offered to put up a
street lighting system, but the village panchayat
(council) could not process its application for the
additional load with the State electricity authorities
and the offer ultimately lapsed. One large fertiliser
company, Coromandel Fertilisers, gifted three
tonnes of ammonium phosphate for two consecutive
years. The arrangement was that the fertiliser
would be sold at cost to ail farmers on an equitable
basis, the payments being deposited in the bank in a
new account, the Coromandel Gift Account. Funds
from this account were subsequently disbursed by
us to finance the renovation and modernisation of a
Harijan well, an extension to the middle school
(which was itself initially built soon after our arrival,
substantially through village contributions), and for
other purposes. A leading manufacturer of sewing
machines, Usha, donated a couple of units for a
newly formed mahila mandal or women's club which,
however, only functioned fitfully for lack of a perma
nent teacher-supervisor.
Lack of community
leadership
Chhatera’s ♦panchayat has unfortunately remained
a faction-ridden body and unable to provide the kind
of community leadership that would have made a
difference. In its absence the Village Welfare
Association began to spearhead all new activities.
A new grain storage bin was introduced but,
though effective, never caught on; and more recently
one of the villagers put up a 1000 cubic feet cow
dung gas plant which provides sufficient fuel for
the family kitchen and rich residual fertiliser which
is returned to the owner’s field.
Our efforts at
encouraging tree planting met with only limited
success—in the school compound. Some streets were
paved. But drainage and sanitation never improved
and we failed to persuade the villagers to build
public latrines rather than have men and women use
the fields.
We had long tried to introduce poultry and improv
ed dairying without success. However, in 1975 a
*Panchayat=Village Council
10
i
>
4
f
our anxiety was to avoid creating a sense
of dependence on Hindustan Times as
some kind of a fairy godmother
voluntary agency, *AFPRO took a hand with orga
nisation and finance and in collaboration with the
National Dairy Research Institute, at Karnal (50
miles away) launched an ambitious programme of
crossbreeding. The village has set aside 10 acres
of common land on which a tubewell has been dug
to produce fodder for sale, especially to the land
less dairy farmers who are being financed by the
bank. If this programme takes off, it could make a
qualitative difference to Chhatera in terms of
income-generation, organisation, and the employ
ment of landless farmers. Simultaneously, AFPRO
has taken up a poultry development programme
which has evoked a response. Once again, the bank
is financing would-be entrepreneurs.
One problem we came up against quite early on,
though it took us a while to recognise it, was a
certain coldness towards us on the part of the non
agriculturist population of Chhatera who seemed
to think that we were principally the farmers’ friend.
The bridge apart, the emphasis on improving agri
cultural productivity, and the ability of the wealthier
and more advanced families, generally landed, and
the bigger farmers among them, to take the most
advantage of the new facilities and opportunities
probably accentuated this feeling. We did try to
correct this impression by attempting to focus
equally on common problems of health, sanitation,
schooling and so on. Nevertheless, I suspect we
were never quite able to shake off our initial reputa
tion in the minds of some. Our other anxiety was to
avoid creating a sense of dependence on the Hin
dustan Times as some kind of fairy godmother. We
tried to ensure that the villagers did what they could
and that “external assistance" was only made avail
able to the extent that technical or other resources
simply had to come from outside. Even so, I am not
sure how far we really succeeded. But of a certain
awakening in Chhatera there can be little doubt.
2lass bias
Partly in order to correct any impression of class
bias and party in order to widen our base, the
Hindustan Times sometime in 1972 extended the
*AFPRO=Action for Food Production
II
a newspaper and magazine agency was started
and about 40 daily newspapers, mostly in
Hindi, sold at local wayside railway station
village coverage from Chhatera to its two imme*
diate neighbours, Majra and Barota.
In Majra we concentrated solely on the Harijan
weaving community, encouraging them to form a
cooperative, improve their designs and product mix,
and reach out to wider national and export markets.
Weaving is a traditional village occupation among
certain castes. The Muslim weavers of these parts
migrated to Pakistan in 1947 and with the growing
competition of cheaper and more varied mill cloth
the village weaving industry, now confined to
Harijans, had begun to die. In Chhatera only one
family continues to weave and its only loom is often
still. In Barota nobody weaves any more, preferr
ing to buy from neighbours. Thus Majra had begun
increasingly to serve a whole group of villages—
weaving cotton mats (generally used on beds rather
than on the floor), and colourful farmers’ seed bags
for sowing. The bags are attractive and we found
an exporter, Fab India, willing to provide orders
on the basis of new designs and colour combina
tions provided by the firm. The industry immediate
ly picked up. New looms were installed in a freshly
acquired weaving shed. A cooperative was register
ed. The Bank at Chhatera put up finance. Majra
bags were exported to Singapore, Australia, the
United States and elsewhere. However it soon
appeared that the “cooperative" had become a
cover for something akin to a master-weaver
system.
Spur to action
12
In Barota, we worked with theYuvak Kalyan Sabha—
the Youth Welfare League, headed by a bright
graduate who had just been employed in the foren
sic science laboratory in nearby Rohtak but who
returned home every weekend. Under the auspices
of the YKS there developed a nursery school,
sewing class for girls, a first aid class, a reading
room, and a mobile library carried on a tin trunk on
the back of a bicycle which did the round of some
six villages every weekend. A newspaper and
magazine agency was also started and about 40
daily newspapers, mostly In Hindi, sold at the local
wayside railway station. The Hindustan Times
and others helped out with books. The publicity
4
>
A
Selane
nndow on
jral India
a newspaper is not equipped to be a rural
extension agent and community development
project manager
acted as a spur to action. The activities however
began to fall away as the youth leadership got dis
sipated, the Rohtak scientist getting pinned down to
his official duties.
In a sense, the Hindustan Times has returned once
more to being primarily a reporter. APPRO and the
National Dairy Research Institute are perhaps now
the primary catalysts. Maybe this is how it had to
be. A newspaper is not equipped to be a rural exten
sion agent and community development project
manager. Our fortnightly visits were in any case too
infrequent for supervision, though they did help to
stimulate action. About 20 other agencies, public
and private institutions, visited Chhatera with us.
Since Chhatera was an extra-curricular activity for
them, they had no independent budget for on-going
visits and programmes and were wholly dependent
on the Hindustan Times for transport. Wherever
and whenever there was local leadership, ideas
quickly took root and programmes thrived. Again,
whenever a project or programme brought commer
cial benefit or other direct and visible gain, as in the
case of the farm programmes and the bank, the res
ponse was positive and sustained. The AFPRO-NDRI
dairy project has a built-in extension element which is
why it seems likely to succeed. Perhaps if the
Hindustan Times had employed a multi-purpose
extension agent in Chhatera, who also visited Majra
and Barota, it could have made a qualitative differ
ence. Butthat would have entailed going far beyond
our domain. The alternative might have been for all
the agencies involved jointly to appoint a coordinator
and expediter. The absence of either a strong panchayat or cooperative in Chhatera was a major
weakness which the enthusiasm of the Village Wel
fare Association (and the Yuvak Kalyan Sangh in
Barota) could not entirely remedy in the absence of
a weak official extension structure as well. The ex
perience has certain lessons.
Even so, Chhatera is today possibly the best docu
mented village in the country and “Our Village,
Chhatera'1 cotinuesto serve its original and intended
purpose—to tell the urban reader something about
13
the project has given an added dimension
to journalism, has won the affection of
a village and community and in some
little measure has helped and encouraged
it to grow—and that is surely
sufficient reward
what is happening in all the country’s Chhateras,
each of them next door and yet half a world away.
In that, and even by that count alone, the column
has eminently succeeded. It has given an added
dimension to journalism. The teams of reporters
and photographers, young men and women of the
Hindustan Times, who have covered Chhatera
at various times became better journalists and more
fully rounded Indians for the assignment which many
of them came genuinely to enjoy. It was for almost
all of them an altogether new experience that has
enriched their careers. Not all Hindustan Times
readers have appreciated “Our Village, Chhatera”.
Many have been frankly bored and others outraged
by this perverse and persistent “waste of space”,
as their letters to the Editor indicated. But over the
years the column, periodically reproduced in the
Overseas Hindustan Times Weekly, has won a
devoted readership of scholars, administrators,
planners, communicators, extension workers, busi
ness executives concerned with rural sales and
trends, diplomats, and others. Above all, the
Hindustan Times has won the affection of a village
community and in some little measure has helped
and encouraged it to grow. And that, in a cynical
world, is surely sufficient reward.
a
14
4*
AMIC PUBLICATIONS
PERIODICALS
1. Media Asia: an Asian mass communication
quarterly, v. 1(1)-1974-. Subscription: S§
16.00 or US$6.50 p a. Members: free.
2. Asian Mass Communication Bulletin; a
newsletter from the Asian Mass Communi
cation Research and Information Centre.
v.1 (1)—1971— quarterly.
3. List of These 1973 and 1974: studies on
mass communication in Asia. Singapore,
1975—annual. S$4.00 or US$2.00.
4. List of These 1972: studies on mass com
munication in Asia. Singapore, 1974^-annual.
S$4.00 or US$2.00.
5. List of These 1971; studies on mass com
munication In Asia. Singapore. 1973—annual.
6. Amic Index of Periodicals no. 1—1972—
semi-annual.
MONOGRAPHS
1. Provincial Press and National Develop
ment in Malaysia and the Philippines,
by David I. Hitchcock Jr. Singapore, 1974,
60p. S$4.00 or US$1.60.
2. Modernisation and Knowledge: a study
of four Ceylonese villages by Shelton Gunaratne. Singapore, 1976. lOOp. S$8.00 within
Asia. S$12.00 outside Asia.
3. Television News Exchange in Asia-a
case study prepared by Yrjo Lansipuro
(EBU) Ibrahim Shazadeh (ASBU) and
Luke Ang (ABU) in association with Horst
Bode of the ASBU Mashrek News Exchange
Centre. Edited by Reihard Keune and Guy
de Fontgalland. p. 84, Singapore 1976.
price: Asia S$6.00 Outside Asia S$9 00.
4. Communication and Rural Change—an
Amic anthology (Papers selected from Amic
Bangalore Conference (1973) on Communi
cation and Rural Change in Asia) edited by
P.R.R. Sinha.
OCCASIONAL PAPERS
1. Television Reconsidered, by Wilbur Sch
ramm. Singapore, 1972.16p. (Amic occasional
papers no 1), S$1.50 or US$0.60.
2. Crossroads irr Communication, by Everett
Kleinjans. Singapore, 1972. 18p. (Amic
occasional papers no. 2), S$1.50 or US$
060
3. Communication and Change in Rural
Asia: a report, Singapore, 1975. 23p. (Amic
occasional papers no. 3), S$2.00 within Asia.
S$3.00 outside Asia.
4. Project Chhatera—an experiment In deve
lopment journalism by B. George Verghese,
Singapore 1976 14p. (Amic occasional
papers no. 4) S$2.00 within Asia S$3.00
outside Asia.
5. Information Imbalance in Asia, by Asok
Mitra, Singapore 1975.18p. (Amic occasional
papers no. 5) price: Asia—S$2.00. outside
Asia S$3.00.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
1. Communication and Change in Rural
Asia—a select bibliography.
Singapore,
1973. 50p. (Amic communication bibliograp
hies no. 1). S$3.00 or US$1.20.
2. Mass Communication in Malaysia: an
annotated bibliography. Singapore, 1975.
104p. (Asian mass communication bibliogra
phy series no. 1). SS8.00 within Asia. SS12.00
outside Asia.
3. Mass Communication in India: an anno
tated bibliography. Singapore, 1976. 242p.
(Asian mass communication bibliography
series no. 2). S$12.00 within Asia. S$18.00
outside Asia.
4. Mass Communication in Hong Kong and
Macao: an annotated bibliography. Singa
pore, 1976. 30p. (Asian mass communication
bibliography series no. 3). S$4.00 within
Asia. SS6.00 outside Asia.
5. Mass Communication in the Philippi
nes: an annotated bibliography. Singapore,
1976. 335p. (Asian mass communication
bibliography series no. 4). S$14.00 within
Asia S$21.00 outside Asia.
6. Broadcasting in Asia; an annotated biblio
graphy. Singapore. 1974. 90p. (Amic com
munication bibliography no. 2). S$4.00 or US$
1.60.
CONFERENCE PAPERSAND
REPORTS
1. Study Seminar on Development Com
munication in cooperation with the Con
federation of Asian Journalists, Singapore.
1976. Report. Edited by Guy de Fontgalland.
102p.
The full list of conference and seminar
reports in mimeograph form is published
in Media Asia.
4
9
I
'» ' H;
*
different approaches to development
In India, especially after the independence, we see thousands
of individuals and groups engaged in the field of development
either full time or part time. To be a social worker or
development worker, to some extent adds to ones status and
position in society today. In spite of all these countless
efforts we hardly see any significant changes in the life of
the natian as a whole. A national net work for a concerted
effort in the field of development is yet to be evolved.
A close look at these groups and individuals in the field of
development will show us thatftheir understanding of poverty
and the corresponding approaches to development varies and in
certain cases diametrically oppose each other. Though one cann't
question their good will and sincerity of purpose, we should know
that, mere good will and. a sense of sacrifice and committment
do not indeed suffice to make our contribution to development
and social justice meaningful.
The approaches commonly
<
adopted by different people in the
development field
-J. can be classified into three • They are :
Welfare approach;
2 ) modernization approach
3) social justice approach
D
All these approaches proceeds from a clear and definite analysis
and understanding of poverty or underdevelopment, however
scientific or unscientific the analysis may be.
Before we proceed further f let us be clear about certain
initial facts.
1
Our ability to identify factors and forces that create wealth
and poverty determines our ability to tackle the problem.
2
Each one of us has an understanding of poverty and under
development, whether at the conscious or subrconscious
level. We may have never formulated it, but a closer look
at our work will reveal it to us. Always the solutions an5*
methods adopted, follows from our analysis.
3
Our understanding of underdevelopment and analysis of the
problems are largely influenced or conditioned by our own
soci«-economic background.
- 2
2
Our preception of reality is conditioned by our position in the
society. Thus the causes of poverty identified by the rich may
not be the same as those indicated by the poor,
1)
Trie Wfclxdre Approach :
This approach is deeply rooted in the mentality of religious
minded people and humanists and is favoured by many private
agencies and governments in both developed and in developing
countries. The fabulous investments in men and money that
welfare enjoys, compels us to reflect seriously on whether
it deserves it or not.
In this approach, development and under development are
considered as two parallel realities that have always coexisted, and that will always co—exist, Here poverty is
accepted as a normal result of forces outside the control
of man, These forces are identified as natural and super—
natural. Here the symptoms are treated with a rather fatalistic approach , rather than the root causes of the problem
with a critical analysis. Natural forces are seen as
disasters, epidemics, earthquakes, cyclones, floods,
draughts, etc. over which man has no control. In the
supernatura1 sphere, man’s status in life is seen as predetermined. It is his fate, it is in the plan of God, and
explanation of poverty reflects a religious tone. Development
workers with this understanding regrets poverty, but accept
it as fate.
People who see poverty as created by forces outside the
control/of man, see little possibility for change. The
solution is seen as a sharing of material goods and talents
by the blessed and privileged, and the acceptance of these
goods and services by those who are in need of them. The
disposition advocated is a basic contentment with one’s
state of life. Work for the poor assumes the nature of
alleviating the suffering of the poor rather than eradi
cating poverty itself. Development work here becomes an
ongoing relief or charity, characterised by ’dolling out’
benefit to the poor people according to their needs.
(Giving the man the fish) It is often a spontaneous response
to a situation with little effort made to identify and tackle
the root causes of the problem.
- 3
- 3
And in the recipients, it often develops attitudes of depen
dence, laziness and passivity and sometimes creates division
among the poor. It always diverts the attention of the poor
from the real issues and anaesthatizes them.
Even a limited study of the history of the welfare approach
and a superficial analysis of the functioning of society
reveal that most of the evils treated by the welfare approach
are the inevitable by products of certain forms of social
organization.
2) Modernization approach
Like the previous approach modernization too rests on a certain
understanding of poverty and under development. The cake,
they say has to be bigger before it can be shared. So in this
approach increased production and economic growth is stressed,
to remove poverty. Here it is implied that people are poor
because, there is not enough production of goods. Modernization
approach relies on industrialization and on rather sophisti
cated and capital intensive technology. Family planning
compaigns are also of prime importance to keep down the birth
rate and thus to promote economic growth.
Here-, development is seen as the successful utilization of
resources, natural and human. Such an understanding stresses
the need for patience, hard work, self descipline, sacrifice
investments and quality education, needed for the production
of bigger cake. Under development is seen as the result of
the slow and inadequate establishment of the system of
production and consumption present in the developed countries.
To a great extent modernization then means westernization following closely the methods and patterns of the developed.
The advanced countries become the guides of the developing
countries. On the cultural level it leads to the acceptance
of the ideals of western countries and the adoption of
their attitudes and values*
Those who can produce more are encouraged to the level best,
with the contention thaVthe benefits will 'trickel down' to
all. This method of 'Backing the strong' (green revolution)
is easily recognizable in our five year plans, government
policies and in the projects run by voluntary agencies.
- 4
- 4 Even though Impressive statistics can be given on the growth
..
agricultural and Industrial production, on the number of
udents enrolled in educational institutions, education and
public services, a question could be asked
who progresses’
The rich , who only posses the
purchasing power, with their
demands, command-and control the market
, and often £und to
imitate western standards of living.
Industrialization
responds to this demand and produces luxury articles
which
give higher rates of profit. The production is
done at the
minimum cost often introducing sophisticated and capital
intensive technology, thus increasing unemployments Poverty
and unemployment place the1 workers at the
mercy of the landlords and industrialists , with low
wages, and miserable and
inhuman conditions of work, 7'
The state accentuates the situation
by limiting or forbidding strikes.
. Whenever the labour force
is so large and employment
so scarce, favoritism and corruption
unavoidably prevail, Extreme
poverty drives poeple to borrow
for their subsistence and social needs; money lenders prosper,
for no bank or credit
society would lend money in such
circumstances. All this creates
a vicious circle«
In a society where serious
inequalities already exist a
technological advance leading
J to increased productivity is
likely to be limited to those endowed with
superior wealth and
social status to the exclusion of the
poor majority’ says the
United Nations research institute for
social development,
Geneva•
The modernization approach, therefore,
ends with the abundance
of luxury articles and the scarcity of basic
goods; with
sophisticated technology and unemployment,
low wages, debts and
bonded labours. 'It
r-u produces the
wealth of the few and the
poverty of the many,
The limited resources of the nation
are
thus used by a small
groups for their selfish interests.
3) Social Just.ir.p Approach
The Failure of the modernization and welfare approach lead some
to evolve a different approach to development based on a critical
analysis of the various forces and dynamics at work in the
society. It examines the organization of society and it's
functioning at both micro and macro levels.
- 5
- 5
There is the conviction that non-economic factors that is the
overall social context of society with its institutions and
structures - Play a very important role in development. It
tries to tackle the root causes of poverty and pays great
ntte^tinr to the proper distirbution of wealth. It does not
accept mass poverty or under development as a fate.
Modernization becomes important only when fare shares to the
masses are possible. The root causes of under development accord
ing to this approach is injustice. If 85% of Indian population
are below or just above poverty line, it is because 15% un
justly enjoy the results of the labour of the 85%<
In this approach one is convinced that deprived groups and
nations .-can develop only in the context of a direct attack on
poverty and a move for just distribution of wealth and power.
Instead of depending dispropotionately on capital formation
and move modern attitudes and values, development ultimately
depends on land ownership, land utilization, employment, wages
and the level of food comsumption. What would development
mean in this historically created condition of under development.
It means the restructuring of society! Efforts in this direction
can be seen in Trade Union, (Balance of power in the production
sector through collective bargaining) marketing co-operatives
(challenge to the unscruplous exploitation of middleman) credit
unionsz (against money lenders) Mahila mandals (against low
status of women). Always it was the awareness of injustice
and exploitation in these cases that resulted in the organi
zation of people at various levels. So in this understanding
of development, the approach one would adopt will be awareness
building which will definitely culminate in action.
Genuinely effective development work will have to challenge and
re-organise the relations between the substructures in the
society. The wealthy are the socially privileged, and the
politically powerful. Power and privilege proceed from economic
standing. Culture and religion seem to reinforce the inter
relationship by providing sanctions andjustifications. A
total transformation of these structures and support, is in
evitable. In the econonio sphere, this would mean policies •;
geared to serve the need? of the people and not as at present,
for the profit of a few. This would require that the means of
production, land and cap:4 al be socially owned. On the social and
cultural levels, this wot Id mean relationships of equality
between groups of people;
- 6
- 6 New ways of thinking feeling and acting, collective promotion rather than individual promotion. On the political level, to
evolve an organizational set up that makes possible real and
effective decision making power for the people. Thus this
approach aims at a socialist society.
Unlike the previous two approaches to development, this one is
a rather distributing approach, as it demands a commitment to
struggle, and a struggle against the powerful dominant group;
and it is no easy task. As development workers, what options
does our above understanding leave us with? Can our sincere
desire to alleviate the wretched misery of our countrymen
express itself in meaningful actions that contribute to this
process of collective awareness, collective organization
and collective struggle?
v
Community Health Department
CHAI, Post Box 2126
157/6 Staff Road
Secunderabad 500 003 A.Po
* * * * * *
ii
•I
THE CATHOLIC HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION OF INDIA
Community Health Department
Post Box 2126
Grams
: CEEHAI
SECUNDERABAD 500 003
Telephones : 8482 93, 84 84 57
: 0425 6674 CHAI IN
Telex
157/6 Staff Road
SECUNDERABAD 500003
GUIDELINES FOR COLLECTTNCt information about a VILLAGE
Most of us do not belong to the village where
we actually
work and therefore, it is most important for us that we
learn as much as we can. These guidelines meant to help
you in collecting information on the village where you
live or where you intend to develop a community health
programme.
THESE GUIDELINES ARE NOT MEANT FOR YOU TO
CONDUCT A FORMAL SURVEY
Most of this information should be got through informal dis
cussions with groups or individuals in the village. Observe as
much time as you can with the people in your visits. When
people come to know you better they will be more willing to
talk openly about the real problems facing them.
There are two types of information we need to collect. One is
Xgcts. Eg: Location, population, number of schools, number of wells
etc. The other is related to what people think.and feel. Eg :
what do people and feel and think about the schools, drinking
water facility etc. We also need to know how people relate to each
other in the village.
It is important to collect both types of information. Facts
are easier to collect. It will take longer to find out what
poeple feel and ‘think. Therefore , it is essential to build a
good relationship with all the people in a village.
INFORMATION TO BE COLLECTED
Read these guidelines carefully and remember what you should
find out when you go to the village. Do not take these guide
lines with you when you go to the village. If you do, people
will think you are conducting survey. These guidelines are by
no means complete. You may want to collect more detailed
information on some of the points given below :
1 .
LOCATION
- Name of village/block/tehsil/district/$tate.
2
2
Distance of village from block office/tehsil
office/district
head-quarters and nearest town.
Are there any important rivers, forests,
dams, factories,
markets etc. nearby?
2
GEOGRAPHICAL SET-UP
Type of land(sandy, rocky, hilly etc)
Rainfall, floods, drought etc.
3.
COMMUNICATION SYSTEM
-
How do people travel?
What is the condition of roads (kutcha, pakka)?
(goodlntrains ^ransP°rt (buses, trains etc)
kgooas trains & passenger trains)?
What are the links with the outside (Eg. information
hrough people working in towns, radio, TV, through
extension workers visiting the village etc.)?
What do people think and feel
About the transport facilities
About information from outside (Do they feel
isolated,
do they feel the need for
more information on outside
happenings etc.?)
4.
ABOUT THE PQPULATION
-
5.
Total number of people,
number of households 9 hamlets etc.)
Caste, religions
educational facilities
Schools (primary,> sec onda ry,
technical etc.) and where
are they located,' who runs them?
- Are they for boys1 end girls,
if not where do girls study ?
- Do teachers come regularly ?
How many students in village school and
who are they ?
- How many adults know how to read
and write ?
- Was this village included in the
National Adult
Education Pro gramme ?
-
What do people feel
-
Is school education important for children
-for boys,
for girls ?
What would they like their children to learn ?
Do adults feel the need to know how to read and write ?
3
- 3
6.
ECONOMIC LIFE
A) What is main occupation in the village (agriculture,
1 king after animals, local craft, quarry workers)?
AGRICULTURE ;
Total land in village available for cultivation
Any land not being cultivated in village (if yes, how many
acres and why ?)
How much land is irrigated ?
Source of irrigation(river , canal, dam, tube well etc.)
How many crops grown in a, year and what is grown ?
How much is produced per' acre on the average (for wet land
and dry land)?
Does village get any agricultural help from BDO ?
LAND HOLDING
Who owns most of the land in the village is it irrigated ?
9
How many families cultivate land belonging to others ?
How many families work as labourers in fields belonging to
others ?
How much land would a family..of six require to produce
enough food for themselves for the whole year ?
EMPLOYMENT :
For how many months do families work on land ?
How many families migrate, for how many months and where
do they go ?
What are the wages per day for agricultural labour in the
village and whenthey migrate ?
Are the wages different for men, women and children ?
What do people think
About land distribution
About irrigation facilities
About help from the block development office
About wages
About employment
LIVESTOCKSs POULTRY ETC
Are there buffaloes, cows, goats, sheep, pigs, hens 9 etc. in
the village ? (is it the main source of income ?)
Who owns the majority of these animals ?
Is there any organized dairy, poultry in the village ?
Is there any potential for developing this ?
4
- 4 -
9
What do people think
Is there possibility of expanding this craft ?
Is there need to start some village craft ?
B.
ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS
To whon
does a small farmer sell his products ?
When does he sell it ?
How much does he sell it for ?
How much does he have to pay, when he needs to buy it back ?
Who are the money lenders in the village ?
How many acres does the money lender own ?
What rate of interest do they charge ?
What happens if the person is not able to repay the lean ?
Which group of people are mainly borrowing money ?
What do they borrow the money for ?
What is the approximate amount borrowed by an average family ?
What govt, facilities are available for loans (eg. banks,
cooperatives) ?
Who uses these facilities ?
What do people feel and think
What do people feel about the money lender's system ?
Are they satisfied with the selling and buying rates 9
Do people think it is possible to have grains/seed/
fertilizer banks ?
7.
SOCIAL - POLITICAL FORCES
A.
Social forces :
-
What are the main castes in the village ?
Which caste has the most power ?
How does the caste feeling affect the day to day lives of
the people ?
-
Do different caste groups live separately from each other ?
Is untouchability practiced ?
Is everyone allowed to take water from the same well ?
b.
Political Forces :
Who makes the decisions affecting the village ?
Who is the Sarpanch and what iS his economic status ?
What castes does he belong to ?
Who are the panchayat members ?
t '
.
r
.i' s
5*
I.
I 1
- 5 What is their economic status and what caste do they
belong to ?
Who are the other leaders in the village ?
What influences do they have in the village ?
In what ways do the different leaders influence the
community ?
8.
CULTURAL PATTERNS
What are the main festivals in the village ?
What are the customs related to marriage, childbirth,
death etc. ?
How much money do people spend to perform such rites ?
What are some of the important beliefs of people
regarding religion, superstition etc. ?
9.
SERVICES AVAILABLE
Drinking water facility and cleanliness of drinking water.
Bank services
Government services like development of agriculture,
irrigation, animal husbandry, welfare activity like
anganwadi etc.
Health services - PHC, sub centres, Malaria workers etc.
1 0.
HEALTH AND NUTRITION
What is the diet of an average family , poor family ?
What are some 'f the beliefs related to nutrition of
infants, small children, pregnant mothers, in specific
diseases ?
Where do people go when they fall sick (local healers, ANM 9
PHC, private doctor etc.)
Who conducts deliveries in the village and what are the
practices followed during delivery ?
What are the common diseases in the village ?
What is general sanitation in the village ?
What do people think
Is health important ?
About the causes of ill-health ?
When do they consider themselves sick ?
Are health services adequate ?
About cost of health services (local healer, dai, ANM,
private doctors)
i
- 6 11.
ORGANIZATIONS IN THE VILLAGE
Are there any farmers clubs , youth clubs, mahila mandals,
coperatives etc. ?
Who are the members and leaders ?
What do these organizations do ?
Were,there any such Organizations which have ceased to
exist ?
What do the people think
-
Are they satisfied with tthe organizations existing in the
village ?
What are some of the problems faced by these organizations ?
Is there need for such organizations ?
CONCLUSION
As already stated, the points mentioned above are only
GUIDELINES. Once you start discussing these points with
people, many more questions will come to your mind. It is up
to you to find out more about the life of people in the
village. It is also important to know if people have taken
any initiative whatsoever in changing their life situation
and with what result.
Do you and the people think that some action can be taken
for bringing about change for the better ?
Prepared by :
Community Health Team
VHAI
40, Institutional Area
South of I IT
New Delhi 110 016
14-1 "I-87/200
QUESTIONNAIRE
...................... J,, „ M
a’
Jhe list
adjectives given below. Which
which six adjectives
seem to you o be the most accurate when describing
villagers,, ‘
1 0
2e
4.
5.
6o
*
Shrewd
Analytical
Competent
Generous
Lazy
Shallow
Reliable
Insecure
Mature
_ ____ _ ,_
Conservative
Unco-operative ^motionai''
Irresponsible Restless
Enthusiastic Frustrated
Money-minded Confused
Unreliable
Dogmatic
Ignorant
Efficient
Stupid
Paternalistic
Kind
Dependent
9
Powerful
Cemsitive
Over-bearing
Weak
Exploited
Backward
Risk-taking
Hard-working
Impulsive
Immature
Naive
Idealistic
Progressive
Apathetic
Uncommunicative Responsible
Helpful
Appreciative
Concerned
Incompetent
Childish
Cautious
Unkind
Independent
Supportive
Skillful
b. rrom the same list, which six adjectives seem to you to be the
most accurate when describing yourself? ’
1.
2.
4.
5.
6.
c. From the same list 9 which six adjectives do you think would
describe qualities most desirable
l-i a development worker?
-- 1-- in
1.
2.
4.
5.
6e
1
THE {CATHOLIC HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION OF INDIA
J
Community Health Department
: CEEHAI
SECUNDERABAD 500 003
Telephones : 8482 93, 84 84 57
Telex
: 0425 6674 CHAI IN
Post Box 2126
Grams
157/6 Staff Road
SECUNDERABAD 500003
STRUCTURES AND SYSTEMS :
(This is an attempt to understand and explain certain
terms and expressions often used by Social Scientists
and others to express their understanding of Society
and to analyse it. This is not a critique of the
structures and systems but just a theoritical
description)
The term ’Structure’ is used today to understand various realities,
which are related to man's life. The word 'structure' evokes in
our minis the image of various parts, components or elements
organised into a unit. Infact the different elements of a structure
can be understood only in through their relationship with one
another and the totality. There is a functional relation between
them. This can be illustrated by the example of the diverse organs
of the human body, which are parts of a whole, as as such draw
their meaning from their relationship with
with ohe.
ohe another and the
whole.
When we apply this concept of structure to the field of human
activity we can identify certain structures there too. For ins
tance, a family, an army, an institution, in it each person
possesses his position and status as well as his own role and
funtion. Each person carries on his task in relation to others
and to Society.
In the simplest understanding this term is applied to understand
a construction, a building, a set up because of which the
transformation or change of structure is often understood as
getting rid of a demolition of a building or an institution.
We use this term to understand the social realities and functions
of the Society. Social posiiion can be defined as the particular
point occupied by a person or group in a Social Structure. This
is often identified with social status and includes the set of
attributes or priviliges attached to that position. In the
context for example we have the caste system, the hierarchy
of castes with their attributes and previliges or discriminations.
In a social structure, the interactions between persons and
groups are regulated by various values, norma,9 controls and
sanctions.
2
2
here are established patterns of behaviours and standardised
procedures - and we can say that the interactions are institu
tionally defined and controlled. In other words, we can say
S°Cial Structure is a set of - institutionally defined
^^n„r_.lled - relations between individuals and especially
groups; these relations are studied and understood through
a proper analysis of the society which will bring out the
various control measures and hidden mechanisms which control
and limit man’s life and actions.
Different structures have different interests and values,
often they become conflicting and one tries to control the
other or overpower the other, which leads to disharmony,
tension and exploitation. Thus the very structure itself
becomes oppressive, dehumanizing and exploitative. The power
ful structures force their ideology, values, rules and regulations
on therestof the community to dominate them and keep them under
their control, unless suitably challenged gives them more newer
and better positions in the Society. This controlling mechanisms
is often not understood by the vast majority of the peor
sections of the society'and thus not in a position to counteract,
as often the powerful use ideological system to achieve this
end. In this process the injustices get institutionalized and
m turn internalized by the society. Thus it becomes an estab
lished order of behaviour and remained unchallenged until someone
wakes up andunderstands the undercurrents and the diverse
mechanisms employed to achieve this end. This structure today
we call an unjust structure.
A social system can be defined as a coherent complex of
structures and behaviour arranged according to time and space,
A system is a broad unit comprising several structures which
interact as different components do in a structure,
The
structures of Production, distribution, exchange and consumption
for example interact and form a single economic system. And
the various social systems similarly interact and make a
'global system’ or Society. A Society is comprised of the
economic, political, social, religious, cultural and ideological
systems. The first three systems c ncern the organization of
Society while the last three deal with the meaning that men
give to their individual and collective life.
According to Marxist thinking the economic system is the infra
structure of the Society while the social and political systems
form +he superstructure•
3
5
I
- 3 Religious and cultural systems don't seem to be of much Ooncern
to them, though Marx has a critique on religion^
Economic Systems
Every individual and Society has to satisfy certain physical and
psychological needs or wants, as for example food, clothing,
shelter, medicine, entertainment etc. Man’s Primary and basic
activity is that of Production. The economic system comprises
of four basic structures : Production, distribution,, exchange
and consumption. In the process of producing and circulating
the material goods that meet these needs man relates to nature
through certain technological tools called instruments of
labour. They also relate to one another and form certain relations.
The sum total of all these is called the economic system.
The Political System
Man basically is a being with intellect and will which enable
him to make decisions for his own benefit and that of the society.
But when there is a bigger group, individual decisions can affect
the common good and hence there is need for a joint decision
making to ensure the benefit of all the members of the society.
This process of making the decisions is the political system.
When this decision making power is exercised through the elected
representatives of the people we have a democracy ; a rule (govt.)
of the people, for the people and by the people. This is to
ensure a smooth functioning of the Society/Nation. The decision
making power is handed over to the emoted representative so
that rules and regulations can be made to the advantage of the
whole community. Historically speaking we also come across many
others forms of government. Autocratic, Military and Monarchy.
Even in a democratic system the common good very much depends
on the ideology behind, namely capitalist or Socialist approach.
The Social System
Interactions between man and man, and between social groups when
structured and institutionalized becomes the Social System.
This concept implies a certain distribution of. Social Prestige
and Status, or in other words a certain Social Stratification
understood as the differential ranking of human individuals,
their treatment as superior or inferior etc.
4
up,
- 4 Various factors do, or can contribute to form this social
stratification in different types of societies. In the Indian
context the social system influenced and determined by caste
system , which divide the people into high and low on the basis
of birth. Set of rules and regulations are established by the
society in terms of man’s life, relationships and behaviour
hence traditions, customs become part of this system. But
today we realise that there is a class caste combination which
controls and dominates each aspect of Indian Society.
Religious System
Religion basically is the established form of Man & God relation
ship. This relationship when organised and institutionalised
becomes a religious system which regulated and controls various
aspects and structures in terms of worship, Morality, ethics
and values, it is distinguished from other meaning systems
by its emphasis on the ultimate. It offers a systematic message
capable of giving a unified meaning to life, by proposing a
coherent vision of the world and of human existence, and by
giving them the means to bring about the systematic integration
of their daily behaviour. This message is always situated in a
precise historical context, and provides believers, reasons
justifying their existence as in a given social position.
Cultural System
Culture could be said as the sum total of Man’s Social Life in
a geographical, historical context in terms of the values
expressed through attitudes, thinking pattern and behaviour
which are manifested in the customs and traditions in a'given
sociological Milieu. Knowing the people is to know their
culture : Why they behave and act in a particular way, what
decides their life circle, why certain parctices exist,9 why
they have certain value systems etc. The value system in
turn also influences their life and activity. The very value
system is also very much influenced by the religion they
practice. Thus culture and religion has a close link.
Ideological System
The term ideology was first used in 1797 by Claude De Tracy as
the ’Science of ideas’. Most contemporary Sociologist, under
stand ideology as an explicit and generally oragnised system of
5
- 5 ideas and judgements which serves to describe, explain, interpret
or justify the situation of a group or collectivity and which
largely inspired by values proposes a precise orientation to
the historical action of this group or collectivity. Houtart
speaks of ideology as a system of explanations bearing on the
existence of the social group, its history and ins projection
into the future, and rationalising a particular type of power
relationship : The legitimation that an ideology provides to a
social group is never absolutely logical, but contains emotional
elements which are capable of motivating men and giving them a
feeling of security. Ideology is thus a fundamental element
in the culture of every human, ethnic, social or even religious
group. In this modern sense, ideology always includes in a
more or less explicit manner an understanding (analysis) of
society, a vision of the future, and a choice of strategies
and tactics understood in this way. The concept of ideology
can be used for both a small group (trade union, political
party etc.) and a whole society or nation. They foster the
interest of a particular group in society, and promote a specific
socio economic and political organisation. They can be
classified as reactionary, conservative, liberal and revolutionary.
********
20-11-87/250
SP :mm
/
• .-ii
1
i
Fl
!
^I£-2ecisions
When a- group (or
•Problem or i,
a
dividual)
•is faced
be followed?
followed . aking
These stere
tharfe re five with solving a
cffectiveness while conSderit^ fa°
steps v£ich can
r
and
eno they Will
greater <clarity
'
and
lead to
Problem or the
deicision,
final decision.
1* ■SS^iue the
►fij^l^lcm
Ask yourselve
you cannot agree ‘<s y ‘'What is
fiot agree on the °n what the Problem ij y^ ebefore us?" lf
'solutions
already a
great :help towards A clearly-befinefi Certain1y will
a solution.
C Problem is
What appears
to be the
symptom.
underneath
r-noblcm r* ~
larger
Express the
‘The Problem is
Problem in ‘»ho» i_
eper issues.
how to
3 learn to
■
Collect
AVirira
d-=-slons
^S.ibi^.solutions ''
Ask yourselve
“tohat <— • •
Problem? ’ Make
and .—
°f all i •
solutions to this
suggestions
.without
evaluatino ®a£,'\P°ssibl
is similar
« solutions
—' to 'brain- '7 ^^luatin.
c'^ them.
--storming >).
(The process
It is important to c
this’Step fror^
separate the collect!
the itrurd step, evaluation^’
-•
the evaluation
of ideas in
v/ili inhibit the < If you cevaluate
come Only\
ideas S sguid come
contribute
second
second st4,
—on of further
• uk of™ ry?" ^siDie, .
Mak© the
Possible,
ns- as
decision depends on"thebellCVt- solution
during this
r. Quality
-- of tbe final
-- solutions
-u colleoj-e(j
-s second step.
*3
^the_j)os' s ibl e
-—•I.
1 ut ion s ->
whichSlsy?Urselve.s?
n 13 tne best
"Of
"Of all the
solution?“
r.
choose the best
alte„atlvea w~ v~
listed,
cons of
c? i s 3(
Probably fh,3ve
—-Oj avoid
Try to
^viduals
----- > W11Q
There aro
One is +- Hr
^wo
this rL
quality important aspects to
an <effective
----°f the d
n?-s Vision
decisi,
sccompl^^ ourecision. Ask
on.
_ yourselve
Purpose?
"Ibes
Will
it
to
Tne second
offactively
s
° tnose who have aspect i-u
to c arry itthe
oueOePtablllty Of
^JPcrt opinioind that you now
? get it before need1 further info
afterwards J
the d
( ecision
is
'think over^a --timesitself is reedy t
decision
(lake individualoto m ake a
"
“"aliy
tklme to
.2
as
2
4o
s
Implement the decision
Decide on the steps for implementing the decisions.
Ask yourselves9 “Who is going to do what? fohen? How? Be
specifici put names against actions.
21 decision wnich does not include details of how the
decision is to be implemented may be ineffective and even
Lots of good ideas are never translated into action
useless
because their implementation is not taken care of.
• As well as deciding who will do what , when and how, there
may be other questions, such as, “Who else should be informed of
this decision?
So Follow-up
Ask yourselves, “How will we check on how this decision
is working in action?1’ It is important that the group decides
at the time they make the decision how they are going to
arrange for follow-up and feedback..
Qourcej McGrath, E.H», Basic Managerial Skills for All,
"
XLRI, Jamshedpur, 197d.
PEOPLE IN DEVELOPMENT - A Trainer ‘s Manual for Groups
John Staley
a*
SETTING GOALS
(Training paper VIII)
Most of us live <and work far below our capacity, we are
like bits of wood, floating passively on a river. We are
carried here and there by the currents of the river without
any aim of our own.
r
Setting goals for ourselves can free us from the aimlessness
and inertia of floating on th*? river. Goals can help to give
meaning -and direction to our lives. They can help us to use
our c apabilities more fully and effectively. They can help us
to develop our potentials. They Gan help us to use our
resources? -our time, and our energies more effectively. They
can guide us when we have to take decisions and make plans.
They can help us to change ourselves, They can help us to work
for change in society.
Research has shown th t commitment to clearly stated goals
leads to the achievement of these goals. Zet this commitment
is not acquired.easily. Commitment tb personal life-goals can
be especially costly. To choose one goal is to reject others.
Zou can‘t be a development worker and a businessman too.
Further 5 once we set goals for ourselves? we must have the
courage to risk failure in reaching those goals. One who sets
no goals for himself does not run the risk of failing to
reach his goals.
Often we confuse activities-doing things-with achieving
goals, we invest ourselves and. our own resources (our time,
our capabilities, our efforts, our commitment) into activities
(work, talk, journeys, visits, leisure, social events, training
or whatever it may be) without thought for the end-result of
such activities. Unless the end-result is cleart the purpose
of the activities may not be clear. setting goals, which are
the end-results we want to achieve, can bring purpose and
meaning to our activities.
To be able to set meaningful and attainable goals, we must
know ourselves. What do we do best? what do we enjoy doing?
khat are our strengths? How can be build on our strengths?
How can we change ourselves?
If we want to change ourselves-tj acquire and practise
new skills, or to behave differently-goals can help us. For
one thing they help us to compare what we want to do with what
we actually do now. They also, in themselves, help to motivate u
us to achieve the changes we want, and they reinforce our
efforts to change. Goals that are associated with an enahanced
self-image will help to motivate us further.
Our goals must be challengingo If they are not sufficiently
challenging-ro if we are not going to make the necessary
efforts-there is no point in getting goals
We might as well
continue as we are doing already.
On the other hand , we must be realistic in setting goals.
We must assess our opportunities and situation carefully.
What goals would be realistic and within our reach? If we set
unrealistic goals, we shall not be able to achieve them, and
this will lead to frustration and disappointment. Moreover,
once we have <set goals, we must have enough self-confidence
to reach out towards them. If we feel our situation to be
hopeless, our goal-setting, will be in a vain and will again
lead to frustration.
. .2
I
4
o
2
But if the goal is important to us, if we subject it to
continual reassessment, anc if we seek feedback in our efforts
from those who count in >ur lifes, we may reasonably assume that
we can achieve the goal we set for ourselves, Even the very
process of setting goals-even thinking about them-can help
us to achieve them.
• we can distinguish between long-term and short-term goals.
Long-term goals are to co with )ur livess the overall direction
of our lives5 our career, our ambition, our personal growth,
etc. For setting long-term goals we should consult our hearts
as well as our heads. Short-term goals are more ‘action-centred 1
They can be- related to improving skills, developing relationships 9
study and learning, solving a problem-or indeed any area or
aspect of our day-to-day lives during a limited period of time.
Our short-term goals must be consistent with our long-term goals.
Finally our goals-espccially our short-term goals-should
be precise, concrete and measurable. They should be linked
with some record of progress. Otherwise we shall not be able to
tell if and v-hen we have achieved them. A goal such as,
"To read as many books on development as possible and to
understand them to my utmost ability in a very short time", is
not a good goal. It is too vague 5 and it cannot be measured.
"To read C.T.Kurien ‘s Poverty and Development , and to discuss
anything in the book which
do not understand with Venkatesh
and Mr. Ramappa by 31st December", would be a better go al •
hh^n setting short-term goals it may be helpful to use the
ART formulas
A= Aspect ox area e.g., learning, relationships, leisure 9
skill
R= Result to be achieved
T= Time limit
Once we have set our goals we should keep them constantly
in mindo This will prevent us from being side-tracked. Using
our imagination can also help us.. If we can imagine in
detail what it will be like to achieve our goals 5 it will
act as an additional incentive®
If we can anticipate likely or possible obstacles in our
way, we can think about them in advance and plan how we are
going to overcome them. Breaking down major goals into smaller
steps can also help. Every journey, however long, begins with
a single step., It will help us further if we talk over our
goals with friends
"J, and with people with special skills who
can guide and advise us.
Source^ Currie, 1975, pp.130-9$ McGrath, 1975, pp0 93-55 Britto,
197b$ and other sources.
PEOPLE^ Ik DEyELOPMENT (A Trainer ‘s Manual for Groups)
John Staley
.
, THE CATHOLIC HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION OF INDIA
Community Health Department
Grams
: CEEHAI
SECUNDERABAD 500 003
Telephones : 8482 93, 84 84 57
Telex
: 0425 6674 CHAI IN
Post Box 2126
157/6 Staff Road
SECUNDERABAD 500003
STRUCTURES AND SYSTEMS ;
(This is an attempt to understand and explain certain
terms and expressions often used by Social Scientists
and others to express their understanding of Society
and to analyse it. This is not a critique of the
structures and systems but just a the critical
description)
The "term ’Structure’ is used today to understand various realities,
which are related to man’s life. The word ’structure* evokes in
our minis the image of various parts , components or elements
organised into a unit. Infact the different elements of a structure
can be understood only in through their relationship with one
another and the totality. There is a functional relation between •
them. This can be illustrated by the example of the diverse organs
of the human body, which are parts of a whole, as as such draw
their meaning from cheir relationship with ohe
ohe another and the
whole•
When we apply this concept of structure to the field of human
activity we can identify certain structures there too. For ins
tance, a family, an army, an institution, in it each person
possesses tils posi’tion and •s'ta'tus as wt?ll as his own role and.
funtion. Each person carries on his task in relation to others
and to Society.
In the simplest understanding this term is applied to understand
a construction, a building, a set up because of which the
transformation or change of structure is often understood as
getting rid of a demolition of a building or an institution.
We use this term to understand the social realities and functions
of the Society. Social position can be defined as the particular
point occupied by a person or group in a Social Structure. This
is often identified with social status and includes the set of
attributes or priviliges attached to that position. In the
context for example we have the caste system, the hierarchy
of castes with their attributes and previliges or discriminations.
In a social structure, the interactions between persons and
groups are regulated by various values, norma, controls and
sanctions.
2
2
There are established patterns of behaviours and standardised
procedures - and we can say that the interactions are institu
tionally defined and controlled. In other words, we can say
that a Social Structure is a set of - institutionally defined
and controlled - relations between individuals and especially
groups; these relations are studied and understood through
a proper analysis of the society which will bring out the
various control measures and hidden mechanisms which control
and limit man’s life and actions.
Different structures have different interests and values,
often they become conflicting and one tries to control the
other or overpower the other, which leads to disharmony,
tension and exploitation. Thus the very structure itself
becomes oppressive, dehumanizing and exploitative. The power
ful structures force their ideology, values, rules and regulations
on therestof the community to dominate them and keep them under
their c-ntrol, unless suitably challenged gives them more power
and better positions in the Society. This controlling mechanisms
is often not understood by the vast majority of the peor
sections of the society and thus not in a position to counteract,
as often the powerful use ideological system to achieve this
end. In this process the injustices get institutionalized and
in turn internalized by the society. Thus it becomes an estab
lished order of behaviour and remained unchallenged until someone
wakes un andunderstands the under&urrents and the diverse
mechanisms employed to achieve this end. This structure today
we call an unjust structure.
A social system can be defined as a coherent complex of
structures and behaviour arranged according to time and space.
A system is a broad unit comprising several structures which
interact as different components do in a structure. The
structures of Production, distribution, exchange and consumption
for example interact and form a single economic system. And
the various social systems similarly interact and make a
'global system' or Society. A Society is comprised of the
economic, political, social, religious, cultural and ideological
systems. The first three systems c ncern the organization of
Society while the last three deal with the meaning that men
give to their individual and collective life.
According to Marxist thinking the economic system is the infra
structure of the Society while the social and political systems
form the superstructure.
3
I
- 3 Religious and cultural systems don’t seem to be of much concern
to them, though Marx has a critique on religion.
Economic Systems
Every individual and Society has to satisfy certain physical and
psychological needs or wants, as for example food, clothing,
shelter, medicine, entertainment etc. Man’s Primary and basic
activity is that of Production. The economic system comprises
of four basic structures : Production, distribution, exchange
and consumption. In the process of producing and circulating
the material goods that meet these needs man relates to nature
through certain technological tools called instruments of
labour. They also relate to one another and form certain relations.
The sum total of all these is called the economic system.
The 'Political System
Man basically is a being with intellect and will which enable
him to make decisions for his own benefit and that of the society.
But when there is a bigger group, individual decisions can affect
the common good and hence there is need for a joint decision
making to ensure the ^benefit of all the members of the society.
This process of making the decisions is the political system.
When this decision making power is exercised through the elected
representatives of the people we have a democracy ; a rule (govt.)
of the people, for the people and by the people. This is to
ensure a smooth functioning of the Society/Nation. The decision
making power is handed over to the ehcted representative so
that rules and regulations can be made to the advantage of the
whole community. Historically speaking we also come across many
others forms of government. Autocratic, Military and Monarchy.
Even in a democratic system the common good very much depends
on the ideology behind, namely capitalist or Socialist approach.
The Social System
Interactions between man and man, and between social groups when
structured and institutionalized becomes the Social System.
This concept implies a certain distribution of. Social Prestige
and Status, or in other words a certain Social Stratification
understood as the differential ranking of human individuals,
their treatment as superior or inferior etc.
4
I
- 4 Various'factors do, or can contribute to form this social
stratification in different types of societies. In the Indian
context the social system influenced and determined by caste
system , which divide the people into high and low on the basis
of birth. Set of rules and regulations are established by the
society in terms of man’s life, relationships and behaviour
hence traditions, customs become part of this system. But
today we realise that there is a class caste combination which
controls and dominates each aspect of Indian Society*
Religious System
Religion basically is the established form of Man & God relation
ship. This relationship when organised and institutionalised
becomes a religious system which regulated and controls various
aspects and structures in terms of worship, Morality, ethics
and values. It is distinguished from other meaning systems
by its emphasis on the ultimate. It offers a systematic message
capable of giving a unified meaning to life, by proposing a
coherent vision of the world and of human existence, and by
giving them the means to bring about the systematic integration
of their daily behaviour. This message is always situated in a
precise historical context, and provides believers, reasons
justifying their existence as in a given social position.
Cultural System
Culture could be said as the sum total of Man’s Social Life in
a geographical, historical context in terms of the values
expressed through attitudes, thinking pattern and behaviour
which are manifested in the customs and traditions in a given
sociological Milieu. Knowing the people is to know their
culture : Why they behave and act in a particular way, what
decides their life circle, why certain parctices exist, why
they have certain value systems etc. The value system in
turn also influences their life and activity. The very value
system is also very much influenced by the religion they
practice. Thus culture and religion has a close link.
Ideological System
The term ideology was first used in 1797 by Claude De Tracy as
the ’Science of ideas’’. Most contemporary Sociologist, under
stand ideology as an explicit and generally oragnised system of
5
- 5 ideas and judgements which serves to describe, explain, interpret
or justify the situation of a group or collectivity and which
largely inspired by values proposes a precise orientation to
the historical action of this group or collectivity, Houtart
speaks of ideology as a system of explanations bearing on the
existence of the social group, its history and ins projection
into the future, and rationalising a particular type of power
relationship : The legitimation that an ideology provides to a
social group is never absolutely logical, but contains emotional
elements which are capable of motivating men and giving them a
feeling of security. Ideology is thus a fundamental element
in the culture of every human, ethnic, social or even religious
group. In this modern sense, ideology always includes in a
more or less explicit manner an understanding (analysis) of
society, a vision of the future, and a choice of strategies
and tactics understood in this way. The concept of ideology
can be used for both a small group (trade union, political
party etc.) and a whole society or nation. They foster the
interest of a particular group in society, and promote a specific
socio economic and political organisation. They can be
classified as reactionary, conservative, liberal and revolutionary.
* * * * * * * *
20-11-87/250
SP:mm
r
RAMARK’S STORY
Ramakka, wife of Veerabadrappa has two children. She goes
to work in Periaswamy’s field for the wage of 1 rupee a day.
Her younger son, Linga, only 11 months old, got diarrhoea
which is a common problem leading to death in the village,
With one rupee which she get as that day’s wage, she bought
50 paise worth of powder medicine from the nearby petty shop.
50 paise worth of flowers she offered in the temple for
the cure of her son. As the diarrhoea continued she approached
the local Dai Yellamma for help, She gave her some herbal
medicines. But the situation became worse and so Ramakka,
with the money her husband borrowed , took the child to the
local doctor, who has ]no training but some knowledge received •
by watching his uncle who’ was a compounder. He gave an
injection worth Rs. 7/-. The
1
child got temporary relief.
When the sedation -power of the injection got over, the
diarrhoea started again, The local Dia, advised Ramakka to
take the child to the district
-- - hospital 20 Kms away. She
borrowed Rs. 20/- from the money lender on the condition that
the amount with the one third of it as interest will be paid
pack in paddy, during the harvest season.
Thus they reached the hospital. She was ignorant of the
proceedures of the government hospital. She had to give Rs. 2/to the gate keeper for entry. The hospital personnel were
so busy that they could attend to the child only very late.
They scolded Ramakka for the delay in bringing the child for
medical care. She could not tell the doctor that their trip
cost her three week's pay which she should pay back with
interest. The doctor also scolded Ramakka for not bringing the
child early, and furiously wrote a long prescription including
four I.V. fluids. The pharmacist billed her Rs. 60/-. But
Ramakka did not have that much money. She bought few tablets
and returned home. While on her way back home, the child
breathed it's last on Ramakka's rhoulder.
**********
The Catholic Hospital Association of India
C. B. C. I. Centre, Goldakkhana, New Delhi- 110001
Tel.
310694, 322064
Date
Ref. No.
STORY OF VASIT
Vasu, an eight year old boy was the only child
of his parents , who were very poor. They worked as bonded
labourers under the landlord who had very little concern
for his workers. The family found it very difficult to
meet their daily needs. Vasu used to help his parents, by
cutting grass from the forest for the animals.
There was a Government subcentre about 2 K.M away
from Vasa’s house. The ANMs used, to visit the village but
since the villagers were not co-operating with them, they
stoped their work in that village.
As usual, one day Vasu went to the forest to cut
the grass and he had a thorn prick on his foot, since he
had no chappals. The parents treated him with country
medicine, and applying cow dung on the wound. As the days
went Vasu’s condition become very serious and they thought
of talcing hiin to the hospital. Since they had no money
his father borrowed Rs. 100/- from the landlord, and took
him to the PHC. Since Vasu had developed signs of tetanus
by this time, PHC. was not able to treat and adviced the
parent to take Vasu to the District Hospital; which was
situated very far.
Since the money they had with them was not enough,
the parents decided to return home. On the following day
Vasu died .
- Why did Vasu Die?
Community Health Department
Catholic Hospital Association
of India
C.B.C.I. Centre,
New Delhi - 110 001.
THE CATHOLIC HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION OF INDIA
Community Health Department
Post Box 2126
: CEEHAI
SECUNDERABAD 500 003
Telephones : 8482 93, 84 84 57
Telex
: 0425 6674 CHAI IN
Grams
157/6 Staff Road
SECUNDERABAD 500003
MINISTRY OF THE CHURCH IN HEALTH SERVICES
Introduction :
"Action on behalf of justice and participation in the transforma
tion of the world fully appear to us as a constitutive dimension
of the preaching of the Gospel”.
- Synod of Bishops 1971
’’Behind the revolutions of our day, is man’s struggle for human
dignity. Christ is at work here and we cannot proclaim Him to
contemporary man if we do not participate in this struggle. In
such participation we have to work with men of all faiths and
no faith. Christian living is, in this sense, living in response
to the WORD and to the world. It demands the conscious
transcendence of our limited groups solidarities and moving
towards the new humanity which is free from all discriminations ”.
- National consultation on the
role of Church in contemporary
India, 1966.
”If we wish to be faithful to Christ and take up this attitudes
with regard to our fellowman, we must work for the over all
development of each man, and focus on the sick person more than
on his sickness. Since development also means solidarity we
must necessarily turn our attention towards the human community
of the patient, his family first, but also his neighbourhood or
village. This means we must practice community medicine”.
- Pontifical Council Cor Unum
Document on Primary Health
Care Work, 1978.
’’The mission that we have given is a call for a true conversion
of our hearts and also of our methods. Secularization is spreading
in people’s hearts from the industrialized and technological
world to the developing world countries. We need to be converted
all the time in order to bear witness as Christians to the sick
who, through our work, will discover the love of Christ. The
rapid development in the field of health service technology has
often meant installing expensive equipment in the hospitals,
requiring a large number of staff for a relatively low number
of patients, while in many of the same countries in the world,
upto 80% of the population are still without health care services.
2
2
Since Christians are the leaven, we must reach out towards the
masses by providing simple, accessible and promotional health
care according to our own possibilities, modest as they are 9
or in conjuction with the public services , where this is
allowed.
Let us ever be mindful of the fact that service to the sick
begins and continues to operate through the patient's human
environment. COMMUNITY HEALTH CARE IS THEREFORE PART OF THE
COMPREHENSIVE PASTORAL WORK OF THE CHURCH”.
- Cor Unum Document, 1978.
"Presently, despite the constraint of resources, there is
disproportionate emphasis on the establishment of curative
centres - dispensaries, hospitals institutions for specialised
treatment - the large majority of which are located in the urban
areas of the country <... A dynamic process of change and
innovation is required to be brought in the entire approach to
health man power development ensuring the emergence of fully
integrated bands of workers functioning within the "Health
Team" approach".
- New National Health Policy
1982’
it
The demand for justice has been one of the dominant notes
of this half of the country. Perhaps no other period in
History has witnessed a greater denial of justice also
’The Church, bearing within itself the pledge of the fullness
of the Kingdom, views with joy the present concern for justice
and with anxiety the grave threats to justice all around us.
It is her endeavour to interpret the implications of the Gospel
message of justice and peace in the varying situations being
unfolded in the course of the human pilgrimage on earth. She
has to be the ’Leaven’ and the ’salt’ of the earth in the con
fusion likely to prevail in the search for justice".
- CBCI,9
1978.
The Church should give its whole hearted support to the peace
ful social changes taking place in the country by verbalising its
supp.-rt of any efforts made for bridging the gap between the
rich and poor.
’’The Church should actively involve itself in removing concrete
cases of injustices happening in the society in which it exists”.
- CBCI,
1972.
3
3
"We want our health services to take primary health care to the
masses, particularly in the rural and urban slums. Catholic
Hospitals and dispensaries should stress the preventive and
promotive aspects of health care. Specifically, we would urge
them to join hands with the civil authorities in their
programme for the eradication of leprosy.
Our health outreach programmes may demand a change in the
routine especially of religious communities of men and women
involved in this work, and their formation should prepare
them to meet the new spiritual challenges that are posed".
- CBCI,
1978.
The commission being conscious of :
a the situation of massive poverty of over 60^ of
our people 9
b the unjust structures which maintain and perpetuate it;
C
the injustices perpetuated on the weaker section of the
people;
considers it imperative to reaffirm our commitment to the poor
in imitation of Christ’s preferential option for the poor.
The creative struggle of the people to bring about a new society
invites us to enter into critical collaboration with people of
all religions, ideologies and agencies who strive after a just
s ociety.
A meaningful participation in this struggle calls for :
a. a serious analysis of society with the tools
of social
sciences and in the light of faith;
b. taking definite and unambiguous stand on various issues;
c. initiating concrete action programmes for change.
As a credible sign of this process the Church initiates action
for justice within its own structure. In this context partici
pation of all sections of people especially of the laity is
of vital importance”•
CBCI,
1983.
n
With this orientation in view the Commission proposes the
following priorities of work, in the field of health
1
2
Promote Community Health Programmes on the Priority basis;
Train health care personnel with a bias to rural health
programmes. In this connection it is of utmost importance
to reorient doctors, nurses & para-medical personnel in
our institutions and programmes with Christian values.
4
1
- 4
3
A commission could be set up to study the prevailing conditions
and problems, attitudes and values of doctors, nurses, oara—
medical personnel and other employees.
-
CBCI, 1983.
The relevance of quotations cited above can be viewed by different
people differently depending oh the concept of health one has.
One thing is getting more and more clear that health is no more
an isolated factor and it is not merely the absence of sickness
but the total well being social, physical, mental and spiritual
of individuals, families and communities. It is in this sense that
the above quotations have their relevance when dealing with
ministry of the Church in Health Care.
Health care is a field in which the Church in India has been
busy for over a hundred years. With more than 2000 health care
institutions all over the country run directly by the dioceses
or religious congregations, the volume of work done by the
church is enormous. With ohe well established medical college and
more than hundred nurses' training institutions we train every
year an army of health care personnel and add to the already
existing ones in the field. With the emphasis since some years
on the field of community health, a new army of village level
health workers (called under different names) are trained and they
are in the field. We have also national organisations, under the
auspices of the Church, dealing with various aspects of health
care i.e. the Catholic Hospital Association of India, Catholic
Nurses' Guild, Catholic Doctors' Guild, Natural Family Planning
Association of India etc. This certainly shows the richness of
the resources at our hand. The question will have to be asked is
are all these properly utilised for the best interest of the
people of God in India particularly the bast majority of them
living in rural areas and urban slums.
1 .
COMMUNITY HEALTH :
CHAI has definitely committed to this cause for the coming years.
And we do hope to do something thereby contributing our share
to achieve the goal set by WHO and accepted by our country, i.e.
Health For All by 2000 A.D. This we hope to achieve through
our member institutions and others, and with the cooperation,
help and guidance particularly from the members of the CBCI and
CHI. We have now an eight member team for the promotion of
Community Health. The team has worked out a philosophy and
vision for our community health programme and a broad plan of
action.
5
i
?
9
2.
I
I
- 5 Promotion of Pro-Life Activities :
Efforts will have to be made by all concerned to bring an aware
ness about the seriousness of this all important aspect of life.,
CHAI will be taking some definite steps in this regard in the
coming years.
3.
Pastoral aspect of health care
This is a field rather neglected by the Churchy Complaints about
even rude behaviour by the Staff towards patients in our health
care institutions are not a rare phenomenon. Then'the question
is, have we given them the necessary training and orientation ?
Keeping this in mind CHAI organises seminars for health care
personnel from time to time. It is our plan to develop a separate
department in CHAI to meet this crying need in our country.
We also plan to organise regular residential course for Chaplains
etc. in the future.
Against all what has been mentioned, particularly the various
documents mentioned, the following suggestions are put forward
for Justice^ Development and Peace in General and the health
section in particular. In this connection, it was very meaningful
to have put the health section with commission for justice,
development and peace.
1.
To have an evaluation of our existing institutions for
education., training and services in the field of health
in accordance with the present concept of health mentioned
in the documents ( of also the CHAI documents )
2 .
Community Health Programme accepted as a priority should be
promoted in all the Dioceses. The members of the CBCI and
CRI should accept this end and make it known to all our
health care institutions.
3.
In order to implement this, St. John’s Medical College,
National Organizations like CHAI, NEPAI, CARITAS INDIA,
IGSSS etc. will have to plan together in collaboration with
other organisations in the field such as VHAI, CMAI, ISI etc.
4.
Possibility of organisations like, CHAI, Catholic Nurses’
Guild, NEPAI to work together will have to be explored, for
better effect and to avoid any unnecessary duplications.
5.
The teaching of the concept of Community Health based on
the various documents dealing with the subject should find
a place in the Curricular in Seminaries and Religious
formation houses.
6
I
- 6 6.
7.
I
In this connection this commission will have t
o work in
collaboration with the commission on
Seminary Training etc.
This commission should also '
’
w-rk in collaboration with the
commission for Laity and Family.
These are a few suggestions, however practical they may be
which came to my mind. The implementation of them may be
difficult but necessary if we want to respond to the needs of
the time. We all agree that making statements (for which we
seem
o be experts in this country) alone will not solve the
problems. We need to translate them
them into
into action,
action, which is by
ar difficult. But we are left with
no choice but to do it if
we want to be meaningful to the society today and faithful to
the gospel message. Let me conclude this with another
quotation,
this time from Ashok Menta.
"We must reclaim 900 million people (the number
is more now)
of the world who are today in
a state of abject depression.
This human reclamation requires
a peculiar type of social
engineering. This is to imy,mind the big challenge that all
people, all men of religion all men of God have to face.
And if it is the proud claim of the Christian Churches that
they have that fspiritual understanding, that spirited agony and
that spiritual out glow is greater than that of other men of
God, it has to be p.
proved, as I said in the crucible of life
itself. If it is the claim
of Christians that even to this
day they feel the
ag..ny of Christ on the Cross whenever
humanity suffers as it were, it has to be proved, in action and
not by statement0.
Fr John Vattamattom svd
Executive Director
Catholic Hospital Association
of India.
23-11-87/200
mm/
IEC DIV.
In Bengali language KATHA implies to
DIALOGUE. PUDAR firmly believes in
Development From Below. But in reality an elitist
perception of the paradigm- “Development”
predominates. KATHA would initiate a dialogue
between thoughts and ideas related to composite
development emerging from all corners and will
try to synthesise them. We hope KATHA becomes
a platform for development dialogue and be the
harbinger of a New Era.
A group of social activists of various ethnic,
religious and lingj.stic background coalesced
together in the year 1980 with the sole objective
of bringing about positive changes in Indian
Society which will lead to a more just and
egalitarian social order. In order to fructify their
aims, a non-profit, Non-Government Organisation
was formed, christened as People's Union for
Development and Reconstruction, in brief PUDAR.
To express concern towards the injustices faced
by the marginalised and oppressed sedtions of
society such as women, children, dalits and
tribals who form the majority became the
cornerstone of the organisation.
PllDAR is a consortium of various grass-root
level organisations. Instead of a centralised,
bureaucratic structure, PUDAR has a network
and general body. This general body is a forum
of many voluntary bodies involved in
developmental activities in both rural and urban
areas upholding the noble cause of poverty
alleviation and economic emancipation for the
socially, economically weaker segment. In the
begining it started with 8 affiliates. Prsently
PUDAR is working with 26 affiliates spread over
its geographical matrix mentioned, viz.
West Bengal = 12 units
Bihar = 9 units
Orissa = 4 units
Uttar Pradesh = 1 unit.
The basic approach of PUDAR is Man to
Community.
Central office for communication :
IV1
iv.
30/3-A, N. S. Dutta Road, Howrah - 711101
ht W- Bengal, India.
Tel : +91-33-68-7282 Fax : + 91-33-660-6233
zjLoLoc <
<
f -
THE RURAL POOR, AGRICULTURE & GLOBALISATION:
An Indian Scenario.
The impact of globalisation on agricultural process is critically appraised
by many an analyst who also look at the new recipes being projected by
international agencies of power, wealth and commerce. While seemingly
beneficial these packages are actually a dependency trap for the Indian
farmer who constitutes largely the poorer segment of the country.
We are much acquainted with the idiom like sustainable development.
In case of agriculture, sustainable farming is based on the sustainable
use of natural resources, land, water and agricultural bio-diversity
including plants and animals. The sustainable use of these resources in
turn requires their vital linkage with decentralised agricultural
communities. This denotes the ownership and control of these resources
by the communities. All these are connected with the people's
endeavours to generate their livelihood, access to food and conserve
natural resources. These dimensions of ecological security, livelihood
security and food security are essential elements of an agriculture policy
which ought to be sustainable and equitable. The curent mode of
globalisation in the sphere of agriculture of the Third World threatens to
undermine all these three dimensions of sustainability. The livelihood
base of millions of farmers and the food security at the household,
regional and national level, is severely threatened. The diversion of our
natural resources from ecological maintenance, protection of livelihood
and basic needs-satisfaction to luxury exports and corporate profits
has been made possible because of the present economic policies of
globalisation. Of course, in the past three decades of India's agriculture
policy, agriculture was commercialised among the rich farmers under
the patronage of state's subsidies in form of supply of chemical fertiliser
to the farmers at a subsidised rate and that happened in the name of
the so-called Green Revolution. All ecological sustainability had been
ignored ruthlessly. The green revolution has been able to produce a
considerable group of rich farmers and the inequality between the rich
and the poor farmers has been increased by leaps and bounds. The
liberalisation and New Economic Policy have produced various changes
in our socio-economic formation and complexion. No doubt, the political
order will also rotate around it. Under this new transformation we should
also look at the rural women, affected by the process of new economic
policy and the oft-quoted structural adjustment.
The farming activity comprises of many jobs which are done by the
women farmer. In rice cultivation, for example, this includes transplanting,
weedding , manuring and lentilising, harvesting,threshing, winnowing,
drying, staking and carrying the produce. Agricultural and other r Hied
activities absorb over 80% of the female work force. But she h^s very
little control over the mode of production. As in decision making level.
I
women are not very much in evidence.In
the changed local self-government or
panchyat structure provisions are made
for the women's participation but this
process is yet to take shape on a large
scale. In the Human Development
Reports 1995 references have been
made to womens' role in home
management and child care. In
developed countries, a women spends
on average, 34% of her time on activities
where her contribution to the national
accounts is recorded and 66% on
activities not so recorded. For men, the
ratios are reversed, and 66% of time is
spent on activities included in the
national accounting system. In addition,
in terms of time spent, the actual burden
of work is greater for women than men.
When necessary women are available
for other work. This could be'skilled,
home-based production or manual
labour. But women's work, and work
burdens are not easy to define. And this
elasticity is often at great cost to her own
health. In examining the impact of
globalisation on rural women, it is
necessary to understand the changes
in the environment and resource
availability in response to production and
trade changes. The rural sector has
already shown changes in the cropping
and trade patterns. Subsistence farming
is increasingly giving way to commercial
relations. Area under foodgrains is
declining and that under commercial
crops increasing. At the same time the
proportion of output that is sold in the
market is increasing.
Opportunities for women from the
reformation and new system are closely
linked to their ability to move to new skills
and new types of employment. But it is
important to remember that the
response to new opportunity is closely
linked in gender role. To derive’benefit
from the new system requires lots of
skills and training which are not open to
the rural women in particular and the
poor in general. Restricted mobility of
women is also determined in their
intrahousehold allocation of duties
where the rights and obligations are not
distrjN rfed evenly. Male supremacy over
the society and decision making criteria,
reduce incentive for women to undertake
new activities. Moreover, the health
situation of the rural women and the
existing poor medical care facilities also
results in de-skilling, termination of long
term jobs and obviously deterioration of
health.
We need to spell out diferent indicators
to monitor the impact of new economic
policy felt in the various spheres of
environment, health, gender and poverty
issues.
At the macro-level it is important to
emphasise the importance of
investments to ensure sanitation, safe
drinking water, school education and
public health. The WHO survey shows
the 3.7 per cent of the non-urban
populace are only covered by the
running water facilities in the third world
countries and these are far from the safe
drinking water category. Owing to the
current trend of privatisation and
structural adjustment policy the public
utility services like the safe drinkingwater supply expansion, provision of
efficient primary health care, public
housing assistance, provision of link
roads, nutritional support during early
childhood, schooling, public distribution
system and universalisation of primary
education would be facing many
constraints.
From the top-notches of the World Bank
and IMF to the bureaucrats of our health
and welfare departments, the
'empowerment of women* i^ a catchy
phrase. How the economic policy of
globalisation is affecting the existing
empowerment system of the tribal
women in Eastern regions like
Chotonagpur plateaux of India is an
issue to be probed. The tribal woman
enjoys an equal status in their
community than their non-tribal
counterpart because of her control of the
bio diversified agriculture and exchange
or marketing structure and other
important domains of their horticultural
subsistence farming. Where the tilling or
ploughing by the dint of animal power
and mono-cropping are employed the
male domination is much more visible
than the horticultural zones. The
biodiversity maintained by practice
keeps the varieties of rice cereal which
are produced alone in the plateaux of
Chotonagpur (Bihar state of India) by the
tribal or indigenous women. This
cultivation has reached the level of
almost an art thanks to the empirical
knowledge of the women handed down
to them from many centuries.
Now the patent system enforced by the
new policy also includes the production
and preservation of seeds which is going
to affect the existing biodiversity. As only
the commercially viable seeds are to be
preserved, this will certainly affect the
crop-variety-system practiced in the
aforesaid region This increasing
commercialisation is a real threat to the
existing biodiversity and its socialeconomic formation permeating tribal
women's empowerment.
If liberalisation means a reduction of
bureaucratic controls and their
despicable 'red-tapeism', it should also
stand for locally relevant and locally
devised solutions, relevant to the
balancing costs and benefits are to be
controlled by those most directly
affected, i.e., not the building from above
but from below.
Prof S. K. Basu-Mallik
Chairman, PUDAR.
This doucument is part of a series
of technical papers being prepared
for the World Food Summit. It is
circulated in advance for review
and comment. The final version
will be issued closer to the time of
the Summit.
INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW
1.1 The world is developing in
remarkable ways, unforseen even a
decade ago; these changes have
important implications for food security.
New states, new issues and new
institutions are reshaping international
political, economic and environmental
relations even as the old ones remain
albeit in some attenuated form.
Nevertheless, the new trends are clear:
most countries are seeking economic
policies that are more market-oriented;
they desire broader international
cooperation
and
sustainable
development together with the political
structures to promote and support
them.
1.2 The quest for new policies to shape
contemporary institutions is taking place
alongside a v\/ider examination of the
basic role of government in forms that
are scaled down from those of the past.
It has been prompted partly by
governents’ own need to optimize
resource efficiency in the face of growing
deficits and partly by the demands of
tax-weary citizens who find themselves
with stagnating real incomes and who
blame government for unsatisfactory
economic performance. Shifiting
international relations and a sharply
altered global economic situation result
in new challenges to national and
global stability; meanwhile, local
problems and conflicts go unresolved.
Together, these issues shape food
security.
1.3 Essentialy food security means that
all people at all times have access to
safe and nutritious food to maintain a
healthy and active life. This definition
implies three dimensions to food
security, namely availability, access
and stability and various levels of
aggregation, i.e. global, national,
household and individual. Given this
multi-dimensional framework, it
becomes obvious that achievement of
universal food security at the individual
level, which implies achievement at the
more aggregate levels, is constrained
or facilitated by a combination of social,
political and economic conditions. And,
it is clear that the relevance of these
conditions to food security at one level
of aggregation is not restricted to the
state of conditions at the same level of
aggregation. That is, for example, the
ability to achieve food security in one
country can be affected by conditions
(economic, political, and social, etc.) in
other countries; as the world economy
becomes more integrated it becomes
more difficult for a country to insulate
itself from the decisions and actions of
others. At the same time, this same
integration offers the potential for
spreading the effects of production
shortfalls in one country over the world
and thus greatly reducing the negative
impact on food security in any one
country.
1.4 Because they affect agriculture,
global, national, and local shifts in
national political and economic relations
and structure have implications for food
security. Firstly, how food is to be
produced and distributed are
fundamental concerns of national
economies and contribute to on going
policy debates about how to restructure
economic and political systems.
^3
1.5 Secondly, agriculture's technological
transformation increasingly links the
input market to other sectors of the
economy while international trade joins
producers in the national economy to
consumers globally.
1.6 Thirdly, no other sectors has such
wide-reaching effects on the
sustainability of the environment and
natural resources: farming affects the
world's forests, soils, fresh water, and
fisheries.
1.7 Finally, war and peace, hostility and
detente, confrontation and cooperation
in political relations temper -the global
environment and influence food security.
A principal benefit of the end of the
Cold War is disarmament from which a
"peace dividend" is being realized as
the high-income countries reduce to an
extent their military expenditures. This
dividend seems to be tapering off,
although some economic development
and food security gains can reasonably
be expected.
1.8 The global political environment
influence the level and destination of
resource flows, including international
trade in food and assistance for
agriculture and food production.
1.9 At the national level, politics governs
policy priorities. The final decisions on
the sometimes conflicting objectives of
development, stabilization, national
security, and social equity reflect the
relative power of a country's various
political factions and how national
consensus is reached. The primary
responsibility for the level of food
security in any country depends on the
political choices it makes. "Bad
government begets food insecurity,"
aptly remarked the representative of
Uganda at the FAO Council in November
1994.
1.10 This paper examines how
international relations, economic
structures, political systems, and global
issues are related to food security. After
reviewing the global political
environment since the 1974 World
Food Conference, discussion turns to
the
contemporary
economic
environment, and how trends in market
liberalization in the transitional
economies and structural adjustment in
the devei Jig and industrial countries
are affecting national-level food
production and consumption. Also
explored are the food security
implications of the recently concluded
Uruguay Round of GATT and global
trends towards regional trade blocs, as
well as issues of natural resources and
the environment. Finally, the policy
implications for achieving food security
are drawn along with a prospectus for
the future.
THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT IN
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
2.1 The two decades since the World
Food Conference have brought about
enormous changes on the world's
political stage. In the mid 1970s, the
end of the Vietnam war helped to ease
political tensions world-wide, but
especially among the superpowers.
The two Germanies joined the United
Nations and a flurry of 1970s' treaties
greatly relaxed East-West tensions in
Europe.
2.2 While there was wide divergence
between countries and regions, the
1960s and 1970s marked a period of
overall positive economic growth for
many developing countries. Between
1965 and 1973 economic growth in the
developing world was 3.9 percent
annually, an all time record; this figure
declined to 2.9 percent in the 1973-80
period largely due to the oil crises (in
the high debt-problem years there was
a rapid drop-off to a 1.2 percent
economic growth rate between 10SOWOO).
2.3 Contrasting these positive
developments, however, progress in
disarmament was disappointing, the
growing dissension between China and
the former USSR added a new
dimensions to the balance of world
political influences.
2.4 The 1970s also witnessed a period
of reaffirmation of the developing
countries' role in the global economic
and political scene. In the wake of the
oil embargo in 1973 by the Organization
of Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OPEC) and subsequent pricing
policies, many developing nations,
especially those with oil, renewed efforts
to reduce their political and economic
dependence on industrial countries, to
-X A
li^r
and
MUSHROOM CULTIVATION TRAINING
Two mushroom training camps were
held at Jhargram and Deorah in the
month of May 1996. The duration of the
camps were for a month each. There
were 24 beneficiaries who belonged to
the low income level and were selected
at the affiliate level. Mushroom being a
high protein source will improve the
quality of diet increasing their basic
nutritional level and can also be a
profitable income generation prog. (IGP)
JHARGRAM
A bench headed by Justice Ki’deep
Singh has ordered the Health Dept, to
extend medical aid to 22 sick workers.
It has also ordered an Enquiry
POULTRY & DUCK FARMING Commission to probe into the present
TRAINING
situation and a report is to be submitted.
Compensation to the next of kin of the
A 5-day training camp on poultry and
deceased will be decided later. In the
duck farming was organised at our
court proceedings, the film on Silicosis
Belanagar centre from 12 Aug.-17 Aug.
1996. The beneficiaries were selected victims WAIT UNTILL DEATH served as
mainly from the SC community. The a live document of the whole incident.
camp was conducted in collaboration
with the Animal Husbandry Dept.
Hooghly, Govt, of W. Bengal. The
Training Cell of the department imparted
the training. The Deputy Director and the
Asst. Director were also present.
MADHUPUR
The most fertile piece of land in
Madhuasthali near Madhupur town - in
an otherwise arid area - was forcibly
snatched by toughs engaged by some
businessmen with the intention of
buiding up a high profile public school.
The farmers were forced to accept Rs.
50/- per cottah of land under the
influence of alcohol. Disgruntled women
got together to voice their anguish and
drove the construcition workers away
from the site. They submitted a petition
to the Dist. Magistrate demanding justice
and have pledged to continue the
agitation until an acceptable decision is
reached.
|/ / \\^
I
Q
NEWS FLASH
FILM-MAKERJOURNALISTS
ASSAULTED
A Ranchi based film activist Sriprakash,
Mr. G. S. Ojha and Mr. Niraj Sinha of
the AN I got severely beaten up while
covering a demonstration rally agianst
the Surangi Dam Project at Vijaygiri,
22km from Tamar in the Ranchi dist, of
Bihar. Police remained mute onlookers.
TWO DOWN THREE TO GO
AVRC
FIELD NOTES
I
W-
Nagarik Mancha, a Calcutta based
worker's solidarity alongwith many trade
unions, barring CITU, had filed an
appeal before the Supreme Court
regarding occupational hazards
focussing particularly on the Silicosis
victims of Surenora Khanij Pvt. Ltd. of
Chinchurgheria, Jhargram.
Our Audio Visual Resource Centre has
collected Feature Films and
Documentaries (VHS) on on a variety
of subjects such as media, women,
children, environment, communalism,
development etc. The centre also
produces filmsand capsules on various
social issues and prepares IEC
materials for trainings and campaigns.
Noted film-maker Anand Patwardhan
recently won a case filed by him against
Doordarshan when it had refused to
telecast his film "In Memory of Friends"
on the Punjab problem. Three other films
by Anand are lying subjudice. In his film
making career of almost 25 years,
Doordarshan has telecast only one of
his films-" Bombay Our City", that too in
a late night slot with no prior intimation.
Contact us for SCREENINGS.
WAIT UNTIL DEATH (Bengali with Eng.
subtitles) directed and produced by
Perspective Audiovisuals, is about a
tribal village called Chichurgheria in the
Midnapore district of W. Bengal where
adivasis are dying due to Silicosis
caused by a stone-curshing unit.
VHS (PAL) copies are available for sale
at our AVRC priced at Rs. 400/- for
individuals & Rs. 750/- for institutions.
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revealing that much of Latin America
was in similar financial straits; political
fragility accompaned the economic
problems. Many governments lost the
capacity to resist external political and
economic pressure and room for
domestic policy manoeuvring came to
be severely circumscribed. Pressing
day-to-day financial concerns forced
many countries to postpone the long
term developoment, equity and poverty
alleviation objectives that afforded such
bright hope in the 1970s. Concomitantly,
the process of regional cooperation
and integration slowed or came to a
complete standstill.
EXPOSURES
I
★ Ms. Soma Bose, our Prgramme Of
ficer for Health, Nutrition & Community
Organisation was selected to attend the
International Course on Food & Nutri
tion Prog. Management at the Interna
tional Agricultural Centre, Wageningen,
The Netherlands from 22 Oct. - 2 Dec.
1995.
★ Samit Basu-Mallickand Akbar Mallik,
prog, officers of our I EC Division par
ticipated in a workshop on "The Use and
Possibilities of Video for Awareness
Building" as Resource Persons,
organised by ALCOM as a part of Com
munication Resource Network (CRN)
supported by CAPART from Feb. 21-24,
1996 at Thrissur, Kerala.
★ Prof. S. K. Basu-Mallik, our Chair
man, attended the conference on Food
Security and Sustainable Agriculture :
"Towards The World Food Summit 1996"
organised by FAO and Danchurch Aid
in Copenhagen, Denmark from 3-7
March 1996.
★ Ms. Soma Bose participated in a
course on Design & Management of
Community Based Family Planning con
ducted by The Asian Centre, Bangkok,
Thailand from II Mar.-29 Mar. 1996.
★ Asian Cultural Forum on Develop
ment (ACFOD) of Bangkok held its 21st
PPP (People's Planning Prog.) in the
month of March this year in Kathmandu,
Nepal. Mr. D. Guha, one of our prog,
officers was nominated to attend the
seminar. The main focus of the forum is
to strengthen people's initiatives in de
velopmental planning. He was invited by
CORSO, one of our partners in New
Zealand. •
★ Prof. S. K. Basu-Mallik and Dr. (Mrs.)
Gauri Bhattacharya, Secy. IPWS and
Head, Dept, of Folk Music, Rabindra
Bharati University, Calcutta, left for New
Zealand on a lecture tour. Trade Unions,
Universities, Maori Activist Groups in
vited them to lecture on various subjects
pertaining to Social Anthropology, Edu
cation, Development and Culture of the
Indigenous People etc.Prof. Basu-Mallik
was also invited to speak on the Indian
Perspective of Globalization in a confer
ence : Alternative Forum on Free Trade
organised by GATT Watchdog,
Christchurch, New Zealand between
July 12 and July 14,1996.
★ Mr. R. Mallick led a team of 8 mem
bers reperesentating NGOs to partici
pate in the UN Habitat II Conference
held in Istanbul from 31 May -14 June
1996. The Conference was attended by
more than 6000 delegates from various
countries. The team participated in many
workshops and seminars organised
there and spoke on Eviction and Hous
ing Rights, Women and Housing etc.In
this connection Perspective Audiovisu
als and I EC Div. of PUDAR prepared
posters, banners and a 20 minute Video
Capsule "THE SHELTER" on Urban
Poor on Calcutta.The film was screened
on 10 June at the Conference Projec
tion Hall.
A 2-day orientation workshop on visual
literacy and introduction to media
activism (1st. module) was held at five
affiliate centres from Dec. '95 to Mar. '96.
The basic idea was to shatter the
misconceptions woven around rustic
ignorance vis-a-vis films, more
specifically documentaries. Another
objective was to facilitate articulation on
various social issues. The participants
were VLWs. of the project "In Search of
Food Security". The workshops were
designed and conducted by the I E C
Division.
TWO
12-DAY
LEADERSHIP
TRAINNING FOR VLWS & CO
ORDINATORS
12-day leadership training for VLWs and
Co-ordinators was organised in two
phases at IITD, Calcutta in Feb. and Mar.
1996. The objectives were to develop
conceptual clarity regarding Food
Security Management, Community,
Health & Nutrition, Community
Organistion, Community Leadership,
Self-reliance through self-help group
formation, Human Relation & Effective
Communication, Project Planning,
Management & Implementation. The
training programmes were designed by
our Training Cell and conducted by
WBVHA. 75 Field workers participated
in these camps.
CONVENTION ON HABITAT II
PUDAR in collaboration with CISRS
organised a preparatory conference
entitled "National Convention of the
Urban Poor in the context of Habitat 11"
from 7-9 March 1996, at Salt lake
Stadium, Calcutta.
Noted architect and activist, Mr. Kirti
Shah, Dr. Sudhendu Mukherjee,
eminent anthropologist, Dr. Vinay Lail,
Consultant to GO I for UN Habitat 11, Mr.
P. Chatterjee, Mayor of Calcutta spoke
on different aspects of Habitat. Also an
international delegation led by Ms Mario
Fides and Mrs. Alice. Murphy
representing Urban Poor Associates of
Philipines deliberated on the SouthEast Asian experience. More than 100
NGO and CBO representatives from
eleven Indian cities participated in the
REPORTS
convention. A Public Lecture was
FIVE 2-DAY WORKSHOPS ON VISUAL organjsed On the 9th March at the
LITERACY
Bangla Academy, Calcutta.
<Tl
S
be more articulate and exert more
power in the conduct of world affairs.
The oil-rich countries also attempted to
utilize their newly found economic power
to set the terms and write the rules
affecting trade, transfer of technology
and foreign assistance. The ideas of a
united Third World, which Nehru and
other legendary leaders fostered, gained
ground as did the concept of a more
just New International Economic Order
(NIEO), non-alignment and self-reliance.
2.5 A number of initiatives for common
action emerged from developing country
meetings at Algiers in 1973 and Sri
Lanka in 1976, resulting in Technical
Cooperation among Developing
Countries (TCDC) and Economic
Cooperation among Developing
Countries (ECDC). The mid 1970s also
marked the emergence of a new policy
approach to development which was
based on empirical studies that showed
it was possible for economies to have
rapid growth and attain a more equitable
distribution of income simultaneously.
Equity considerations were, for a while,
placed high on the agenda as was the
achievement of "basic needs" in
developing economies. These were
emphases that fostered food security
achievement.
2.6 The idea of an assertive and united
developing world capable of resisting
external intervention by both of the
dominant political blocs of the time was
frustrated by developments which led
to growing diversity among the
developing countries, and by ideological
and political confrontations among them.
Often while professing solidarity,
countries moved to uncoordinated
initiatives, sometimes in tune with
varying outside patrons, sometimes
not; meanwhile it became increasingly
obvious that there were no shortcuts to
successful nationhood and self-reliant
development and no recipe for a
successful developing-country btoc.
2.7 The 1980s saw a return to Cold War
tensions. The invasion of Afghanistan,
regional conflicts in the Middle East
and Central America, extended civil
wars in Angola and Mozambique, the
prolonged Iraq-Iran war, and internal
conflicts in Cambodia are examples;
the tensions resulted in a renewed and
extravagant armaments race. To this
day, the developing countries continue
to increase their military spending. The
United
Nations
Development
Programme (UNDP) reports that the
developing economies have increased
their defence expenditures by 8 percent
a year since 1960 and sub-Saharan
Africa, the region that can least afford
it, has increased the portion of its
regional Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
devoted to the military from about 0.7
percent in 1960 to about 3 percent
today. Most of these funds are not used
in guarding the country from outside
attack, but in fighting factions of their
own citizens. Every dollar spent for the
millitary is one less towards providing
for economic development and food
security. Ideological confrontations and
open conflict form the basis for much
food insecurity.
2.8 In Central and Eastern Europe and
the USSR of the 1980s, the twin
objectives of military strength and socio
economic progress proved increasingly
difficult to achieve simultaneously. The
resulting strains on centrally-planned
economic systems precipitated the
major transformations that began in the
late 1980s.
2.9 Meanwhile, in many of the developed
countries, the global recession of the
early 1980s was followed by an
unusually long period of sustained
growth, stability and integration that
strengthened their position in world
affairs.
2.10 Events of the latter part of the
1980s and early 1990s were among
the most momentous of the century. In
a short period, radical political and
economic transformations swept across
Eastern Europe and the Republics of
the former USSR. The principles of
centrally-planned
economic
management were abandoned in favour
of a more market-oriented approach.
The political complexities of the
transition were compounded by the
revolutionary and unprecedented
character of the institutional change
and the absence of a supporting political
and economic theoretical framework.
For most of these formerly centrallyplannned economies the initial phase
of the reform translated into profound
and polarizing dislocations.
2.11 Some feel that the nadir has now
been reached; to date privatization has
been accompanied by uneployment,
reduced production, lack of credit and
consumer and producer subsidies,
political instability, and growing
inegalitarianism in size distribution of
incomes and resources. These
phenomena challenge food security in
the region. Problems associated with
transition, especially in the former
USSR, have required the mobilization
of human and financial resouces and
have become a predominant concern
of the international community. In
addition, they have tended to divert
funds from sub-Saharan Africa, in
which development programmes have
done poorly and in which population
growth has consistently outrun
economic growth and food security is
most jecpardized.
2.12 Experiences in Central and Eastern
Europe and in Central Asia contrasted
sharply with that in China, where
economic reforms began in 1978. While
land remained in the hands of the state,
the Household Responsibility System
(HRS) broke communes into individual
farms and, in a major ideological shift,
encouraged profit maximization. The
HRS
(together
with
some
supplementary measures which
occured at the same time) contributed
to the lifting of millions of families out
of poverty during the 1980s when
people realized that they could consume
and invest the products of their labour
rather than ceding them to the state.
This major alteration of the farm-level
institution brought an effective end to
the free-rider problem which was a
major reason why farmers on jointwork
communes worked at less than their
capacity. Farm production rose rapidly
as a result, ultimately helping to fuel the
economic boom of the mid-and late1980s and the 1990s.
2.13 For most of Africa and Latin
America and the Caribbean, the 1980s
represented a decade of economic and
financial crisis. Indeed, a long period of
recession and adjustment followed
Mexico's admission that it had over
borrowed and under invested in the
1970s; in 1982 it could not continue to
make payments on its debt. The ' 1 ’
crisis spread quickly to other ct
I
KARNZ-kTAJGA state financial corporation
FINANCE TO EX-SERVICSHEN
1.
OBJECTIVE g
Ex-servicemen constitute an important target
group which deserves special attention in the matter
of institutional finance.
By providing financial assis
tance in the forms of Term Loan and Seed Capital on
soft terms/ the scheme aims at their resettlement with
starting of small scale industries including transport
and other services for gainful self-employment.
2.
ELIGIBILITYg
Ex-servicemen (including Widows of Ex—service
men) and disabled service personnel as defined by the
Government of India and sponsored for assistance under
the scheme by the Director General (Resettlement)/
Ministry of Defence/ Govt, of India/
(DG (R) ) after
screening by a committee constituted for the purpose/
are eligible to get assistance under the scheme.
3.
PURPOSES
New Industrial Projects in small scale sector
including transport and other eligible services, pro
posed to be set up by Ex-servicemen at a cost not excee
ding Rs.12 lakhs are eligible for financial assistance
under the scheme.
...2...
i
-24.
MAXIP4UM ASSISTANCE?
Maximum term loan assistance available under
this scheme is Rs.9 lakhs per project.
Projects costing
upto Rs. 50# 000/- are eligible to be covered under the
composite loan scheme with 100% finance.
5.
SEED CAPITAL ASSISTANCE?
a.
AMOUNT OF ASSISTANCE?
IDEI and DC (R) provide Seed Capital assistance
through SFCs 1 to meet the gap in the promoter1 s equityupto 15% of the., total cost of the project and subject
to a maximum of Rs. 1/80/000 per project (Rs. 90/000 each
from IDBI and DG(R) ) to maintain a debt equity ratio
of 3?1.
b.
MODE OF ASSISTANCE?
The Seed Capital assistance will be sanctioned
after satisfying the eligibility of Ex-servicemen and
viability of the project/ simultaneously along with
the normal term loan.
c.
RATE OF INTEREST?
It carries a nominal interest of 1% p.a.
However/ if the financial position and profitability
of the unit permit/ a higher rate of interest not
exceeding the applicable rate for normal term loan
will be charged.
v
-3d.
MORATORIUM AND REPAYMENT OF SEED CAPITAL s
The seed capital assistance will be repayable
over a period of 10 years including a moratorium period
of upto 5 years.
In the case of transport operators,
the seed capital has to be repaid over a period of
5 years including a moratorium period of 3 years.
e.
SECURITY?
Soft Seed Capital assistance under the scheme
will be unsecured.
Hence, charge on main security or
collateral security will not be insisted for grant of
Seed Capital assistance.
6.
APPLICATION PROCESSING FEE?
Application processing fee is charged at the
following rates?
Loan Amount
Processing Fee
Upto Rs. 10, 000
Nil
Above Rs.10/000 & upto Rs.40, 000
Rs. 100/-
Above Rs. 40, 000 & upto Rs. 2.00
lakhs
Above Rs. 2.00 lakhs
©
1/4% of the loan
amount
£
1/2% of the loan
amount
7.
SECURITY MARGIN?
A security margin of 25% will be retained
against the assets created out of the term loan
...4...
-48.
PROMOTER'S CONTRIBUTIONs
Promoter’s contribution under this scheme is
10% of the cost of the project.
9.
DEBT-EQUITY RATIO:
Debt-Equity Ratio applicable under the scheme
is 3 s1.
Central/State subsidies if any, will be
retained for working capital requirements.
10. RATE OF INTEREST:
The gross rate of interest applicable on term
loan is given below:
Area
Interest p.a.
a. Notified backward areas
13.5%
b. Forward areas
14.5%
For Transport Vehicles:
Irrespective of Location
13.5%
A rebato of 1% will be allowed on prompt
payment of instalments of interest or interest and
principal.
In case of default in payment of instal
ment of interest and/or principal. an enhanced interest
of l1/2% over and above the contract rate will be
charged on the defaulted instalments for the period
of default.
11.
MORATORIUM AND REPAYMENT:
The term loan will be repayable within a
period of 10 years including a moratorium period of
1 to l1/2 years.
X
-5-
12.
COMMITMENT CHARGE?
No commitment charge for any delay in
drawal of loan will be levied.
13.
TRAINING s
Ex-servicemen seeking financial assistance
under the scheme must have undergone EDP training orga
nised for them under the scheme.
Service personnel
nearing retirement age intending setting up projects
under the scheme will also be eligible for such training
facility.
Training expenses will be borne by DG (R)
and IDEI.
14.
SPECIAL INCENTIVE?
CONSULTANCY SUPPORT?
IDBI will arrange with TCO/SISI or other
approved agencies/ wherever necessary/ for consultancy
services including for preparation of project reports/
at a cost not exceeding Rs.2/ 500 per beneficiary.
Such
consultancy charges will be borne by IDBI
15.
ASSISTANCE TO TRANSPORT OPERATORS UNDER
EX-SERVICEMEN SCHEME?
Financial assistance under the scheme will
be extended in respect of co-operatives/companies of
Ex-servicemen (including Widows of Ex-servicemen) upto
a maximum of 20 vehicles per borrower.
contribution will be 10%.
*
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9 ■ (V^iM
A
An
Agenda
for
India
III
Re. 1
0
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//
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5(
This is a shortened end revised version of An
Agenda for India. The Agenda was first prepared in
1979 by a group composed of Romesh Thapar,
Rajni Kothari, Bashiruddin Ahmed, George Verghese, Kuldip Nayar and Mrinal Datta-Chaudhuri.
It was circulated to some 100 persons all over the
country for their comments and, after amendments
and adjustments, was published in Seminar in Janu
ary 1980, with 5(; people signing it. It was then dis
cussed in a national convention on April 1980, in
which some 2C0 persons representing diverse points
of view participated. This was in the nature of a
preliminary exercise.
The edited transcript of the discussions at the
convention was reproduced in the July 1980 issue of
Seminar. On the basis of this discussion, and com
ments received from those who could not attend the
convention, the Agenda was rewritten in the form
of a detailed 120 page monograph and put out by
the Steering Committee for the Agenda in March
1981. This has been widely reported in the press.
The present — third — version is a shorter and
more concise and focussed statement of the Agenda,
and to that end revised in parts. It appeared in the
August 1981 issue of Seminar. It is being publish
ed in the hope that it will provide a basis for sus
tained thought and discussion among political,
social activist, intellectual and other circles and
hopefully lead to a framework for an alternative
polity and a basis for concerted action on the part
of those who are interested in restructuring Indian
society towards a more just, humane and truly
democratic order.
The ideas and concepts in the Agenda are open to
modification and alteration in a changing situation.
1
?■
■" A X
■
A DIFFERENT kind of crisis faces India today. It
is a crisis of change, not of stagnation. It is a crisis
borne out of the incapacity of institutions to respond
to a deep and far-reaching process of social turmoil.
Having run its course, the old order has lost its
earlier consensus and legitimacy. Old relationships
are being questioned and so are the concepts and
symbols handed down by tradition and history. The
questionings come from a new awakening and a
new sensibility, a comprehensive search for a new
order, for new social content in the functioning of
institutions and new institutions for implementing a
new social agenda. India is in the throes of a crisis
alright but it is a crisis that is borne out of heighten
ed consciousness and a far-reaching response to the
democratic ideology. We should welcome the crisis
and turn it into a challenge and an opportunity.
That is the call of history.
The Challenge of Change’. During the last decade,
both political and economic processes have brought
sections of the peripheral and deprived social strata
into the active political community. The polity is
still less than the population but has grown beyond
the elites and upper classes that inherited the Raj to
embrace a wider circle of politically conscious and
economically powerful castes and classes which now
acquired a stake in the system. Certain middle
peasant castes have dramatically improved their
position, asserting equality of status and privilege
with the upper castes and mounting considerable
pressure for redefining rural-urban relations. At the
same time they are unwilling to extend the same
rights to the lower castes in both rural and urban
areas.
The broad lower tier of the social pyramid con
sisting of the poor and under-privileged and exploit
ed sections of the population is however no longer
willing to accept a submissive role. They are in turn
asserting their rights in relation to the dominant
structures of hegemony and control; they too want
to participate in the decisions that affect their
lives.
•
Accommodation is no longer possible within the
old structure which was narrowly cocooned in privi
lege. Millions remained, and continue to remain, out
side the system which has become ever more distant
and alien and has ceased to be meaningful for them.
2
No surprise then that the processes of change and
transformation should cause turbulence and tur
moil, and that once cherished attitudes and concepts
and institutions should be questioned. That such
challenge to established forms should occur at a
time when the elites themselves, in their scramble
for power and resources and unmindful of larger
considerations, feel incapacitated and bewildered at
the pressures building from below is not surprising.
For it is a challenge that is a direct result of a non
performing and a non-responding apparatus, a direct
consequence of the failure of the system to respond
to the new demands that were inherent in the
democratic process.
indeed, without such infusions from the bottom,
there seems to be little hope of change. The system
has failed to deliver for a long time now. Hopes of
top-down betterment have been belied because in a
highly divided society suffering not just from ex
tremes of want but also from inhuman social
arrangements, the ‘surplus’ that is generated is
either consumed in perpetuating the status quo or
is intercepted and diverted into the newly emergent
iniddle strata of society. The bottom tiers continue
to remain deprived.
The related theory of the benefits of large modern
investments radiating outwards was similarly belied.
These remained enclaves, cases of plenty unable to
transform a desert of want. Demonstrative measures
presumed to deliver social justice, and the competi
tion in radical slogan-mongering that followed, re
sulted in the growth of parallel systems: a parallel
economy based on black money, vote banks based
on electoral manipulation of the poor and the
socially discriminated, and a parallel structure of
political management based on a new breed of
politicians and dadas peddling in money and
violence.
The Issue of Democracy: If India is to grow into
a performing democracy, it will become necessary
to discard or alter those aspects of the system which
inhibit the attainment of distributive justice in a
framework of freedom while strengthening and
creating institutions and practices without which
this cannot be done. The present failure and crisis
have grown out of the incapacity of the modernist
elite — urban-based, western-educated and alienat
ed from the masses — to do this.
This elite seems also incapable of responding to
India’s immense size and complexity which have
come alive with increasing politicization. To im3
agine that India is a monolith that can or will
respond to omnibus firmans issued by a presum
ably omnipotent Centre, or even any of the State
capitals, is to ignore the reality of its inherent and
rich complexity.
Development, if it is not to degenerate into an
oppressive system which it has in large parts of the
world, must encompass all segments and interests
and blend them into a wider national perspective.
This is not possible without further elaboration and
institutionalization of the democratic framework.
Decentralization would therefore appear to be a key
instrumentality in making a smooth transition based
on strengthening the self-reliant capacities of the
people. The question is: what patterns and instru
mentalities are involved in moving towards a decen
tralized order? And decentralization of what? For
whom? Through what precise processes? These are
questions that take us to the heart of the whole
agenda of political and economic restructuring and
their inevitable intertwining.
The Issue of Decentralization'. The concept of
decentralization has often been criticized on the
ground that it might only promote localism and
sharpen exploitation by local dominant groups
without any of the restraints imposed by larger
agglomerations. Such warnings cannot be ignored
and every attempt should be made to overcome
such possibilities through accelerated development
arising out of the involvement of the people who are
more knowledgable about local conditions than
distant officialdom and extension agencies. But
aren’t those who criticize decentralization on
grounds of local dominance themselves dominating
the entire political and economic landscape from
the Centre and State capitals, a small urban middle
class elite that has had all the benefits of the present
structure and is hence unwilling to share power?
The risks of domination are always there in an
unequal society; the real issue is how and at what
levels can it be countered through the organized
strength of the poor and the under-privileged.
Decentralization is not a panacea for all the coun
try’s ills, but offers an obvious and fairly effective
starting point for reducing the stanglehold of exist
ing vested interests and imparting fresh vigour and
purpose to the system.
The mistake so far has been to consider decent
ralization in formal institutional and power terms
without a simultaneous attack on socio-economic
inequities. This is not our view of a decentralized
polity. We too are convinced that mere decentraliz4
ation of political power to the lower tiers of the
system will not by itself provide the requisite eco
nomic power to the people, although we do believe
that it is a necessary component of a reconstructed
social and economic order in which the people ex
ercise power instead of being at the receiving end of
a bureaucratically administered welfare State. We
are convinced that without such a political defini
tion of economic rights the latter will never be
achieved. Indeed, this can be taken as the point of
departure of this Agenda.
Economic Structure
It is necessary, then, to initiate the restructuring
of economic and social relations by placing it on the
agenda of democratic politics. For, the reasons
underlying the existing concentration of power at
higher levels — as well as the reasons that have so
far prevented the decentralization of administrative
and political power and legislative reforms affecting
land and property relations from being implemented
— are to be found in the prevailing socio-economic
structure. It is a structure which makes for depen
dencies based on property relations on the one hand
and access to State patronage on the other. The re
sult is that private economic privilege, social status
and State patronage all converge into a powerful
intermesh of interests. The mere devolution of poli
tical power will have little meaning if the existing
structure of economic power and social status and
privilege, and their close alliance with the State
apparatus, are left intact. It is to these substantive
dimensions that we shall now turn before laying out
any model of an alternative polity.
India’s chronic economic condition is epitomised
in growing poverty. About 48 per cent of the popu
lation or 308 million people continue to suffer the
scourge of poverty and their number grows about
5 million a year. Low productivity of means of pro
duction and a low rate of growth are only part of
the explanation of the unprecedented mass of
poverty. The main explanation is unequal distribu
tion of the means of production, and unjust terms
on which labour and capital combine to produce
wealth. These production relations account for the
slow and limited diffusion of productive technology.
They also account for the fact that the income gene
rated by production remains excessively concentrat
ed. The resulting imbalance between the growth of
productive capacity and the growth of mass pur
chasing power has already generated unreal sur
pluses and excess capacities, and decelerated
industrial growth.
5
Not that there have been no gains. Despite lapses
and a lot of slippage, the Indian economy has re
gistered progress in various aspects of agriculture
and industry and the development of a technological
base which stand us in good stead today. Even so,
development has been fitful and its gains have not
only been inequitably distributed but have benefitted
groups who have little stake in the further growth
of the economy. Today the traditional constraints on
growth have gone. There is both a grain as well as
a foreign exchange ‘surplus’ though threatened
from time to time. Yet, the economy is in trouble,
with the system itself acting as a constraint on
growth. There is urgent need for restructuring with
specific measures for the various sub-sectors of the
economy.
Land Relations: Almost 80 per cent of the popu
lation lives in rural India and some 72 per cent earn
their livelihood from the land. And yet after zamindari abolition in the 1950s, agrarian reform has
been stalled despite considerable legislation and end
less rhetoric. Ceiling legislation has been evaded
with benami transactions resulting in mass evictions
in certain areas. Vested interests and the absence of
accurate and up to date records of rights have
thwarted progress. The situation in the permanently
settled areas of eastern and southern India and the
plight of sharecroppers are particularly distressing.
Minimum wages are widely evaded. Some
advance has been made in distributing homestead
plots, but bonded labour survives in various garbs.
Tribal lands have been illegally alienated; rural
debts have not really decreased despite periodic
scaling down; and the small and marginal farmer
does not have equal access to available input sup
plies, credit, extension services and marketing faci
lities. Feudalism still reigns supreme in a State like
Bihar.
Redistribution'. A time-bound programme to
distribute the 5.5 million acres of surplus land
already identified is absolutely essential. The requir
ed machinery for this has been detailed in the first
report of the Land Reforms Committee (1978).
Additional surplus land (estimated to be around 20
million acres) should also be identified by plugging
loopholes in the legal definition of surplus land.
All personally cultivating tenants and share-croppers
should be given title-deeds conferring on them the
ownership of the lands they till on the basis of
quick,
on-the-spot, inquiries by appropriately
empowered authorities. The procedures can be
similar to those adopted in Kerala, West Bengal
6
and Karnataka. All currently cultivating tenants
can thus be made owners within five years.
Block-level committees and tribunals should be
appointed to implement land ceilings and tenacy
reforms. The landless and the tenants should have
at least 50 per cent representation on these bodies.
This is crucial. Experience of many countries shows
that by and large it is where the prospective
beneficiaries have participated in structural reform
that effective land reforms have been possible.
Employment: A Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme, on the (improved) Maharashtra pattern,
though avoiding the pitfalls of the scheme, must be
extended, in phases, to all regions of the country.
For the formulation of efficient full employment
plans for all blocks, techno-economic project formu
lation units must be established in all districts and
blocks. The plans must specially cover every poor
underemployed family on the antyodaya pattern. A
work, guarantee should be declared in a block as
soon as a block plan for full employment has been
made and approved.
Elementary Economic Rights: Access to the follow
ing items of infrastructure and social services must
be recognised as the elementary right of all,
especially of the deprived communities and the
rural poor:
1. an ample and clean water supply;
2. adequate health and nutrition and the neces
sary provision, costing and distribution of food
items for this;
3. literacy and elementary education, as well as
continuing adult education to generate awareness
of socio-economic rights and create opportunities
for continuous improvement of skills;
4. sanitation, with increasingly mechanised and
covered waste and sewage disposal and recycling
with a view to reducing the drudgery and social
stigma attached to them;
5. basic housing needs and commensurate ser
vices; and
6. access to energy, including alternative sources
of fuel and fodder, if the land and forests are to be
conserved.
Similar services and related infrastructure must
also be made available to urban slum-dwellers.
7
Organization of the Rural Poor: Such a minimum
programme of rural reconstruction cannot be
achieved by mere preaching or rhetoric. Crucial to
the whole enterprise is the organization of the rural
poor and the marginalised peasantry to enable them
to take direct actions to press and secure these
measures as their rights. A national fund for the
organization of the poor needs to be created to
support and sustain them regardless of political
affiliations. The funds so provided could be propor
tional to the judicially ascertained membership of
every union.
Similarly, widespread bondage, unpaid or lowpaid labour and purchase or sale of produce at
exploitative prices must be ended soon by a series
of coordinated actions. Workers released from
bondage should get guaranteed public employment
under employment guarantee schemes, and in the
event of their belonging to farm families, preferen
tial and subsidised allocation of credit, inputs and
technical assistance under marginal farmer schemes.
Institutions to meet the consumption credit needs
of the poor must be set up on the lines indicated by
the National Commission on Agriculture. Competi
tion in trading and money-lending must be intensifi
ed in backward areas by public alongside private
agencies, so that the poor have more options to
borrow, buy and sell on better terms. The problems
of the poor need to be tackled through a comprehen
sive effort at economic improvement, not by doles
meted out in a condescending and ma-baap style.
The customary rights of adivasis and hill-people
to gather freely and sell forest produce in demarcat
ed tracts must continue, for this is often their only
means of livelihood. If households are given
individual patches in a ‘tree reform’ analogous to
‘land reform’, and the allottees are given technical
help, recycled tree-farming will grow automatically.
Since official agencies have so far failed to imple
ment these measures, the rural poor, adivasis and
bonded workers must be politicised, unionised and
enabled to take direct actions to press and secure
these measures as their demands.
Industrial Policy'. The foregoing policies — and
politics — are essential ingredients of a direct
attack on poverty. But a high rate of growth of
production and investment is also a necessary,
though not a sufficient, condition for the eradic
ation of poverty. For breaking the low-growth
8
1
syndrome the following kinds of structural changes
would be necessary in the ’80s.
In production and investment as well as distribu
tion, a rational dualism should be the basic policy.
This would mean, in concrete terms, that whereas
about half or more than half of annual investment
may remain in the government sector, the rest of
the investment in the private sector should be pro
gressively freed from bureaucratic controls after a
quick examination of the social need and efficiency
of every control by a standing expert commission.
The crisis in the management of three vital
sectors — coal, power and transport — is now so
crippling that a rational dualism should be introduc
ed even in these sectors so that a reasonable fraction
of the capacity in these sectors may be allowed to
be owned and/or operated by the private sector in
competition with the public sector. Some of the
old and new mines can be thrown open to either
private management or professional cadres organis
ed along cooperative or self-management principles.
More private thermal, mini-hydel, solar and biogas
power units can be freely allowed to service parti
cular areas or sectors. This policy would quickly
augment capacity and relieve the unending misery
of coal and power consumers.
From the social point of view, absolutely identi
cal criteria (a minimum social rate of return and/
or minimum contributions to employment, equity
or self-reliance) must be used to assess the perform
ance of public as well as private enterprises. And,
therefore, in general, in all civilian production
sectors, private enterprises found inefficient along
these criterea should be brought under public control
and public sector enterprises found inefficient along
the same criteria, should be handed over to special
ized bodies of experts through a system of com
petitive bidding. Except in the armament sector,
dualist competition must in fact be introduced in all
sectors to ensure more rapid growth and operational
efficiency.
There is no case in .democratic socialist theory
for the State condemning the people for ever to
chronic shortages and despicable service and supply
standards maintained by callous and corrupt, irre
sponsible and rapacious, State monopolies. A
rational and competitive economic dualism of the
type indicated can bring some relief to the harassed
populace.
Another structural reform needed to keep up the
9
rate of investment is that savings invested in
scheduled assets should be made progressively
exempt from taxation (subject of course to reason
able ceilings) while consumption continues to be
heavily and progressively taxed.
And, finally, in order to promote industrial peace
as well as efficiency, it is essential that there be
national guidelines for wage contracts, linking all
increases in emoluments, in the organised public
sector and the private sector, to increase in objec
tive indices of performance in every industry, .
moderated where economically feasible by cost of
living indices estimated by expert bodies. Whenever
collective bargaining fails there must be rigorously
enforced compulsory, but time bound arbitration of
every dispute, conforming to national guidelines.
All systems of contract labour and other means
adopted to undermine unionised organization of
labour should be abolished.
In the corporate sector, a ceiling on assets con
trolled by top business houses must be administered.
And a law should be enacted to provide tax and
non-tax incentives for companies making their
permanent workers shareholders out of a part of
their gross profits. Public sector companies must
be directed to give a lead in this direction. This is
the only approach to true socialisation of industrial
property as distinguished from its mere governmentalisation which so frequently passes as
‘socialism’.
Technology'. Development in the 80s will have to
be steered with a heightened awareness of technology,
resource depletion and environment. India cannot
afford to repudiate modern technology but must
consciously determine the mix and pace of techno
logical change. The term ‘appropriate technology’
has often been misunderstood. What is appropriate
is not static but dynamic, changing with time,
space and sector. And what is appropriate may in
certain cases be the very latest and best. The un
lettered Indian farmer, for example, is operating
near the frontiers of technology. Likewise, there is
ho sensible alternative to current offshore drilling
technologies that India is employing, or to remote
sensing, and much else besides. But there are other
areas where bamboo borewells, biogas and improved
bullock carts might be the appropriate answer as
part of an overall mix. Nor are large-scale techno
logy and efficiency inflexibly tied. There are areas
where the economies of large scale operation are ■
overwhelming, and others where the small- is not
just beautiful but also more economical, in terms of
10
social benefits and costs. Only detailed studies can
determine the appropriate mix of techniques for
each sector.
Environment'. There is however one aspect of
- appropriateness on which there should be little dis
agreement. This relates to the choice of techniques
and modes of resource-use which do the least
violence to nature in the form of pollution and dis
figurement, and reduce the rate of net depletion of
non-renewable resources. Conservation must there
fore be made a key development concept and not a
fad. Forests, for instance, mediate between land and
atmosphere, moderate the climate, conserve mois
ture, produce humus, hold the soil, yield innumer
able products other than timber — edible, industrial,
medicinal — and constitute a social good and joy
in themselves. Our economic policies and elite life
styles have eroded all this and deprived the people
of their most primary rights. It is essential to
restore these to the Indian people and especially the
poor among them.
, Energy. The energy and transport sectors too are
composed of many layers and are in need of inno
vative handling in view of the oil crisis. India
obviously needs to use a lot more coal — of which
it has a sufficiency, though not a plentitude as some
imagine — and, more so, hydro-power. The neglect
of hydro-electricity (especially in view of its link
with water resource development, irrigation stor
ages and flood control) has been particularly strik
ing. Here is a huge block of cheap, clean, renewable
energy waiting to be tapped — a major asset, rela
tively unused. Unconventional sources of energy
are being sought but rather haltingly. The bio-gas
(as opppsed to the purely gobar gas) plant holds
out promise at a certain level, especially if human
and agricultural wastes, water hyacinth and weeds,
and crop residues can be recycled through them to
produce organic manure and fuel for domestic cook
ing and lighting and for operating small motors.
Social forestry and fuel plantations also offer great
possibilities and would be obvious means of tapping
solar energy — through photosynthesis. The option
fits with land use planning, ecological considerations
and employment generation and merits high
priority. Above all, it makes decentralization an
inherent feature of resource planning and popular
access and gives it tremendous potency for a socially
just and ecologically sustainable mode of develop
ment.
In short, development in the 1980s will have to be
steered with a heightened awareness of technology,
11
depleting resources and the environment. While
India cannot afford to repudiate modern technology,
it must consciously determine the mix and pace of
technological change and restrain modern techno
logy from becoming a Frankenstein.
Rural Development; The renewed emphasis on
rural development and raising the share of invest
ment in agriculture today derives not only from the
obvious point that food is the most basic need but
also from the fact that the accrual of income from
agriculture is fairly widespread and so is participa
tion. The bulk of the poor live in the rural areas
and are only loosely integrated with the non-agricultural sectors of the economy. The major thrust
of the poverty eradication strategy, and of the
specific programmes for particular poverty groups,
will therefore have to be rural. •
Restraints on Consumption’. Taxation must level
down as much as level up. There has to be a mas
sive income transfer through fiscal policy to the
most needy sections of the population through a
corresponding transfer from unnecesssary private
consumption to a level of social consumption that
permanently improves the lives and capabilities of
the poor. It is difficult to ask people to work for an
acceptable minima when others flaunt their wealth
and status.
Basic Needs Strategy: The basic needs program
me and public distribution system (including foodfor-work) are instrumentalities for effecting such an
income transfer in order to promote equity and
socially desirable consumption - of education,
health, nutrition, housing and elements of social
security. Distributive justice is imperative not
merely on moral considerations but on political and
economic grounds as well. An unequal society will
be riddled with group tensions that must at some
stage burst the bounds of tolerance. Conversely, a
sense of movement towards more equitable and less
oppressive social and economic relationships has
been shown to be a powerful spur to mass endeav
our. If India is to move, the masses must move; and
if the masses are to move they must be inspired to
move. They will no longer be driven.
Eradicating Poverty: All such policies are essen
tial ingredients of a direct attack on poverty.
Democracy, equity and the quality of life can have
no meaning without human sustenance and growth,
without moving the society out of economic stag
nation and exploitation. There is no contradiction
between bread and freedom but the prospects of
12
democracy are dim indeed if the ranks of the poor
keep growing and their condition keeps deteriorat
ing. It is, therefore, imperative that the structural
changes discussed earlier be carried through so that
the economy moves out of the low-growth, high
social injustice syndrome in the current decade.
Health'. Nothing is more crucial to well-being, in
deed survival itself, than health. Yet this is one as
pect of social life that has been woefully neglected
in India. The debilitating and disabling repercus
sions of ill-health on the economy in terms of low
productivity and stamina and high absenteeism,
morbidity, morality and human suffering has seldom
been calculated. The results of protein-calorie mal
nutrition are pitiably evident, though the greater
part of the damage caused to the physical and in
tellectual growth of the population has not been so
obviously measured. To strain for material im
provements in living standards while accepting an
impaired quality of life at the threshold is a con
tradiction in terms.
Health Delivery. The Indian health system is an
inverted pyramid resting on hospitals, highly trained
doctors and expensive drugs, mostly concentrated
in and around the towns and cities and better-off
sections within them. There are more doctors than
nurses on the Indian medical register and the medi
cal outreach excludes the vast bulk of the population
in any effective sense. There are some 180,000 regis
tered practitioners of modern medicine of whom 80
per cent are located in urban India while the 576,000
villages are served by the rest. Some 20,000 or more
doctors are abroad while over 10,000 of them are
unemployed and listed in the live register of the
employment exchanges. And this in a country where
health for most people is permanently at risk and
where the infant mortality rate at 138 per 1000 is
amongst the highest in the world.
It is no use blaming the doctors, although the
medical establishment is powerful, like its counter
parts in other professions, and conservative. The
system is wrong. Health is not accorded a priority
rating appropriate to its true importance. And
vested interests, as in all other areas, are strong and
articulate.
Whatever their conceptual and operational short
comings, the recently launched Community Health
Volunteer Scheme and the draft National Health
Policy (1979) strike out in the right direction. Of
course India needs more and better medicare; but
without denying this it is possible and necessary to
13
argue for better health care. The switch from cura
tive to preventive, promotive and community health
is therefore right. Likewise, the effort to democratise
and decentralise the delivery system by helping each
community to become health conscious and begin
to take care of its own health through community
workers who belong to the neighbourhood.
Education and Equity: Structural change is a multi
dimensional concept and must simultaneously attack
on both the material basis of life and the role of
consciousness in restructuring the material base.
Crucial to any structural change is the role of edu
cation. Our founding fathers saw universal literacy
and a minimal thereshold of educational opportu
nity as a necessary (even if by itself-inadequate)
foundation for equity. The target has not been met
and, on current showing, may not be realised in the
near future. There are an estimated 240 million
illiterates in the country. The leeway needs to be
made good with the least possible delay.
Adult Education: While formal education is im
portant, adult education (as opposed merely to
literacy) has become a social and economic impera
tive. Few programmes are more germane to equity
and social change. It is true that the general proces
ses of development, the opening up of the country
side and the spread of communications have resulted
in the steady growth of social and political consci
ousness. However, ignorance, superstition and
inertia still hold down millions of people who, while
being aware of their condition, continue to accept
their continuing exploitation and destitution. They
have to be made aware of their human, constitu
tional, legal and civic rights and encouraged, in fact
organised, to assert them.
Consciousness-raising at all levels is therefore the
prime task, but nowhere so much as at the submerg
ed base of the social pyramid. People have to know
that they are being exploited by their fellow-beings
and that they have the right and command the
means to change their condition. This is the begin
ning of democracy and social justce.
Towards a New Pedagogy'. Few topics generate
such indignation in urban parlours as the state of
education in India today. Parents, teachers, politi
cians and the public generally clamour for educa
tional reform. Unfortunately they have been looking
in the wrong direction for change. Educational
reform is basically a political issue and relates to the
values a nation seeks and the skills with which it
equips the people in order to enable them to fulfil
14
. their aspirations. Macaulay set the trend of edu
cation for a ruling class which has essentially conti
nued to this day. It caters to an elitist system and
is therefore necessarily top-down. Like much else, it
is imitative and curiously unrelated to the Indian
environment, a transplant.
The pattern of formal schooling with its single
point entry, sequential progress, and full time re
quirement denies access to many and compels others
to drop out for social and economic reasons. The
educational process is marked by progressive subsi
dies: and higher education, in the memorable words
of the Education Commission, has become a substi
tute for work rather than a preparation for it. Ac
cording to recent estimates, barely 20 per cent of
those enrolling in Class I matriculate. The wastage
is enormous. While education upto the middle or
matriculation level should be a right, higher educa
tion should be thought of as a privilege that must
be earned or at least paid for without State subsi
dies. Jobs should be delinked from degrees and
employers or some other national agency could
organise objective tests as a basic for selection.
Neighbourhood Schools: A common school system
is necessary and even if not immediately possible
must be accepted as a short-to-intermediate range
educational goal. It has been argued that it serves
nothing to incapacitate or close down public schools
and other private schools of quality and that the
real task should be to level up. But the problem lies
in the social exclusiveness bred by those institutions
that foster a different and, by contrast, elitist cul
ture. Levelling up, though necessary, would still re
sult in two parallel systems, perhaps equal but
nonetheless separate. The answer would lie in deve
loping better neighbourhood schools and giving
their students some preference in admission to vocar
tional and professional institutions and universities
and for purposes of public employment.
Social Restructuring
No less important than economic, technological
and educational restructuring is the whole question
of structural change in the social order itself. In
deed, in some ways this is the crucial sphere. For,
the big issue facing India is the increasing inequity
of the social order. The achievement of an equitable
social order has to be a central and direct goal, the
concept of development having failed to bring it
about. Likewise, the closely related concept of fra
ternity. If equity connotes sharing, fraternity con
notes a wider sense of community and a positive
15
opportunity for cultural growth for all sections of
the people. There has so far been a rather limited
focus on fighting communalism and casteism and
promoting ‘integration’ Important as these con
cerns are, they cannot in fact be adequately dealt
with in the absence of a larger framework of iden
tity and allegiance.
Women: The unfavourable and steadily declining
sex ratio — that is the number of women per 1000
men in the population — in all States, except
Kerala, is evidence of a tradition of social discrimi
nation which must be ended. The status of women
is more than a matter of‘women’s lib.’ An enhanc
ed, dignified and confident status for women in
social and economic terms is necessary for liberat
ing society and promoting positive social change.
Dalits'. The dalits and adivasis constitute a vast
submerged, under privileged mass that largely make
the base of the social pyramid and account for 15
and 7 per cent of the total population respectively.
Untouchability stands abolished under the Con
stitution but social practice still sadly trails behind
the law to the country’s shame. Nor is reservation
the final answer, useful though it is, and will conti
nue to be for some time, in inducting these histori
cally submerged strata into the administration, the
public sector and institutions of higher learning
and in producing an elite that any community needs
in its struggle for social justice. The real solution
lies in further politicization, education, organization
and mobility through the opening up of new avoca
tions. The dalits themselves are not a monolith but
an internally stratified community with several caste
gradations within the larger definition. The proces
ses of change must reach out to all segments from
the bottom upwards.
Even today, many landless agricultural labourers
and rural artisans, mostly marginalised Harijans,
migrate to the cities as much in search of a new life
with dignity as of employment and income. Anony
mity and transplantation to a new social milieu
gives them opportunity for a fresh beginning. On
the other hand, urban and industrial employment
also makes possible unionisation with sufficient
clout and imparts dignity and pride of identity.
‘Atrocities’ on the dalits and other underprivileged
groups generally implies a pre-emptive strike by
dominant castes against their former serfs or ser
vants who now demand equity, minimum wages,
human and legal rights, access to development and
the right to participate. Rape too is becoming as
16
much a political act as a consequence of lust, a
crude and violent demonstration of overlordship, a
last show of authority. But these too must come to
pass. Basic to all this is a pervasive sense of threat
among the dominant castes (including and often
especially the ‘backward’ castes) who then act
ruthlessly in an effort to stem the tide. It is time
they realized the futility of such action, accept the
logic of democracy and the dalits as integral parts
of the social order. If they don’t they will be the
ultimate losers in the long suppressed anger of
resentment and revenge that follows.
Tribals: If the dalits have been grossly and con
tinuously exploited, the tribals have in addition
often been ignored. This is no longer possible.
Tribal India is stirring and seeking new alignments
and forms of political and social expression as it
struggles to reassert a lost identity. What is happen
ing in the North-East is only one facet of a larger
awakening and ferment that is rapidly manifesting
itself through the predominantly tribal belt of
middle India. Development and the construction of
border roads for security reasons have opened up re
mote and inaccessible tribal regions. Dam sites and
mineral deposits tend to be in the hills and forests
and projects for their exploitation have resulted in
an extractive, export-oriented, colonial-type pattern
of development. Forests have been devastated in
response to pressures on forest departments to aug
ment commercial revenues or on account of the
greed of forest contractors. Apart from the ecolo
gical need for a more conservation oriented and
protective forest policy, unthinking inroads into
forests have offended tribal sentiments and been
seen as a threat to their culture and homelands.
The situation in the North-East is particularly cri
tical and has not been properly understood. Follow
ing independence, the small tribal populations on
the rim of the Brahmaputra and Barak valleys found
themselves involuntarily absorbed in a concept of
nationhood that they took time to comprehend. In
turn their reaction was mistakenly interpreted by
the metropolitan power as rejection or secessionism,
especially as the areas in question lay along sensitive
international boundaries.
There is much offence to the tribal sense of dig
nity. Jharkhand and Bastar are instances in point.
These mineral rich areas have attracted huge invest
ments in the coal, steel and railway sectors, with
supporting power and communications systems
Large areas have been acquired and modern town
ships built for the in-migrant population of skilled
17
workers, professionals, traders, contractors, entre
preneurs and administrators who have inevitably
followed. The local people, with a significant ele
ment of scheduled tribes and castes among them,
have been economically and politically swamped.
They may have been compensated for their lands
but have had nowhere to go. They have been trap
ped in drink and indebtedness and the naturally free
ways of their women have been sexually exploited.
This cultural rape of innocent communities has
been a major social tragedy. The resultant coming
together of tribals and Harijans as communities of
oppressed people is no accident, whether as dalits in
Western India or as part of the Jharkhand or
Uttarakhand movements in the east.
The Issue of Culture'. The interrelationship bet
ween culture, development and transformation
merits far more perceptive study and reflection in
political thinking and administrative protocols.
Ethnicity is a legitimate human response and does
not necessarily have to be viewed with suspicion
except where it degenerates into regional chauvi
nism, which must be resisted. This distinction
between legitimate cultural aspirations of a whole
people and chauvinism of entrenched elites applies
equally to India’s federal relations (on which more
later).
There has been a tragic failure to understand the
processes of acculturation and instead a display of
impatience and cultural arrogance in dealing with
highly complex and delicate problems of nation
building. It is easy, even if unconsciously, to think
of ‘we’ and ‘they’ and to invite ‘them’ to join ‘the
national mainstream’. India is not merely a geo
graphical entity but must be seen as a political
space large and bountiful enough to accommodate,
honour and cherish a diversity of cultures. Here,
again, political and economic decentralization would
give considerable local satisfaction while imagin
ative use could be made of the fifth, sixth and
seventh schedules of the Constitution to create
appropriate building blocks with which to cons
truct a richly variegated yet strong and secure
national edifice.
The Muslims'. Religion has been possibly even
more divisive than caste and tribe, certainly in
modern India. The ‘communal problem’ is rooted
in historical memory with different communities
harking back to some earlier golden age when
‘they’ ruled the land. The mistaken notion that
certain periods of history ‘belonged’ to certain
communities has been fostered in the division of
18
Indian history into periods inaccurately described as
‘Hindu’, ‘Muslim’ and ‘British’. This reading of
history as no more than the glory or tyranny of
kings ar.d dynasties ignored the sweep of social
history, the story of peoples and movements and
their response to change.
The Issue of Secularism’. Independent India
perhaps rightly proclaimed itself a secular State.
However, the whole concept of secularism has been
somewhat narrowly conceived in Indian political
thought as separation of church from State- there
being no established faith — and equal respect for
all religions. These are commendable principles,
but inadequate in themselves and have, in the
absence of a broader social theory or ideology,
given rise to the belief that the role of the State and
society is somewhat negatively to safeguard secular
ism instead of more actively seeking to promote it.
Hence the attitude of leaving the minorities alone
within a restricted separate-but-equal frame.
In part this is understandable. For, in the pres
sing preoccupation with fighting communalism as
manifested in bloody riots and group tensions, an
environment conducive to a more positive approach
has not been available. But it is necessary not to
postpone this too long. The clue'lies in the state
of the Muslim mind following a long period of
Hindu-Muslim political rivalry and the two-nation
theory. Shaken, bewildered and largely bereft of
the modernising Muslim elite (which went to Pakis
tan) or even the feudal elite (which was disposses
sed by the integration of the princely States and the
abolition of zamindari), the mass of Muslim Indians
retreated into a ghetto, aloof and isolated, depen
dent on the traditional religious orthodoxy for
leadership and clutching symbols such as Aligarh,
Urdu and personal law. Theirs was and still is an
identity crisis. As for the political and intellectual
elite that emerged after 1947, it seems to have taken
or played a rather opportunistic role. Harping on
their minority status and putting on a progressivistic mask, these politicians and intellectuals remain
alienated from the wider community and have only
contributed further to the identity crisis.
Economic causes have of course reinforced such a
state of the mind. In a situation of shortage of
jobs and opportunities, Muslims have been discri
minated against positively, as well as negatively, in
so far as each caste or regional or linguistic group
tended to discriminate in favour of its own kind.
With fewer Muslims in positions of patronage,
their share of the spoils was necessarily small. Even
19
here, however, there is a more important reason at
work. The community has failed to compete.
Having stepped on to the modernising escalator of
higher education and professional and technical
training rather later than others, Muslim Indians
found themselves disadvantaged and therefore
unwilling to offer themselves for competitive opport
unities. The feeling of discrimination worked back
wards into a state of resignation even with regard
to the utility of investing on education and training.
Aligarh and Urdu are important symbols - a fact
dramatically brought home by the fierce battles
over bestowing a special minority status to the
Aligarh Muslim University. But, essentially, both
are marginal to the real problems of the Muslims,
and in some respects highly detrimental. The real
problems are rooted in the massive educational,
economic and social backwardness of the commu
nity. The number of Muslim children in schools is
low while the drop out rate is higher than for other
communities. Proportionately fewer Muslims matri
culate and fewer still go in for higher and technical
or professional education. The figures of Muslim
women’s education is even more dismal. Corres
pondingly, it would be foolish to believe that
symbolism or cosmetic solutions, with a few out
standing Muslims rising or being elevated to high
places, is a sufficient answer to a real and substan
tive problem.
Again, especially after partition, the Muslims
have become a relatively more urbanised commu
nity. With the collapse of artisan trades in which
they were often concentrated, they are not qualified
nor have they been consciously helped to move into
other more dynamic or new sectors. These are the
directions in which deliberate policies and program
mes need to be enunciated.
Meanwhile, the very concept of majority and
minority needs to be reviewed. In national terms,
Hindus may be said to constitute the major com
munity. But to interpret the term Hindu as a mono
lithic entity in all circumstances would not be
correct. There are numerous caste and regional
variations. Moreover, regional and local majorities
may differ from the notional national majority.
Thus the dominant national minority, the Muslim
Indians, is the majority in Jammu and Kashmir,
though a minority in Jammu and the Leh tehsil.
Christians constitute the majority in Mizoram and
parts of Kerala; Sikhs in Punjab; and so on. At the
micro level, which is the operational level of poli
tical and social action to a great extent, the ground
20
truth defies any simple definition of majority or
minority. This is equally true of ethnicity and
language and is a point that merits wider under
standing. This can take place only if the crucial
centres of decision-making move down.
Urbanization: India, like most other developing
societies, is witnessing the runaway growth of what
has been described as inadvertent cities — refugee
camps for the landless and marginalised rural popu
lation who are being squeezed out of the country
side, and others in search of fortune. They are
by and large running away from, rather than going
to something. The graduated stages of migration
from the village, to the central village, to the
market town and so on through the district centre,
the State capital and the regional metropolis have
given way to a single-step movement from the
remotest village to squatter settlements and rural
dormitories in the metropolis. Effective systems of
urban government have simply broken down and
the cities cannot cope whether it be in terms of
housing, civic services, employment or crime.
Rural growth involves the development of service
centres and small and medium towns. The latter
have considerable potential and could serve as
dispersal areas for rural-urban migration, offering
economic opportunity and a quality of life that
make them attractive. The need is to move from
the sharp dichotomy between city and country-side
to a structure of settlement and habitation which
is based on thousands of composite rural-urban
clusters which make for a truly decentralised yet
integrated planning of human space. Urbanization
is not an evil. Indeed, it is important that the
countryside be urbanised so that the percentage of
population dependent on agriculture begins to dec
line well before the end of the century. But the
unbalanced growth of a few metro centres should
be checked.
Decentralization would naturally foster such
trends. Further, there has to be a complete over
haul of municipal administration which must be
vested with more executive and financial powers for
purposeful urban government with genuine local
participation. A meaningful national capital region
and autonomous city-government status for certain
metropolitan centres would be desirable in order to
provide flexibility and to cater to the special needs
of these large and influential communities and pre
vent their dominating the hinterland around them.
At the other end of the scale, we must plan for a
21
new village movement that uplifts the social and
economic level of the basic units of settlement from
their present abysmal condition.
To glorify the
existing or traditional Indian village is to escape
from reality. India’s 576,000 villages are certainly
not necessarily socially harmonious or economically
viable units of human settlement any longer. They
are highly stratified and often too small even for
minimal modern infrastructure. Many villages are
really hamlets that could be more meaningfully
aggregated in social clusters that become the basis
for both local planning and local self-government.
Political Restructuring
Such then are the substantive dimensions of the
agenda of restructuring the Indian polity. It will
be seen that the multiple challenges posed by the
politicization of India’s social fabric, whether it be
in respect of eradicating poverty and the many
layers of inequity through organizations of the poor
themselves, or in respect of providing minimum
standards of health and education through alter
native systems, or again in dealing with the complex
issues of caste, ethnicity and religion through
organized action by the affected strata, or the fast
deteriorating state of the natural environment which
again hurts the same strata, it is only through a
highly differentiated and decentralized effort that
the serious problems facing Indian society can be
dealt with.
At the same time our review of the socio-econo
mic scene makes clear that such a model of a de
centralized social polity will have to be struggled
for all along, and perceived as a process that builds
from below upwards, not a dispensation from above
provided by the existing elite that controls the State
apparatus.
Crisis of the Indian State: The Indian State has
already become a source of munificence and plunder
by a small, homogenous, urban-based elite —
political, bureaucratic, financial and technocratic.
To no small extent can the perpetuation of poverty
and deprivation, of shortages and inflation, and of
a thriving parallel economy, be traced to this
transformation in the nature of the Indian State.
If the present relationship between economic and
politico-bureaucratic tendencies is allowed to con
tinue, it will not be long before a virtual siege of
the State by a small coterie would take place as has
indeed already happened in a number of other
Third World societies. The only difference here is
that, thanks to the massive politicization of the
22
lower classes and the deprived strata of society,
there is already under way a raging conflict between
those who would profit from such a structure of
economic and political patronage and those who
would not. This is leading to rising unrest, violence,
insecurity and uncertainty, to the unsettling of
institutional relations, a choking off of communi
cation channels and growing isolation of various
strata and regions, all of this producing conditions
of gradual erosion and ultimate collapse of the
State.
In a vast, socially heterogenous and multi-layer
society, a State can be built and made viable only
through a harmonious blending and sustained
interplay of its multiplicity. Unity in such a
society is achieved by at once rooting it in its
diversity and enervating this diversity through a
new cultural thrust that is operationalized through
a set of institutions, codes of conduct and norms of
interaction that are widely accepted, and an elite
that continuously mediates in ordering the chang
ing equations of these interactions under condition
of social transformation which essentially takes
place at the lower levels of the polity. The
democratic political process in such a society must
of necessity operate at so many levels in territorial
and political space, and through a variety of
organisations in socioeconomic space, in all of
which the people feel enabled to participate and
take decisions that are based on certain norms of
propriety and justice.
4
It is necessary to draw the structural and cultural
implications of this argument. The usual dicho
tomies drawn between centralization and decent
ralization, and between secular and parochial
identities, are uncalled for in our situation. For,
in point of fact, these polar opposites need to be
organically integrated and ordered through a given
‘system’. A strong centre cannot be built except
by drawing upon the vast resources and diverse
skills of the people through a multi-tier and multi
sectoral corpus of institutions; a centre that stands
aloof and uninformed becomes alien, loses touch
and increasingly fails to command allegiance and
loyalty.
On the other hand, a decentralized institutional
model cannot ever function effectively or prevent
being captured by narrow vested interests except by
being organically tied to a functioning federal
framework of institutional linkages and policy in
itiatives. This necessitates a viable State apparatus
and a stable centre; in the absence of such ancho23
rage, decentralization could well lead to fragmen
tation, promiscuous power games and violent social
collisions that discredit the whole political process.
Similarly, for the State to acquire secular autho
rity over a large and diverse terrain of caste and
community orientations, it is necessary for it not to
suppress their interplay but to order it through the
political process. A sustained process of politiciza
tion only serves to undermine the caste system by
generating pressures for social and economic change
and new psychological orientations at the base of
society. But once the larger institutional framework,
within which the processes of politicization and
social change went on, begins to get eroded, paro
chial identities once again re-emerge and take on
more exclusive and defiant postures. This is what is
currently happening in India with caste groupings
taking on an aggressive posture, and collisions bet
ween communities taking on communal overtones
and local party leaders and dadas taking advantage
of all of this. Once this happens, the electoral pro
cess gets distorted, the fear of losing votes of this
or that community leads to irrational postures and
deeply affects public policy, and such politicking
upsets the fine balance of the social fabric itself.
Beyond the Westminster Model: We have delibe
rately tried to relate the socio-economic changes we
face with the need to restructure the Indian State
from its present condition of increasing dissipation
and atrophy. For one thing, such a linkage provides
major clues to the effort that lies ahead, both in
respect of restructuring and transcending the present
systems. The restructuring relates to restoring the
balance between the central initiatives necessary in
operating a modern State and the participatory and
politicizing role of the party system, local institu
tions and local elites. The transcending relates to
the need to move out of the Westminster model of
parliamentary democracy and start new processes
— leading to new structures — that can channelize
the deep stirrings and heightened consciousness of
our people.
For, while the mainstream political process has
been stymied, a new political climate has arisen in
the country in the wake of (a) a greatly increased
perception among the people at large of the value
of politics in the struggle for social change and (b)
a growing perception among grass roots activists
about the need to link micro movements of cons
tructive work, rural conscientization and organiza
tion of the poor to the larger movement of social
transformation that is consciously perceived as a
24
political process, a different kind of political process
than the one in which political parties are engaged,
but a political process nonetheless. The task now
is to make these mass stirrings and the new activism
that is emerging at the grass roots the basis of an
alternative political process and as the, ‘crisis of the
State’ deepens, make that process the catalyst of a
new State structure.
>
Nature of Democracy: The challenge we face in
the eighties is of simultaneously building a viable
State, a functioning democracy and a dynamic pro
cess of socio-economic restructuring. The concept
of democracy that we ought to work with cannot
be limited to the functioning of political institutions
but must extend to processes of socio-economic
transformation from below. In short, the task be
fore the intelligentsia, the micro movements that
are stirring the countryside, the middle class conscientizers working at the grass roots, the mass
organizations of workers and peasants and of speci
fic underprivileged strata, as well as individual poli
tical workers who find common cause with these
movements, is to engage in this large process of
building a viable social democratic State.
Institutional Pattern of a Decentralized Polity:
Having established the larger social contours of res
tructuring the Indian State, we may at the end turn
to the forms and pattern of decentralization that are
needed to meet the situation we face. It is a pattern
that should take us beyond the constraints of the
present Westminster model. It would, of course,
need to be made up of many elements. Although
India is a union of States, there was an unstated as
sumption favouring a more liberal federal polity in
the early years of Independence. However, thanks
both to the inherent centralizing tendency of the
Westminster model and the steady erosion of the
democratic process in both party and governmental
functioning, as well as the growing corruption of
party and electoral politics and the State apparatus,
there has taken place a massive confrontation of
political and economic power in Delhi. This power
is concentrated in the hands of a small coterie of influentials, which in turn is financially dependent on
both indigenous and foreign agents of corporate
capitalism. A presidential government, possibly on
the French model, has been advocated from time to
time, partly on grounds of providing stability to the
political system which is seeing the end of a long
period of one party dominance and is caught up in
the phenomenon of defections. The prescription is
misplaced as it would only further strengthen cen
tralization of authority, and thereby pave the way
25
for authoritarianism, whereas the basic restructur
ing needed is in the direction of decentralization
and the strengthening of people’s organisations.
The main point in dealing with the federal politi
cal process, and making it an instrument of social
transformation, is to reverse the conception of
democracy from a top-down structure of conces
sions and cooptations to one that provides a frame
work for enabling the people to come into their
own. Such a reversal would provide the key to our
conception of decentralization and also ensure that
it is multifacetted. The social dimensions of such a
reversal have been dealt with. It is to the political
and territorial aspects that we now turn.
States Reorganization: The existing States came
into being largely as a result of the integration of
princely States and a subsequent reorganization on
the single principle of language. The reorganized
structure failed to relate size to social and economic
homogeneity, communication, manageable distance,
between State capital and the rural hinterlands,
ease of participation and administrative efficiency.
The vast geographical spread of certain States and
the huge and growing population of others consti
tute serious handicaps. Uttar Pradesh has a popu
lation of over 100 million which is likely to reach
140 million by 2000 A.D. It is clearly of grotesque
and unmanageable proportions. Smaller units
would automatically bring the administration nearer
the people, stimulate participation and development
and provide more cohesive and stable governments.
The striking differences in population size bet
ween States is destructive of a more even federal
balance as between the units. There is no one opti
mal size as such but populations of around 15 to 25
million would seem desirable, though there need be
no bar to smaller units which in fact already exist.
Additional costs would be more than offset by gains
in efficiency, democratic access and participation,
and the economic and cultural energy that would
get generated.
Districts: If the States are unwieldy, districts and
blocks also suffer from problems of size. There were
some 300 districts at the time of Independence and
there are just over 400 today. Despite some conse
quent reduction in size, an average district still has
a population of 1.5 million (and likely to touch two
million by 2000 A.D.) while some have populations
of three and four and, in one case (24-Parganas),
eight million. Likewise, certain sparsely populated
districts sprawl over vast areas: Kutch, Barmer,
26
Ladakh. There is need to move towards a viable
administrative span in terms of numbers and area
through a programme of district reorganization
which will lead to the creation of 200 to 400 addi
tional districts which would however provide a
homogenous and effective framework of participa
tion. The touchstone should not be numbers but
optimum size; not cost but cost-effectiveness.
The Third Tier: Although the States clamour for
autonomy, they are not themselves willing to decen
tralize power to the districts and below. There is
need to amend the Constitution and make the dis
trict a third tier of government with directly elected
zilla parishads and a responsible executive on the
pattern of Central and State level councils of minis
ters. Requisite functions and responsibilities should
be devolved to the districts through a new Schedule
or by amending the Seventh Schedule.
Panchayati Raj: Panchayati Raj was inaugurated
in 1959 and municipal administration far earlier.
Neither has been given a fair trial. Few States were
serious about Panchayati Raj even at the start while
some, where the experiment proved likely to suc
ceed, backed down and emasculated the independent
powers of the zilla parishads. The principal obstruc
tion has been the fear of losing or sharing power
and patronage. State leaders and even MLAs do
not favour the prospect of being undercut at the
grass-roots. Elections may or may not be held, and
elected bodies can be superceded at will. It is neces
sary to take the holding of elections to Panchayati
Raj bodies outside the purview of State govern
ments and entrust it to either the Election Com
mission or the State units thereof. This will ensure
independence and regularity in the conduct of elec
tions and make the functioning of democracy truly
multi-tier.
Urban Self-Government: Like Panchayati Raj in
stitutions, corporations and municipalities have
limited powers and less protection. In some res
pects, the problems are even more serious in the
cities. Much municipal legislation is far behind the
times and is hardly conducive to nurturing strong,
viable and purposeful local bodies, a large majority
of which continue to be suspended with no elections
held for years. The concept of urban government is
yet to develop, and little has been done to try and
establish a viable urban-rural nexus within regional
planning networks. We have, in a preceding section,
laid out a design for such restructuring.
There is need to appoint statutory finance com-
27
mittees in all States to decide upon resource allo
cations to individual districts and local bodies in
the light of their revenue potential and needs follow
ing the award of each Finance Commission. And
municipal elections should also be in the charge of
the Election Commission.
Electoral Reform: The new politics of the emerg
ing polity we envisage demands electoral reform.
The present system has been vitiated by soaring
costs which have made money an arbiter of success
and have thereby opened the door to questionable
and underhand methods of fund raising and corrup
tion with a high multiplier. Violence and the mani
pulation of vote banks have followed. Caste and
other parochial sentiments have been exploited.
Parties have been formed merely as electoral
machines in order to seize power with little commit
ment to ideologies or programmes. Defections have
been an inevitable consequence.
All this has turned attention to cost-saving pro
cedures such as cutting down the period of the poll.
Two other suggestions have been advanced. The
first relates to State funding of electoral expendi
tures incurred by recognized parties at the national
and State levels on agreed lines. The second propo
sal favours introduction of the partial list system
whereby half the seats are directly elected and the
other half indirectly, through party slates or lists.
The Chief Election Commissioner has formally
made a number of proposals on these lines which
merit urgent political consideration and decision.
Smaller and hence a larger number of constitu
encies that emphasise the feature of ‘representation’,
and the pursuit of a lot of parliamentary work in
committee rather than through general debates as
at present, could be other means of combining attri
butes of decentralization and participation with
electoral cost-reduction.
Parliamentary Committees : The question of checks
and balances and of wider participation through a
decentralized structure are not merely vertical ;
they should apply horizontally too to the function
ing of representative institutions. Tn India, as in
some other democracies, the role of the elected legis
latures has been steadily declining, especially the role
of the elected member who is not a Minister. With
the new doctrine of ‘executive privilege’ there is likely
to be further erosion in their role. The paradox of
our democracy is that while its whole edifice
rests on elections, the elected representatives have
hardly any effective role to play except respond to
28
4
party whips, join factional games, ask questions
during Question Hour at someone’s beckoning,
‘mobilize’ people from their constituencies for mass
rallies and occasionally be selected for some position
of patronage (or go on round-the-world jaunts).
They also tend to remain ignorant on major issues
facing the country, much less have the capacity of
educating the public. There is need greatly to stren
gthen the system of parliamentary (and legislative)
committees, staffed with appropriate secretariats,
with power to summon officials to provide infor
mation on vital matters. Such a committee structure
will at once make for vigilance and accountability,
and educate and involve elected members in the
functioning of government, thus making them more
responsible critics than they presently tend to be.
Decentralization then is a core concept for re
structuring the entire political process and making
it an instrument of social transformation. Charis
matic government implies the emergence of indivi
dual saviours and the decline of institutions, a
government of men and not of laws, with some
more equal than others. The decentralized alter
native would bring about a convergence of power
and responsibility at many levels, intermeshing
rather than pitted in rivalry one against the other.
Alongwith organisation of the poor and unioniza
tion of the unorganized sector, and spurred continously by grass roots movements, such a model of
decentralization would create the instrumentalities
of generating people’s power and the necessary
pressure from below upon institutions of govern
ment and party, and provide for their continuous
renewal through ever new initiatives and the throw
ing up of natural leaders.
Agents of Restructuring
*
What are the instrumentalities through which the
new order we seek is going to be realized ? The
existing administrative structure was largely in
herited from the British. Originally fashioned to
undertake law and order and revenue functions, it
has been tuned more to procedure than to perfor
mance, to conserve (in accordance with precedents)
rather than change
Administration-. Governments everywhere execute
their policies through the bureaucracy. The admi
nistration is however not an end in itself—-though
the reckless expansion of government jobs as a
means of employment promotion would suggest
otherwise—but a means towards given ends. The
instrument must therefore be fashioned for its
29
allotted task. Numerous committees and commis
sions have reported on administrative reforms
with no more than marginal effect. The Juggernaut
moves on. It is time to change.
Some radical departures are needed. First, the
administrative caste system that divides service from
service and generalist from professional cadres in
an elaborate pecking order should be abolished
and substituted by a single government service
within which there might be several specializations
with everybody rising on merit. Secondly, the com
plexity of modern government calls for inter
disciplinary and inter-departmental action. Specia
lized teams should be assembled for certain tasks
and not perpetuated after the job is done. In other
words, much departmental activity should be han
ded over to task forces vested with special powers
and management flexibility, or to corporations and
commissions in case the work is likely to be of an
on going nature.
The earlier importance given to district adminis
tration should be revived and senior officers given
held responsibilities instead of being locked in secre
tariats from misguided notions of status and search
for comfort. The high turn-round of staff is also
totally destructive of effective and creative adminis
tration.
The bureaucracy is constantly blamed for ills
that are not necessarily of its making. The system
exercises its own compulsions while political inter
ference or lack of direction is responsible for much
inaction and misdirection of effort. The indepen
dence of the civil and professional services is of
paramount importance. This can be safeguarded by
security. But excessive security is inimical to
efficiency and discipline. Article 311 of the Consti
tution is the civil servant’s shield and anchor. But
it entails a rather dilatory process Article 320(2)
vests Public Service Commissions with consultative
status in all disciplinary matters. This is too weak.
Perhaps the powers under both these articles could
be appropriately vested in a civil service commis
sion to safeguard the independence and integrity
of the services. The only other answer is the train
ing, tradition and integrity of officials and a vigilant
public opinion which cries out against manipulation
of civil servants. More lateral entry through short
term contract appointments from the market would
also provide an infusion of fresh blood.
The administration, especially at lower levels, is
callous and impervious to the needs and problems
30
of the common man. Corruption intrudes and
delays are inordinate. However, change will only
come with corresponding change at the top, greater
functionality in procedures, and strict internal and
external accountability — and above all, decentra
lization of the governing structure, manageable size
of States and districts and a clear policy on the
governance of urban metropolitan areas.
**
Police. No limb of the administration is more
alienated from the people than the police. It is
tragic that the guardians of the law are feared and
disliked. There are many reasons for this sorry
state of affairs. The Police Act of 1860 as amended
in 1902 continues largely unchanged. The minimum
educational requirements on recruitment, training,
equipment, conditions of work, recreational faci
lities, leave, housing, emoluments and force levels
are all inadequate despite certain recent improve
ments. Excepting where the police commissioner
system has been introduced in some metropolitan
cities, the police functions under the authority of
the administrative service at each level. The Evi
dence Act discounts police evidence and so third
degree methods are employed to extract confessions,
and hardened criminals and even political activists
are sometimes killed in ‘encounters’, blinded or
maimed. Political interference is rampant and cor
ruption grows out of the low morale, temptation
and demands (and rewards) for getting the job
done unmindful of the law or legitimate procedures.
The police has consequently been brutalized.
The police is the guardian of law and must be
treated as an adjunct to the judicial process rather
than as the long arm of the executive. The consti
tutional injunction about separating the judiciary
from the executive needs to be more widely inter
preted to give the police a more independent status
than it enjoys at present.
The intelligence agencies, whether criminal,
security or revenue, should likewise be accorded an
autonomy that has been wilfully destroyed in recent
years. Intelligence operations are necessarily sensi
tive and should be protected from prying eyes. But
this cannot be allowed to cloak their misuse for
political and partisan ends. There clearly is need
therefore to associate a small body of highly res
pected and independent persons from public life
periodically to review intelligence activities. They
would be sworn to secrecy and would have access to
all papers and personnel and should report directly
to the Prime Minister who should be bound to
31
*
place their reports before the Cabinet for informa
ion and necessary action.
Judiciary. The constitution provides for an ela
borate scheme of checks and balances. An indepen
dent judiciary is prime among these. While the
working of the magistracy has attracted critical
notice, the higher judiciary by and large enjoys an
enviable reputation and integrity. There is, however,
as in so many other areas, a system failure. The
judicial process is so dilatory, complex and expen
sive that justice often eludes those who are not
leisured and monied.
Court procedures do not easily preclude prolong
ed, technical arguments, a tedious and often irrele
vant citing of outworn precedents, and innumerable
postponement as lawyers are engaged in several cases
and several courts at the same time Injunctions are
granted as a matter of course and only heard on
merits and then perhaps summarily dismissed weeks
and months later. Judgements are often prolix
and, in important cases, each judge might pro
nounce a separate though not dissenting judgement,
thus obscuring the clarity of the verdict. Poor and
hasty drafting of legislation, failure to weed out
obsolete legislation and a tendency to keep amend
ing Acts repeatedly instead of overhauling them
completely from time to time, contribute to
litigation.
*
At the lower end of the scale, the formal judicial
processes need to be buttressed by less formal
structures, some of which are by no means unknown
to India. Honorary magistrates and Justices of the
Peace could provide quick and easy relief in a
number of cases. More important, in the rural
areas, nyaya panchayats should be revived and
given the mandate and support to function as
popular courts operating on commonsense and the
judgement of peers. Their role would be more to
conciliate and compose differences than to encour
age litigation, and to dispose of petty matters.
Nyaya panchayats would be separate from deve
lopment panchayats and would provide simple and
ready justice virtually at the door of the aggrieved
party. Legal aid for the needy would also enable
people to seek and secure justice. The procedures
for appointing High Court and Supreme Court
judges should be such as to evoke public confidence
and avoid any suspicion that the courts are being
packed with ‘committed’ judges of whatever des
cription while ‘difficult’ judges are overlooked.
I
32
Civil Rights: At a different level, it would per
haps be useful to have a civil rights commission
with a role different from the Minorities Com
mission on the one hand and the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes Commission on the other.
Such a body could also monitor infringements of
civil liberties and observance of the many inter
national conventions to which India is signatory,
including the International Covenant on Economic
and Social Rights and the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights. India has not ratified
the optional protocol attached to the latter
Covenant which would enable any citizen to file a
complaint of violation before the prescribed inter
national commission. This omission should be
made good.
4
Non-Governmental Agencies: However important
the role of State organs, there is no substitute for
an informed and alert public opinion and people’s
action. Social and community groups and activists
can mobilise and organise people to constructive
action and resist ww ^oing. Voluntary agencies
too have a pioneei. -.nd pathfinding role to play
in innovating programmes and structures and
promoting social action. These efforts should not
be minimised as their qualitative impact could be
considerable.
Other non-governmental agencies, particularly
mass organizations like trade unions and peasant
organizations, cooperatives and registered societies,
can likewise undertake organised action over a
wide front. The organization of self-employed and
other unorganised workers is an innovation. The
trade union movement in India has a long and
proud history and must now be persuaded to adopt
a wider social frame of action instead of looking
merely to the benefits of union members and allied
workers. Peasant unions and organisations are
still limited but have considerable possibilities.
At a different level, gram sabhas, village welfare
associations, artisans’ and consumer cooperatives,
lok samitis, voters’ councils and similar bodies are
demonstrating new facets of and new opportunities
for voluntary action. These movements deserve
every encouragement though their development
may be sought to be frustrated by vested interests.
Yet, when people take charge of a situation they
can become a mighty force. The Assam movement
is a recent and spectacular demonstration of lok
shakti. It is also a manifestation of youth power.
All development and change is politics, though
33
not necessarily partisan politics.
However, the
political process on which the governance of any
democratic society rests, cannot be dissociated
from political leadership which, if not to be autho
ritarian, must derive from one or several parties
and associated organizations of the people.
Restructuring A Democratic Consensus: There was
a broad national consensus through the 1950s but
this began to wear thin and by the 1970s was lost
in confrontation. It is necessary now to restore a
framework of national consensus — not the old con
sensus based on the Congress System which has
outlived its utility, but a new one based on the stra
tegy for and the design of a new order which gives
new content and validity to India’s democracy. We
should reject the concept of consensus based on a
cooperative, all-inclusive elite and instead move to
wards one that self-consciously accepts the role of
conflict and of pressures from below for system
transformation.
Structural and institutional changes are required,
the most important among them being a decisive
move in the direction of decentralization, creative
federalism, access and participation by people — all
the people and not just some of them — and their
organisation on economic lines. The underprivileg
ed and dispossessed are stirring and have begun to
assert their right to equality and fraternity. To deny
this would be to spell the end of democracy and to
opt for some form of right wing dictatorship. The
Brazilian and South Korean ‘miracles’ are not for
India.
The slogan ‘development or democracy’ is mis
chievous and unfounded. There is no contradiction:
indeed, each is necessary for the other. Any ten
dency towards centralization of political and econo
mic power, e.g., a presidential system, would there
fore run counter to the historic necessity for parti
cipation and a significant broadening of the base of
the democratic polity. This is a fundamental pro
position and the key to the transition that India
must make. It is necessary to build a national con
sensus on this premise, and on the basis of the re
lated structural changes that are inherent in moving
towards a decentralized and genuinely democratic
and socialist polity. Major elements of this are set
out in this Agenda for India.
Closing the Gap: How is one to fight entrenched
privilege, organised violence, black money, corrup
tion, cynicism and fear? The democratic majority
can do so through the increasing strength and con34
fidence of the organised poor in alliance with enligh
tened sections of the middle and upper classes who
recognise that true democracy entails the welfare of
all. Unless this happens, disenchantment with the
democratic process will open the door to adventur
ism.
4
There has been a steady regression of the power
base in India in so far as authority has been eroded
at every level. For all its show of strength, the pre
sent inequitous and corrupt system is essentially
under siege. It is necessary to eliminate conditions
favourable for any misguided Bonapartism or
authoritarian intervention in the form of political
godmen or otherwise in the name of ‘saving’ the
country from chaos and violence, in the name of
‘development’. The fact is that, notwithstanding the
claims of Bonapartist leaders and their proclaimed
concern for the poor and the exploited, the status
quo represents established institutional interests
and the suffering of the disadvantaged is a product
of these long established interests. There can be no
progress towards either true democracy or genuine
development without undoing these structures and
establishing a new framework of power — political,
techno-economic, social and juridical.
Restructuring External Relations
The agenda of restructuring which we have pre
sented here cannot be undertaken without a clear
policy on our external relations. The crisis of
change and transition that engulfs us at home is in
some ways part of a global crisis; our effort to res
pond to it must take account of the fact that it is
not just India that is caught up in turmoil and drift;
the world as a whole is caught up in a process of
radical transformation and uncertainty. It is not
merely the Indian polity and State that has lost
structure and vitality, but most other political sys
tems seem equally impotent to deal with the chal
lenges posed by a new historical epoch following
the revolution in consciousness spurred by the
values of democracy, equity and decentralisation.
Internationally, too, the super powers and the
States system presided over by them are unable to
handle the sources of tension and turmoil in the
world, respond in a responsible manner to the large
shifts in the global distribution of power which
have taken place, and provide a new basis for peace
and security in the world. And (as is also the case
in domestic settings) the more incapable and inse
cure the top elites of the world become, the more
their tendency to reassert their supremacy and their
35
power. The result is worldwide militarism supported
by corporate capitalism, a world technocratic estab
lishment and a States system based on global and
regional hegemonies, all of this leading to a new
and frightening prospect of the end of human survi
val, and of the survival of civilization. At the same
time the world status quo is no longer able to hold
and traditional power equations are being fast dis
solved. Iran on the one hand and Poland on the
other provide two startling instances of the changes
that are under way.
Caught up in a struggle for political survival at
home, the response of the Indian elite to such a
situation of challenge to the world status quo and
opportunity of restructuring the international order
has been halting, peevish and not infrequently down
right opportunistic. From being a source of chal
lenge to a world based on domination and exploi
tation, we seem to be willing to get coopted into it
and reap the fruits of such an approach in our own
sphere of influence. The policy of non-alignment
evolved by Jawaharlal Nehru in cooperation with
other leading figures in the Third World was a bold
response to a highly unequal world which was also
threatened by a dangerous polarization that could
undermine +he prospects for development of the
newly independent countries. So was his intense
advocacy of world disarmament and peaceful co
existence. Despite attempts by the western powers
to detract from Nehru’s moral stature in the world
by distorting developments in Kashmir, Goa and
Tibet, and despite China’s total lack of understand
ing of the global significance of the Indian position,
India’s close identity with the struggle of the peoples
of the Third World against imperialism and super
power dominance was never in doubt and indeed
bestowed on her a position of unquestioned leader
ship.
Today, however, with the very success of the Third
World challenge and the emergence of a multi
polar world which has led the two super powers to
engage once again in a protracted struggle for world
hegemony — most of which is being carried out in
the Third World — non-alignment has ceased to be
a strategy of change. For many, in whose company
we seem to find some comfort at times, it has
become a platform and a lobby. A related tendency
at work is to detach India from its earlier com
mitment to the Third World. Even within India
there are powerful lobbies urging it on to part com
pany with the rest of the Third World, or at any
rate large sections of it, and become part of the
global establishment by taking on the ‘role’ cast for
36
it by the super powers, a managerial and technocratic
and basically amoral and non-ideological role.
We may still be at the beginning of such a relapse
from being an agent of world change to becoming
an accomplice of the world status quo. But if it re
mains here, the chances of both restructuring the
international order for meeting the aspirations of
large sections of humanity, and of restructuring the
Indian State for responding to the needs and aspira
tions of the Indian people, are doomed to failure.
With them is also doomed the prospects of Indian
democracy which is likely to be overtaken by global
tendencies towards militarism, repression and terror.
A strategy of restructuring our external relations
and search for a new doctrine for our foreign policy
will need to encompass three major dimensions: (a)
world disarmament (both nuclear and conventional),
(b) a strategy of regional cooperation based on
normalcy with China, reconciliation in the subcon
tinent and the assumption of a larger role in Asia
based on new initiatives in our relationship with
Japan and Southeast Asia (both the ASEAN group
of countries and the Indo-Chinese peninsula) on the
one hand and West Asia on the other, and (c) re
sumption of our traditional role in the Third World
and the United Nations, a role that we have been
losing by default for the past several years.
Disarmament: This has to be the lynch-pin of our
entire global strategy. Our stakes in world politics
are high, there is a large measure of correspondence
between our own interest and a global strategy of
disarmament and demilitarization and we are per
haps the only country that can take on this role in
this grimly divided world inching towards a catas
trophe.
China: China has thawed and has at last res
ponded to Indian pleas for normalising relations.
A new good-neighbourly Sino-Indian relationship
will have to be patiently constructed. The Chinese
do not recognise the MacMohan Line as such but
have suggested acceptance of the eastern boundary
as the ‘existing reality’ in exchange for India simi
larly recognising China’s claim line, currently the
‘line of actual control’ in Ladakh. Although there
is nothing new in this offer—Chou En-Lai proposed
it in Delhi as far back as 1960—it nevertheless pro
vides a starting point for negotiation without any
fear of prior commitment either way, and may
provide the basis of several trade-offs to make up
an overall package that would take note of India’s
interests south of the Himalaya, the integrity of
37
the North-East, and its traditional relations with
Tibet.
South Asia: The habit to respond to super power
politics have long obscured India’s concerns nearer
home. The return to a hard line policy towards
neighbours in South Asia is unfortunate. It can
only evoke fear and come in the way of regional
cooperation which are in India’s best interest. Ours
is a mammoth country in terms of population and
power and understandably evokes a sense of unease
among our neighbours who are apprehensive of
accepting what they believe would tend to be an un
equal relationship. All the more reason therefore
to provide reassurance to the smaller nations in
South Asia and, while intelligently exposing external
designs often reinforced by militarist forces at
home, e.g., in Pakistan, to steer a course that in
stead of escalating suspicion and an arms race, seeks
to de-fuse the same.
The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and U.S.
support of ‘rebel forces’ from across the border
with Pakistan provided a major opportunity to
initiate a consultation with Pakistan and other neigh
bours aimed at the common objective of preventing
all external interventions in the subcontinent. The
late Bangladesh President’s initiative in suggesting
a South Asian summit should have been siezed to
start a process of mutual dialogue as neighbours
and lay the foundations of what might *over time
grow into a loosely institutional arrangement. The
Colombo Powers Conference of the mid-1950s —
encompassing Sri Lanka, Burma, Indonesia and
Pakistan—suggests a precedent. This would not be
aimed against anybody but would enhance mutual
cooperation and understanding.
A Regional Policy. There is urgent need to shift
our sights beyond South Asia—a necessary precon
dition of which, of course, is a negotiated resolution
of tensions in the subcontinent — and to play a
responsible role as an Asian power. In fact, South
Asia has already ceased to be a relevant geopoliti
cal category ever since the Iranian revolution and
the events in Afghanistan exposed it to the politics
of the Gulf region, and the permeation of the
Sino-Soviet conflict in the Indo-Chinese peninsula
(and generally in Southeast Asia) have made the
whole of Southern Asia a single strategic area. Add
to this the emergence of a yen-fuelled economy
which is likely to spread and the rise of Japan as
an industrial giant which is however heavily depen
dent on import of raw materials and oil.
38
i.
Japan is caught between its traditional depen
dence on the U.S. for security, its growing depen
dence on the developing world—especially West
Asia—for vital imports and the emergence of China,
its immediate neighbour, as a major world power.
In the meanwhile, the Arab world itself is caught
between using its enormous wealth for gaining influ
ence in the West and the demands of the developing
world for using its leverage in the common struggle
against western dominance. And it is caught in a
prolonged regional warfare spurred by Israel on the
one hand and super power politics on the other.
There is also a great deal of internal turmoil and
repression in this area.
.1
Indian policy-makers can ill-afford to stand by
while the region around is undergoing such major
changes and which may emerge to be the most
important fulcrum of world politics — whether in
respect of the location of world energy resources or
in respect of the strategic lifelines of the great
powers or in respect of the trade-off between deve
lopment and militarism as also between democratic
struggles and repressive regimes. The issues and
scenario outlined above provide a tremendous scope
for gaining diplomatic flexibility instead of the
rigidity that has entered into our foreign policy
over the last ten years. They also provide scope for
playing our historic role, in cooperation with other
newly awakened regions, of providing and consolid
ating an alternative focus of world politics to that
provided by the super powers and, on that basis,
trying to realize the larger goals of peace and
disarmament.
India, the Third World and the U.N. System: Be
yond the role that we ought to play in the Asian
region, there is need to resume our earlier strategy
of close identity of interest with the countries of
the Third World, still struggling to emerge out of a
colonial past. The role becomes all the more
important in the face of the growing fragmentation
of the Third World and its permeation by the big
powers. Our traditional emphasis on collective selfreliance aimed at producing a just and equitable
world by removing sources of inequity and exploit
ation on the one hand, and of tension and turbu
lence injected by super power politics on the other,
needs to be reiterated and followed up by concrete
diplomacy. So also we need to return to our stri
dent opposition to external interventions and hege
monical structures. And for all this we need to play
a more active and purposive role in the United
Nations and the larger U.N. system of international
economic, technological and cultural cooperation.
39
Here too we need to contend with the anaemic
consequences of super power politics and world
disarmament negotiations which increasingly tend
to bypass the U.N. system.
Relations with the Super Powers: India has friendly
relations with the Soviet Union. But it is important
to recognise that these ties have been mutually
beneficial and neither side owes any special obliga
tion to the other. Failure to appreciate this would
introduce an element of distortion in an otherwise
useful relationship. It could unwittingly force us
into a subordinate role in a gradually consolidating
‘sphere of influence’ and cast us into a position in
global configurations which would be against our
longer term interests as a major Asian power and
the flexibility which we need to operate as one.
India’s ties with the other super power, the United
States, has been unstable, swinging from occasional
honeymoon periods to hostility or indifference. Both
sides are responsible for this state of affairs — the
U.S more than India - but both must move to
correct it by assuming neither too little, nor too
much. We also need to recognize the independent
roles that the European Community and Japan are
assuming for themselves separate from the super
powers.
Larger Issues'. India’s stand on racialism, apartheid
and colonialism is well known. As decolonization has
advanced, emphasis has shifted to economic, techno
logical and cultural neo-colonialism, foreign interven
tion, destabilization and economic penetration
through various means including the operation of
giant transnational corporations. Resource and deve
lopment diplomacy has also assumed a more central
role through UNCTAD, GATT, the World Bank
and other funding agencies. These newer concerns
are broadly summed up in the plea for a new
international economic order, a new international
communications and information order and indeed
a new international political order as well as in
deliberations on the Law of the Sea and other newer
protocols. Above all, there is the urgent and pre
cipitating problem of the cost of energy. These are
complex and very technical problems of far-reaching
importance. Nevertheless; they need to be more
widely discussed and understood in the country. The
official structures for dealing with these up coming
areas of international diplomacy clearly need to be
greatly strengthened on an interdisciplinary and
inter-departmental basis with wider public particip
ation and with due role assigned to non-official
forums and exchanges.
40
Defence: In the related area of defence, there is
need for a clearer threat perception and avoidance
of any tendency to adopt a catch-all policy of ‘full
preparedness’. Absolute preparedness is a chimera
and its pursuit can only arouse apprehensions, and
could insidiously promote a national security State.
The country’s foreign policy is its first and best
defence and flexible and imaginative diplomacy its
best insurance. It is, of course, extremely difficult to
make long-term predictions in a rapidly changing
world and India has no crystal ball that can fore
tell the future. Modern arms systems are highly
sophisticated and are only built or acquired over
years, and effectively operationalised through pro
longed training. These constraints do therefore call
for prudence, as being defenceless could invite trou
ble. Even so, there is no reason to develop overkill
capacity or to imagine that non-alignment entails
total self-reliance and rules out a network of inter
dependencies.
The country’s nuclear and space programmes un
doubtedly have elements of military capacity within
them. The government has not given up the nuclear
option if the international situation warrants such a
choice. India’s unwillingness to sign the Nuclear
Non-proliferation Treaty is not because it has mili
tary intensions, but because the NPT is clearly an
unequal treaty and therefore offensive in principle.
But, as already argued, there is need once again to
play a major role in world disarmament negotia
tions. An opportunity for this will soon be provi
ded by the 1982 Special Session of the United
Nations General Assembly on Disarmament. There
is need to put in a lot of advance thinking and
planning on this in consultation with likeminded
countries — Mexico, Tanzania, Yugoslavia, Swe
den, the Netherlands, France and Japan to name
just a few. The potential for a new international
alignment for peace already exists. We need to play
our role in actualizing it.
3
Ideological Implications
We may end by drawing out the ideological impli
cations of the analysis of the present crisis and the
strategy for restructuring the Indian State and its
socio-economic basis as laid out in this Agenda. We
do not intend to provide a full-blown ideology as we
do not believe that that is the way of going about an
agenda of reconstruction, especially one that is
aimed at building from below instead of foisting a
framework from above. This has been the danger
— and illusion — of all existing ideologies in the
name of which self-styled politicians and bureaucrats
41
have sought to steamroller entire societies in captive
structures of domination and hegemony. At the
same time, any strategy of intervention in a given
historical situation calls for a clarity of vision and a
set of normative criteria based on it, and the man
ner in which these depart from existing thinking.
Although these have already been provided at seve
ral points in the body of the Agenda, we may re
capitulate the main elements of the basic approach
once again.
First, it is necessary to go beyond both the liberal
and the statist conceptions of welfare and to reverse
the top-down approach implicit in both incremental
and radical schools of thought. We are convinced
that no amount of centralised planning and finan
cial allocations will in fact benefit the poor and the
oppressed strata of society until they themselves be
come part of the structure of decision-making and
implementation. It is to this end of empowering the
people themselves that the agenda of restructuring
proposed here is aimed. The existing structures,
even when well intentioned, necessarily lead instead
to enfeeblement of the people.
Second, in such a strategy of restructuring both
development and distributive justice are to be lookedupon as essentially political tasks instead of the
largely a political and technocratic orientation of
present models of development and welfare. This is
as true of the specifically economic and social tasks
as of the strictly constitutional and administrative
ones. Increasingly, even economists who care to
deal with the current crisis of performance agree
that the eradication of poverty and inequity cannot
be achieved through merely economic measures.
Third, both the reversal of structures of decision
making and implementation and the politicization
of such a task have to be embedded in the real
world. This has three dimensions: (a) the territorial
dimension in which people’s life and habitat are
structured, (b) the community dimension of a multi-k
ethnic, multi-layer federal society of continental
si2e and great diversity, and (c) the class dimension
of given structures of domination and repression
and their undermining through organised and
unionised activity of the poor and the oppressed.
All three dimensions of restructuring — as well as
the restructuring of the international order — go
into the conception of decentralization laid out in
this Agenda. Unless all three — alongwith their
global counterparts — are seen to be part of the
same struggle, decentralization would degenerate
42
4
into localism and fragmentation and prone to even
worse forms of exploitation and oppression than
are already in evidence.
In sum, the crux of the normative and ideological
disposition involved in this Agenda is a movement
towards a genuine social democracy by turning the
revolt of the peripheries — which is already on —
into a restructuring of the Centre itself. Unless the
various struggles in which the people are engaged
at the grass roots become part of such an overall
design at restructuring the polity as a whole, they
will be either suppressed or exhausted and coopted
into the existing system. Such an understanding
on the part of the various movements for change
— local, regional and class-caste based — is at
the heart of the strategy of transformation that lies
ahead. Only thus can we contend the threats posed
by populist slogans on the one hand and Bonapartist politics on the other. Only thus can we become
part of the worldwide struggle for the democratic
rights of the people.
43
■
i
♦
■I
/
*
■
UDC 691
Strategy Framework for Engineering Shelters for
Sustainable Development
Dr H C Visvesvaraya, Fellow
I
Successful Development within the regime ofSustainable Development would mean simultaneously satisfy
ing a number of conflicting parameters. This would be greatly facilitated if there is a strategy Framework
within which the issues involved could be tackled. This paper attempts to indicate the directions in which
such a strategy Framework can be worked out with particular reference to Engineering Shelters including
consideration to technology transfer aspects and identification of the major parameters involved.
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
The World Commission on ‘Environment and Development’.
commonly known as the Brundtland Commission, through
its Seminal 1987 Report "Our Common Future" brought into
common use the term ‘sustainable development’ defining it
as development towards ‘meeting the needs of the present
generation without compromising the needs of the future
generations’. Since then the term ‘sustainable development’
has been widely used, sometimes misused, and perhaps even
abused on occasions.
Whilst the ultimate goal of all development is expected to be
improvement in the quality of life in society, the concept of
‘sustainability’ is not yet precisely understood. The task of
engineering is to convert available resources into goods and
services needed by society for improving its quality of life.
Therefore, to say that all natural resources should be pre
served as they are — undisturbed — is neither a practical
proposition nor an engineering reality. Successful develop
ment would undoubtedly involve some disturbances in die
environment and, therefore, it is not appropriate to assume
that sustainable development is synonymous with zero de
gradation. Sustainable development has to be understood as
an endeavour to minimize the rate of degradation and to
ensure that however small a degradation that does occur, is
made up in (lie best acceptable form and as fast as possible.
What constitutes nature is not only the natural resources in
terms of their quantum or manifestation in life but also their
disposition, their geographical location, their characteristics
and so on. Therefore, even arguments that loss of natural
resources in one area is made up by replenishment in another
area cannot take one far. Sometimes, it is argued that utiliza
tion of one resource'can be compensated by another; for
example, educational, scientific and technical advances add
to the human resources and these human resources may more
than compensate the losses of material or energy resources in
some cases. Such philosophical arguments tliough true in a
limited context cannot be accepted or applied without going
into the details and without taking both a holistic as well as a
microscopic view.
Padmashri Dr H C Visvesvaraya is presently Vice-Chancellor,
University of Roorkee, Roorkee and Formerly Chairman and Director
General, National Council lor Cement and Building Materials, and Past
President of The Institution of Engineers (India).
This paper was received on May 2. 1994. Written discussion on this paper
will be entertained till May 31. 1995.
Vol 75. March 1995
INTEGRATING HUMAN SETTLEMENTS
CONCERNS INTO A SUSTAINABLE REGIME
The UN General Assembly proclaimed in 1988 a global
strategy for human settlements. The strategy provided wide
ranging and innovative guidelines to harness human, techni
cal and financial resources of the international community,
national governments, local authorities, non-governmental
organizations, the formal and informal private sectors and
community based organizations to generate improved shelter
conditions for the poor.
The Earth Summit in 1992 adopted within its Agenda 21
action plan, a human settlements programme integrating hu
man settlements concerns into the overall sustainable regime
dial is expected to come into bloom as a result of UNCED.
SHELTER
‘Shelter’ is not only a roof over one’s head; it is not just a
building nor even just a house. ‘Shelter’ includes a range of
other supporting facilities which, togedier with the house, are
necessary for an acceptable living environment. These sup
porting facilities include
•
•
•
•
water and energy supplies,
drainage and sanitation,
access to transportation and communication systems,
and
an enlivening exposure.
Thus, sheltering has many components and the approach to
bring diem into the sustainable regime needs that all diese
components be looked into comprehensively, holistically and
in a coordinated manner. This would require formulating
developmental strategies and policies relating to sheltering as
a whole as well as to its components including
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
rural and urban developmental planning,
human setdements planning,
land management,
social housing,
cooperative housing,
employees housing,
social rental housing,
norms, codes mid guidelines for engineering the house
and the supporting facilities which constitute the shel
ters. and
21
•
FIGURE 2
CONCEPTUALIZED TREND OF SOCIAL VALUE
ADDED BY EACH ADDITIONAL SHELTER
a host of other similar strategies and policies in regard
to water and energy supplies, drainage and sanitation,
transport and communications and so on.
Shelters are both creditors and debitors to sustainable deve
lopment. Shelters are a positive input to sustainable develop
ment in that they meet the primary social need of the society
and improve productivity of those who are well sheltered.
Shelters are also a negative drain on the resources in that the
creation of shelters consumes enormous present resources.
Therefore, shelter and sustainable development have inter
linkages with several elements interacting in a complex sys
tem (Fig 1). The complexities involved do not permit at this
stage to deal in depth with all the elements in one holistic
frame nor to have immediately a single national or even
regional answer. The most practical way, therefore, would be
to take the subsystems and study them in some depth keeping
as a background the holistic picture.
«> >>
HUMAN >
iESOURCES,
TREND CURVE “J
X.
(variable for each
country,region etc.)
5 8^
cSS
•po-4
O 4 *•
&
• s:oa
33s
* . od
oo
•SS
c
*
.1—I—fc.
0-2
0-4
—x .
0-6
I------ il—
O«
IO
Satisfaction Ratio (SR*)
>SR _
Stock of ahelters (Nos)
Households to be sheltered (Nos)
FIGURE 3
CONCEPTUALIZED TREND OF ECONOMIC VALUE
ADDED BY EACH UNIT INCREASE IN SHELTER
FIGURE 1
INTERLINKAGES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
AND SHELTER
NATURAL
’ESOURCES
IOi
♦
m
> s
g || 10
S s' 08
3> 3:
uS
O * 2 0-6
■H
SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
o -H
0 o
O U -H
§ “ § 6-4
TREND CURVE-J
(location specific)
8
w 5S
0) *5 * 0-2
>
HEALTH I CLOTHING! (WELFARE
KUl
3 *
o £
cc “
O-oL
o
I
i
I
i
l
>
5*
i__
IOx
Per Capita GDP
who are in need of shelter is low and tends to become lower
as the satisfaction ratio approaches unity (Fig 2).
OBJECTIVES OF ENGINEERING SHELTERS FOR
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
In this background and with these interlinkages the objectives
of ‘Engineering the Shelters for Sustainable Development’
would be two-fold. On the one hand to harness the strengths
that shelters give to the society and to build further on this
strength. On the other to minimize the weaknesses created by
way of adverse effects on environment by their consuming
present resources and to adopt every possible means to reduce
the ill effects of these weaknesses. This would need that the
planning, designing, execution and utilization of shelters are
looked at in depth at both the macro and micro levels.
Engineering has to ensure that its application in any given
issue at any given situation adds to the social and economic
values as otherwise it becomes purposeless. Every shelter put
up is no doubt an economic as well as a social asset. However,
every shelter added does not necessarily add incrementally to
an existing asset the same value at all points of time or at all
stages of development. The value is obviously higher when
the ratio of the stock of shelters to the total number of those
22
At the same time the economic value of providing shelter to
the shelterless increases as the stage of development advances
(Fig 3).
Figs 2 and 3 are conceptualized trends. These trends need to
be studied systematically and exact relations established to
enable better fulfilment of the objectives of engineering the
shelters in the location under consideration.
CONSTRUCTION ACTIVITY AND SHELTERS
From an engineering perspective, the first and the foremost
consideration is the interlinkage of shelter with construction
activity as a whole. No sheltering activity can be considered
independent of the construction activity in its region. Strate
gies and trends in construction have continuing influence on
the strategies and trends in sheltering even though the rate of
growth of shelters or its share may differ at various stages of
growth of construction industry. Fig 4 is one such trend study
covering several countries.
In India, the share of shelters in total construction since
independence has been given in Table 1.
IE(I) Journal-ID
I
FIGURE 4
SHARE OF SHELTERS, NON-RESIDENTIAL AND
INFRASTRUCTURAL CONSTRUCTIONS IN TOTAL
CONSTRUCTION
50
C
•H
4J
To illustrate, outlay on construction in India accounts for as
much as 40% to 50% of the successive national plan outlays
(Fig 6).
FIGURE 6
CONSTRUCTION CONTENT AS % OF TOTAL PLAN
OUTLAYS IN INDIA
SHELTERS
45
3
40
55.0
C
Infrastructural
Constructions
o
35
M.4
50.0 ■
/
I
-i
i
25
45.0
30
<u
w
<*
45.0 -
»
250
t
i
i
2250 4250
i
i
i
6250
i
sS
8250
A. I
H IH
m
TABLE 1
SHARE OF SHELTERS IN TOTAL CONSTRUCTION
COST
Total Stock of Investment During
Shelters,
the Previous Five
(m units)
Years on Shelters,
(in Rs, million)
48
68
13 000
92
28 000
119
47 000
148
315 000
1947
1960
1970
1980
1990
43.3
30.2
d
Year
43.2
35.0
Per Capita Income in US $
_____
42.3
40.0 -
Non-residential
Buildings
20
42.0
Share in Total
Construction
Investment,
(%)
19
12
8
20
In the Seventh Five Year Plan of India about Rs 1.57 x 10
is estimated to account for construction out of which the share
of housing or shelter was about Rs 0.315 x 1012, that is, about
20%. Therefore, engineering shelters for sustainable develop
ment has to be understood and carried out, in the background
and in the context of the construction industry in the country.
35 3s 35 §5 35
Al
'Or-4
HIT
Al
^
M *0
mo
mo
d
A. I
4
> tO
>4 cr>
£ 7
O
A. i
m
> <*»
e
d
-
2—Q
5S
A.
►-< oo
>^<
To execute such a massive plan of construction, which in
cludes shelters, the basic resources available are :
•
Qualitative - knowledge and skill
Quantitative - productive human hours
Energy Resources
THE DIMENSIONS OF THE ISSUES INVOLVED
•
Materials Resources
In most countries of the world, and more so in developing
countries, construction has been accounting for a substantial
part of the national expenditure. Fig 5 illustrates this phe
nomenon.
$
FIGURE 5
•
Environmental Resources
JAPAN
1200-
I
■
SAUDI ARABIA.
y 800cr
FRANCE DENMARK
-------- AUSTRAUA
GERMANY
UK
USA
•CANADA
o
• GDP BASED
^OOr-]—CHINA • USSR (eratwhile)
* NMP BASED
, rry'lNDIA
3 '///■ PAKISTAN
& Wr- INDONESIA
. BRAZIL |
• IRAN
]
|
20
10
15
KENYA^
EGYPT 5
PER CAPITA GDP ( 000 US $)
a
o
5 §
Vol 75, March 1995
Ecosystem - including land, flora and fauna
In fact, energy and materials resources and indeed even hu
man resources would all be part of the environmental re
sources but they are grouped separately in order to draw
attention specifically to other resources in the ecosystem.
Since these are the only resources available to achieve the
objectives of construction including those of shelters, the first
prerequisite is not only to ensure that they are usedjudiciously
but also to understand their interaction and maintain the
optimum balance (Fig 7).
.£1600-
o
M
M
«
>—M
BASIC RESOURCES FOR CONSTRUCTION
Human Resources
5
M
In the Seventh Five Year Plan, out of the total national outlay
of about Rs 3.5 x 1012, about Rs 1.57 x 10 12 is estimated
to have accounted for construction. In the Eighth Five
Year Plan, out of the total national outlay of about Rs
7.98 x 1012, the construction share is estimated to be
about Rs 3.59 x IO12.
•
NATIONAL EXPENDITURE ON CONSTRUCTION
55“
Each of these resources and each of the interactions involved
have to be considered in-depth to secure construction within
the framework of sustainable development. Hence, to deal
with all aspects of engineering shelters for sustainable deve
lopment would be a vast subject. For the present purpose,
therefore, it would be sufficient to deal with the framework
of the strategies and illustrate them by some examples to
demonstrate the approach towards engineering the construc
tion sector and through it to engineer shelters for sustainable
development.
23
FIGURE 7
RESOURCES — ENVIRONMENT BALANCE
* in disposal when no more needed
*
EMVIfeONMENr~^7
MASS
aa
*
/
* exploitation and manufacture
w
IS
Materials Conservation including Performance Maxi
mization
Energy Conservation in
* transportation, placement and treatment
.IZATION
* utilization
*
Safety Assurance covering both
IcONSW.'OTl<
* health
* hazard
g/gTslajS \a
*
*
Speed Compatibility
Durability, Serviceability and Cost Reduction cover
ing both
*
In working out the strategies and solutions each country’s own
parameters of basic resources as stated earlier should be the
first guide. It is not uncommon to find that approaches and
solutions applied somewhere else in the world are simply
adopted in another country even though the parameters for
basic resources on die basis of which these approaches and
solutions were worked out substantially differ. By way of
illustration. India’s parameters vis-a-vis a few odier countries
is indicated in Table 2 in so far as earth’s crust area resources
are concerned. Similar tables can be made for oilier resources
as well.
TABLE 2
SHARING OF EARTH’S CRUST RESOURCES
Country
Year Population,
Area,
Average Number of
(million) million km2 Persons to Share the
Resources Available
in One km2
Australia
China
India
Japan
USA
USSR
(erstwhile)
1989
1990
1992
1990
1990
1990
17
1134
875
124
251
289
7.7
9.6
3.3
0.4
9.4
22.4
2
118
265
310
27
13
The scenario of per capita availability of resources widely
differs and therefore the approaches and solutions to issues
could also differ. In view of this, while taking the full advantages of advances in science and technology and experiences
elsewhere in the world, each country ’ s approach and solutions
for that country have to be in harmony with their relevant
parameters. This would also take into account die ability of a
country to import resources such as for example, Japan is able
to import considerable quantities of oil, coal, iron ore and even
granite.
STRATEGY FRAMEWORK
The strategy for achieving the goals stated earlier would be in
the framework of the following considerations, with all of
diem being considered simultaneously.
* Environmental Protection including Ecological Ba
lancing
* in exploitation of raw materials
* in process of manufacture and use
24
immediate cost, and
*
*
*
life cycle cost.
Manpower Optimization
Ergonomic and Aesthetic Satisfaction
By way of illustrative elaboration of the above strategy frame
work, some salient aspects are described below.
Environmental Protection including Ecological
Balancing
At present, all die building materials consumed in the con
struction activity put together totals to over 3600 million
tonne per year. To provide this the earth’s crust in India is
degraded every year to die extent of 5000 million tonne. For
example, land degradation for various resources during test
year is as follows:
(i) to produce 68000 million bricks, 57 000 ha of fertile
land were degraded.
(ii) to secure 2.5 million m3 timber, 450 000 ha of forest
were damaged.
(iii) to win other minerals for steel etc, 30 000 ha of land
were degraded.
As long as this rate of exploitation continues, there is bound
to be serious ecological degradation. So, for achieving sus
tainable development (a) the quantity of materials consumed
has to be reduced so dial there is____________________
less strain on the resources,
and (b) other possible resources have to be explored and used
to supplement earth’s crust resources.
Increasing population and pressures for using the natural
resources no more permit the unrestrained freedom enjoyed
by the earlier civilizations in utilizing resources from earth;
on the other hand, die continuous advances in science and
technology are enabling more to be done with less, the aids
of which were not available to earlier-generations in the same
measure. Thus, the futuristic development scenario for build
ing materials will get its locus from following two major
factors :
(i) nature cannot any more be allowed to be exploited
witiiout die restraints of ecological and environmental
considerations, and
(ii) scientific and technological advances would need to
be harnessed to get die best from what is available
/E(I) Journal-ID
I~:
FIGURES
EARTH’S CRUST ELEMENTS
___
TABLE4
EXAMPLES OF POTENTIAL USES OF WASTES IN
BUILDING MATERIALS
Wastes
Flyash
Blast fumance slag
Byproduct gypsum
%
02 -47%.SI-28%,AI-8%,Fe-4.6%lCa-3.5%
Lime sludge
Cinder
Mining tailings
OF THE 109 KNOWN ELEMENTS,
THESE FIVE ABUNDANT ELEMENTS
IN THE EARTH S CRUST
ARE ALSO ABUNDANT
IN THE SOLID WASTES
PRODUCED AS A RESULT OF
ACTIVITIES ON EARTH.
I
Red mud
Water work's waste
Lime kiln rejects
Coal washery rejects
Rice husk
Coconut husk
appropriate to the socio- economic conditions of die
place.
Any building material or method which is not in harmony with
nature is not likely to succeed in meeting the massive demand
of building materials. Since 91% of die earth’s crust and
human environment are made of the natural elements com
prising oxygen, silicon, aluminium, iron and calcium, the
major building materials and specifically the largely used
building materials have been based essentially on these natu
ral elements (Fig 8).
However, the fact that a majority of the solid wastes have the
same elements as the most abundant elements in the earth’s
crust (Table 3) is leading to their exploitation in die waste
recycle technologies for making building materials.
TABLES
MAIN CONSTITUENTS OF TYPICAL SOLID WASTES
Typical Solid Wastes
Agricultural
Rice husk ash
Straw ash
Industrial
Flyash
B F slag
Rural and urban
Construction
wastes
Carcasses
Main Constituents, %
O2
Si
Al
Fe
Ca
50
47
45
43
0.5
0.5
0.3
0.2
1.5
45
40
25
16
12
12
6
1
3
25
45
35
4
4
9
45
1.3
35
Today over 2600 million tonne of solid wastes are produced
which are as follows
(i) 500 million tonne a year from agriculture,
(ii) 300 million tonne a year from industry, and
(iii) 1800 million tonne a year from rural and urban activi
ties.
If these, which have compositions very close to those of die
earth’s crust, are utilized as resources for building materials,
a substantial part of the degradation of the earth’s environ
ment could be saved. At the same time, problems faced by
way of environmental pollution and of disposal of these
wastes would also be greatly solved. Examples of potential
uses of wastes in construction are given in Table 4.
Vol 75, March 1995
<5
Wood shavings
Saw dust
Jute sticks
Groundnut hulls
Rice straw
Wheat straw
Com cobs and stalks
Demolished construction
Iron shavings
Some Uses
Cement, bricks, blocks, light weight
aggregates, cellular concrete
Cement, aggregate
Plaster of Paris, Panels, boards, set
retarders, wood substitute shutters
Limes, cements, mortars
Bricks, aggregates
Bricks, masonry cement, secondary
raw materials
Binder, blocks, heavy clay products,
tiles, panels
Bricks, cements
Masonry mortar, lower strength binder
Bricks
Particle boards, pozzolana, cements
Coir products, particle boards, roofing
sheets
Wood wool boards
Particle boards
Insulation boards
Particle boards
Fibre boards
Fibre boards
Various building boards
Aggregates, filters, etc depending on
its composition
Fibre reinforced concrete
Materials Conservation including Performance
Maximization
Whether it is from the point of view of reducing ecological
degradation or of energy conservation or from basic principles
of engineering, there is a need to conserve materials. There
are three distinct paths to achieve this which are as follows:
(i) maximizing die performance that can be secured from
a given natural resource material by applying the latest
knowledge in materials science and technology in its
manufacture as well as in its use,
(ii) minimizing the amount of materials used in a construc
tion element by applying the best principles of "Shape
Engineering" of elemental sections, and
(iii) minimizing the quantum of structural elements or
building materials needed by adopting the best struc
tural configurations and forms.
Conservation of materials by all these methods is all the more
urgent and necessary for sustainable development when the
fact that the per capita materials resource available in India is
relatively quite small as seen from Table 2.
Recommendations like ‘Back to Mud a Step Forward’ or use
of large quantities of lower grade materials compared to what
today’s science and technology can promise cannot be the
right solutions except in some limited local circumstances.
Romans and Greeks who built some of the most noted con
structions in the world in ancient days have been moving from
lower performance materials to higher performance materi
als. Limestone was first used as building stone. Then lime
stone was burnt to get building lime to secure certain other
performance characteristics. Then came a still better perfor-
25
ming material — Portland Cement — which in effect was the
result of the same limestone and other materials put through
a different thermal discipline. Now more recent knowledge of
materials science is enabling achievement of higher strength
cements such as Pyrament (USA) or other improved perfor
mance characteristics in polymer concretes, fibre reinforced
concretes, etc. Similarly, there are instances where, with the
tools of modem material science, wastes are being converted
to ceramics and other high performing materials, some of
them having characteristics of metals such as high strength
ceramics (Japan), Syngran and Sital (Russia). Yet another
approach is lightweight materials.
Building materials are relatively heavy and are used in large
quantities in construction. Today, building materials are used
4 tonne to 7 tonne per year per capita; no other material except
water is consumed by man in larger quantities. In view of this,
transportation of building materials is a major strain on the
national system. So, it is imperative that building materials
are, as far as possible, found from local resources. Science
and technology has to be applied to maximize the perfor
mance from a given quantum of material by both the type of
processing as well as by the way the processed material is used
such as hollow clay bricks, lightweight aggregates, improved
cements and concretes, etc.
The final objective of all these would mean securing from any
material, component or structure, the HIGHEST possible
• perfoimance-to-weight ratio,
• performance-to-energy ratio,
• performance-to-cost ratio,
• performance-to-time ratio,
• performance-to-utilization ratio, and
• initial performance-to-life cycle performance ratio.
Energy Conservation
Whilst there is a keen awareness to conserve energy all over
the world, the need for conserving energy has become more
acute in developing countries because of scarcity of utilizable
energy. Out of the total utilizable energy available in the
world, 21 % of the population living in industrialized countries
use 76% of this energy; only a meagre 24% is used by the
remaining 79% inhabiting the developing world. Any con
struction activity has to take this reality into account.
In the total energy concept, the energy used (or released) has
to be accounted for at all stages from the beginning to the end,
such as:
• energy consumed in the exploitation and manufacture
of raw materials, finished products, components and
equipment,
• energy consumed in transportation, handling, place
ment and treatment, and
• energy consumed in the utilization or by the final
construction.
In the process of manufacture, in almost every facet, there are
developments to save energy. Energy consumption levels in
brick manufacture have been brought down by adopting con
tinuous high draft kilns and tunnel kilns in place of intermit
tent clamped and bulls trench kilns, and further with
automatic firing process. Perforated or hollow core bricks
26
have further brought down energy consumption. Use of cer
tain types of wastes such as flyash, rice husk, used tyres etc,,
have also in various ways brought energy savings. For exam
ple, in the manufacture of cement the process changes over
the period has brought about tremendous energy savings as
illustrated in Fig 9. Use of mineralizers, low temperature
technologies etc, are also being adopted to achieve this objec
tive.
FIGURE 9
TOWARDS THERMAL ENERGY CONSERVATION IN
CEMENT MANUFACTURE
s
1350
53
1400 1200
I
8g
1000
I
Sg
o
B
800 - I
•00 - I
400 - I
hoc
1000
X X
g
I
IMO
BOO
760
700
•50
•00
MO -
o
WET
SEMI L0N0 DRY
WET
DRY
SP
DRYDPPRI- BELIT1
CAL
0»-
pon-
LT8TECH
SAL
TYPI OF PROCESS
Whatever may be the energy aspects of the processes or
equipment, these are ultimately reflected in the energy content
in the building materials. The energy component of some of
the commonly known building materials is illustrated in
Table 5.
TABLE 5
ENERGY COMPONENT IN BUILDING MATERIALS
Materials
Energy Component
MJ/kg
MJ/I
5.3 - 8.7
Portland cement
3.8 - 6.2
2.8 - 5.2
Portland slag cement
1.9-3.6
Gypsum
3.2 - 4.0
2.6 - 3.2
7.7-18.4
2.9 - 6.9
Glass
2.7 - 9.4
Burnt clay bricks*
1.5 -5.2
Sand lime bricks
0.8 - 0.9
1.3-1.6
1.0 -1.2
Flyash bricks
1.4 -1.8
0.08 - 0.1
0.1 - 0.2
Sand, gravel
Lightweight aggregate
3.7 - 4.2
2.3 - 2.5
1.2-1.5
Mortar (cement and sand)
0.7 - 0.9
166-236
Steel
21.1 -30
245 - 259
663 - 820.8
Aluminium
1008-1165
Copper
112.5 -130
37.9 - 72.2
270.2-514.8
Zinc
0.7 - 0.9
Ready mix concrete
1.7-2.1
4.0-4.9
Reinforced concrete*
1.6 -1.9
Lightweight concrete
2.8 - 3.4
5.0 - 6.0
6.6 - 7.3
3.5 - 3.9
Light weight reinforced concrete*
0.7 - 0.9
1.7-2.1
Asbestos cement sheet
200-236
25-30
Galvanised iron sheet
About 30% less than*
Clay flyash bricks
Manual effort, Minor energy
Concrete blocks
Manual effort, Minor energy
Stone masonry blocks
Q
+ with 100 kg reinforcement/m3 of concrete
IE(I) Journal-ID
When the final product of construction — in this case, shelter,
is considered, there are a number of aspects of planning,
designing and use which help in saving energy consumption
such as through
•
•
•
•
®
•
building form, landscaping and orientation,
hollow walls and roofs,
thermally designed windows,
appropriate ventilation,
appropriate lighting, and
elimination of wastage.
Safety Assurance
Ensuring adequate safety is an important social responsibility
at all stages from raw materials to use of shelters through
building materials, construction methodology and the use of
the final construction in the form of shelter.
Health hazard such as in the case of asbestos fibres processing
for making asbestos products or in the case of toxic odour
producing plastics, have to be safeguarded against.
Fire hazard in terms of fire performance of materials used, the
, design features and the usage pattern of the structure have to
be carefully taken into account. Radiation and explosion
hazards may also be issues to be considered in modem times
in some locations.
adopted. Whatever the approach, it has to be in the strategy
framework for sustainable development.
Durability, Serviceability and Cost Reduction
Durability and Serviceability
Whilst securing a higher initial performance is the first step,
developments in die manufacture, choice and utilization of
building materials have pointed out the importance of looking
into die durability as an important aspect of performance
during the life cycle. The materials and the constructions have
to so perform as to last die entire life of die construction
without undue deterioration. Corrosion of steel in reinforced
or prestressed concrete due to presence of chloride in their
environment, and reduction in alkalinity protecdon around die
reinforcement due to carbonation and alkali-silica reaction in
the body of die concrete are some typical examples relating
to adverse effects on durability.
Even in traditional construction methods there would be a
combination of many considerations; to illustrate, typical
comparative characteristics of bricks and blocks from this
standpoint are indicated in Table 6.
TABLE 6
COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF BRICKS
AND BLOCKS
Property
Speed Compatibility
Unless the speed of construction is as required and planned,
the very objective of the construction may get defeated. In the
case of shelters, at the time of independence in 1947, the total
stock of shelters in India including pucca, semi pucca and
kutcha categories was 58 million units. Today the stock is
about 150 million units.
The planning commission has estimated that in 1992 the
shortage is 23.3 million dwelling units and by the year 2001
an additional 63.8 million dwelling units, comprising 32.6
million in rural areas and 31.2 million in urban areas, are
required to meet the incremental housing needs; this means
another 87 million units have to be put up in about 9 years to
meet die needs of housing without any shortage by the year
of2001. This would require die sheltering activity to provide
shelters to the tune of nearly 10 million units a year as
against the present rate of only about 3 million units a year.
Out of die present stock of 150 million units, only 49 million
are pucca units and the rest of 101 million units are of the
kutcha or semi pucca type with 58 million semi pucca units,
and 43 million kutcha units. So the task of taking qualitatively
kutcha category into semi pucca and the semi pucca to the
pucca category poses yet another challenge.
To achieve these two goals enonnous resources have to be
provided, and innovative strategies have to be formulated, and
appropriate speed has to be adopted. The challenge, therefore,
is to mobilize die needed resources on die one hand and
increase die speed of construction on the other either by
adopting "industrialized" housing construction or extensively
"socialized" housing construction. The fonner would need
sufficient quantities of appropriate materials and up-to-date
machinery and die latter would require inputs to be provided
in a very widely distributed but systematic manner. A judi
cious combination of the two approaches may also be
Vol 75, March 1995
Stabilized
soil blocks
Wet Reversible
I
Density Thermal Durability
Compre- Moisture (qm/cm5) Conduc Under
ssive Movement
tivity
Severe
Strength (% linear)
(W/rr/C) Natural
Exposure
(kg/cm2)
10
0.02
1.5
0.5
Good
to
to
to
to
to
400
0.2
1.9
0.7
very poor
Conventional
burnt clay
bricks
35
to
150
0
to
0.02
1.4
to
2.4
Flyash
bricks
120
to
0.07
to
0.11
1.2
to
140
1.6
Calcium
silicate
bricks
100
to
550
0.01
to
0.035
1.6
to
2.1
1.1
to
1.6
Good
to
moderate
Dense
concrete
blocks
70
to
500
0.02
to
0.05
to
2.2
1.0
to
1.7
Good
to
moderate
Aerated
concrete
blocks
20
to
60
0.05
to
0.10
0.4
to
0.9
0.1
to
0.2
Good
to
moderate
Light weight
concrete
blocks
20
to
200
0.04
to
0.08
0.6
to
1.6
0.15
to
0.7
Good
to
moderate
0.7
to
1.3
Excellent
to
very poor
Good
to
moderate
Immediate Costs
On an average, building materials account lor more than twothirds of the cost of construction. Typical price indices vari
ations during the period 1970 to 1992 for cement, bricks,
timber, steel, asbestos cement products, ceramic tiles, sanitary
ware, aluminium and sheet glass are indicated in Fig 10.
Engineering decisions on the use of materials are bound to be
influenced by changes in consumer costs. Newer develop
ments will also be influenced by this factor.
The net immediate cost (Fig 11) to the consumer generally
comprises :
A:
basic cost of the building material at the source such
as at the manufacturing plant,
27
□
UDC 658
Infrastructure Leasing — A Novel Method of Financing
Transport Projects
(Ms) Esther Malini, Non-member
Inadequacy of financial resources for the government has resulted in a backlog of capital works and
maintenance attention to transport infrastructure, leading to a crisis situation. Infrastructure leasing is a
novel method offinancing transport projects which merits serious study. The main objective of the present
paper is to examine the principle of infrastructure leasing, which is a form of privatization, and its
applicability to Indian transport projects with emphasis on road projects. Different methods of leasing and
the major issues in such projects in the Indian context are also discussed. An attempt is made to refer to
similar leasing projects executed in the recent past in other countries and to learn from their experience.
INTRODUCTION
The magnitude of expenditure on transport infrastructure is
an important indicator of the economic development of a
country. A detailed study of fifteen countries by Cochrane and
Wali1 has proved that high construction expenditure is
strongly related to high economic prosperity. Hence, failure
to provide adequate construction investment would inevitably
lead to a corresponding deficiency in achieving the required
economic growth. While the actual demand for transport
infrastructure rises rapidly, the possible supply from budget
ary resources of the government falls short of the demand.
The condition of needs for infrastructure exceeding the re
sources for the same has come to be known as the ‘Infrastruc
ture Crisis’2.
The national highways, which comprise fee major road net
work of the country, are fee worst affected as fee share of
investment in (hem in fee fonn of creation of new roads and
maintenance of existing roads has decreased from 1.4% to
0.57% of fee public sector expenditure. They are being inade- en
quately maintained due to budgetary constraints on fee one (hp
hand, and on fee other arc being overloaded well above their
designed capacities due to exponential traffic growth during
fee years. As pointed out by Gupta7, fee plan outlay recom
mended by fee working group deputed by fee Planning Com
mission of India for improvement of all categories of roads
was a sum of Rs 326 300 M . It is feared feat not even half the
sum could be mobilized by fee government from its treasury.
About 4% of the existing national highway road length is
being upgraded wife foreign financial assistance. The remain
ing portion of the national highways, the state highways and
other roads are being maintained and upgraded with govern
ment funds.
Since the costs of road construction and maintenance have
steeply increased, and the budgetary allocations of the govern
ment are inadequate to provide for the required extent of road
infrastructure, many countries are now turning to innovative
financing procedures and are successfully tapping the private
sector capital3’7. There is a gradual shift towards privatization
of roads, with the private companies, or consortium of private
companies, being encouraged to participate in creating and
operating public infrastructure. This paper describes different
issues of infrastructure leasing, with parti-cular emphasis on
Build Operate and Transfer (BOT) model, and examines its
applicability to transport projects in India.
Alarmingly diminishing investments on roads, uncontrolled
steep rise in traffic, excessive loadings beyond the designed
loads and absence of a sound and bold policy to build and
maintain roads have taken their toll on the existing road
infrastructure in the country. If tins trend is allowed to con
tinue unchecked, the future for the country’s roads will be
bleak. Consequently, a very substantial additional investment
on roads and bridges is needed to facilitate economic growth.
INDIAN ROAD INFRASTRUCTURE SCENE
NEED FOR PRIVATIZATION
There has been a remarkable five-fold increase in road length
from 0.4 Mkm to 2.0 Mkm during the period 1951-91. But the
vehicle population has shown an alarming seventy-fold in
crease from 0.3 M to 21.3 M during fee same period. Thus,
fee growth of roads has not kept pace wife the growth in
vehicle population. The share of investment in fee roads
sector in fee overall public sector outlay has declined from
6.7% in the First Five-year Plan period (1951-56) to a mere
3.9% in fee Eighth Five-year Plan period (1992- 97), resulting
in an imbalance in fee demand and supply of road infrastruc
ture89.
(Ms) Esther Malini is with the Department of Management Studies,
Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore.
This paper (modified) was received on August 25,1994. Written discussion
on this paper will be entertained till May 31, 1995.
30
The gap between the demand and the supply of road infra
structure is widening at a very fast rate and it would be
impossible for the government to bridge the gap within the
scarce budgetary resources. Therefore, an urgent need has
been felt to encourage the private sector to enter the field of
providing basic public infrastructure, which has so far been
predominantly in the domain of the public sector. Privatiza
tion has been successfully tried by many countries in different
public utilities such as public transport10, solid waste dis
posal2, and airports7. The prevailing worldwide movement
towards privatization of public utilities, especially roads, is
necessitated by a combination of objectives such as relieving
the government of fiscal and administrative burdens, improv
ing die efficiency tlirough flexible management practices of
the private sector, stimulating private investment and creating
1E(1) Journal-ID
TABLE 1
PUBLIC PROJECT AGAINST PRIVATE PROJECT
an investment environment to strengthen the functions of
various industrial and commercial operations.
Privatization is basically the transfer of ownership and control
of any activity, service or enterprise from the public sector to
the private sector. It can take many forms, from complete to
selective transfer of ownership and control. Privatization
could also be in the form of transfer of management, while
the government retains the ownership and control, or in the
form of leasing arrangements between the government and
the private sector. The recent reforms in the Indian economy
have created a conducive environment to venture into priva
tization programmes to use and expand the energies of the
private sector for the improvement of the transport infrastruc
ture.
CHARACTERISTICS OF A PRIVATIZATION
PROJECT
A privatization project is significantly different from a tradi
tional project carried out by the government. The major
differences are summarized in Table 1. Experience from other
countries suggests that a privatization programme will suc
ceed only if the project is perceived by the private company
as one with low risk and high return on investment (ROI), and
at the same time the government is convinced that the benefit
to the general public is maximized4.
Privatization has many potential advantages. The chief advan
tage lies in its facilitating the mobilization of substantial
financial resources necessary to create and maintain the infra
structure. Since road projects are capital intensive, financial
plans including the identification of various sources of fi
nance, their timing and their rates of interest should be sound
and reliable.
Public projects executed by government agencies frequently
suffer time and cost overruns due to inherent procedural
constraints. On the other hand, private companies with their
higher degree of flexibility and freedom to take decisions,
strong profit motive, adoption of faster methods of construc
tion, higher productivity and managerial efficiency, are likely
to execute a project at a lower overall cost to the community
than tlieir public sector counterparts. By making users pay for
the use of facilities in proportion to the benefits derived,
privatization ensures the most efficient utilization of the re
sources.
INFRASTRUCTURE LEASING CONCEPT
The concept of leasing an amenity is well known. The lease
is a time-bound contract with specific terms and conditions,
and the lessor/owner resumes possession of the property after
the expiry of the lease period. However, the application of
leasing to infrastructure projects is of recent origin. Leasing
is more popular or successful with capital intensive transport
projects such as roads, bridges, airports and bus/rail terminals
than with labour intensive projects like operation of public
transport services. Among the capital intensive transport pro
jects built using the leasing principles, bridges have shown
greater toll viability than roads as the maintenance cost of
bridges during their lifetime is very much smaller than that of
roads11. This paper will focus on the principles of leasing as
applicable to roads and bridges, although die broad principles
and approach can also be applied to any other transport
infrastructure.
Vol 75, March 1995
Nature of Project
Objective
Planning and
execution
Standard of project
and management
control
Construction
practices
Source of finance
Cost of capital
Sensitivity
Public Project
Private Project
Social welfare project
not necessarily with high
ROI
Maximization of public
welfare and develop
ment of community
Government agency
Low risk, high ROI
Maximization of
profits to the
company
Private company
Rigid, less effective
control
Flexible, more
effective control
Conventional methods
adopted
Innovations in
design and
construction
employed
Government funds
Capital markets
and Private capital
Low Interest rates
High rates of
interest
Insensitive to delays and Highly sensitive to
market changes
delays and market
forces
BASIC LEASING MODELS
Among the many leasing models found in the technical litera
ture, the two basic models applicable to Indian conditions are:
(a) Turnkey Contract Model, and (b) Build Operate and
Transfer (BOT) Model. These models are inherently similar,
but differ in the basic relationship between the government
and the private sector in each model. Due to their capital
intensive nature, leasing projects are less likely to be carried
out by a single company. In many cases around the world,
such projects are executed by a consortium of private compa
nies, who pool in their resources in different proportions, and
accordingly share the risks and profits of the venture. The two
models are described below.
Turnkey Contract Model
The Turnkey Contract model is similar to conventional con
tracting of government projects to private companies. The
government provides the design and finance completely, and
the private company is responsible to construct the facility at
a maximum agreed price, and operate the facility for a pre
determined period of time. The private company guarantees
a regular periodic payment to the government which is a kind
of franchise fee to operate and earn revenue from the facility
by way of tolls collected from the users. A price cap is
generally imposed on the tolls to be charged as the govern
ment is the sole financier of the project. In this model, the
government retains the ownership, and engages the company
to construct the facility and operate the same as an agent of
the government. Although fixed returns are assured, the
model may not be suitable to alleviate the ‘infrastructure
crisis’ as the government has to bear the construction cost of
the facility in full before the start of revenue from the project,
and thus does not relieve the government from its resource
constraints.
The Build Operate and Transfer (BOT) Model
The Build Operate and Transfer (BOT) model has gained
popularity in many countries. In a BOT model, a joint venture
31
revenue available to repay the construction debt, thereby
encroaching on the expected profit of the operator. Hence,
care should be taken to keep this cost to minimum by avoiding
wastages and overstaffing, and by introducing an efficient
method of toll collection.
Protection from Competition
The lease agreement should contain assurances from the
government that permission will not be granted to other
agencies for a specified period for creation of any other
facility tolled or untolled in the vicinity of a BOT project,
which may affect the traffic volume in the BOT corridor,
which in turn will have adverse effects on the economics of
the project. A classic example in this connection is the con
tract for Channel Tunnel, which provides protection from
competition for a period of 33 years6. The protection period
can in general be about two-thirds of the concession period.
Land Acquisition
Land acquisition is a big hurdle in BOT projects. A private
entrepreneur cannot acquire the land for the project on his
own. Government should necessarily undertake to acquire the
land and allow die concessionaire to operate on it free of cost.
In any case, die government should ensure that die entire land
required has been acquired and made available to the operator
before the commencement of the project to avoid delays due
to litigadon and court proceedings.
Risks
In a BOT project, both the government and the concessionaire
have to face many kinds of risk. The risks for the government
include: possible failure of the concessionaire prior to com
pletion of the project; inadequate cost recovery from tolls,
resulting in benefits to the community falling short of the
projections; and delays in land acquisition for the project due
to litigation.
The concessionaire faces serious risks, including termination
risk, regulation risk, construction risk and information risk14.
Termination risk involves negotiating the residual value when
the project is handed over to the government on expiry of the
contract, or if tlie lease period is modified for some reason.
Regulation risk involves considerations of possible changes
in rules which affect price control and mode of operation,
thereby affecting the revenue potential of the project. Con
struction risk would include cost overruns due to errors in
estimation of the project cost, spurt in prices of materials,
increase in labour costs, etc. Information risk concerns the
reliability of forecasts of traffic data, uncertain elasticity of
demand to tolls and other assumptions regarding commercial
development of adjacent areas.
Consideration of political risks and currency devaluation risks
may be relevant for developing countries. Change in govern
ment may lead to change in policies. This may adversely
affect BOT projects as it may result in undesirable delays,
interruption and even termination of the project. With huge
sunk costs, the private operator may be at a great loss. Keeping
this in view, Chen4 suggested that privatization project is best
applicable in well developed economies with stable political
and economic situations, and sophisticated capital markets.
Currency devaluation risk is pronounced when BOT projects
are financed and/or operated by foreign companies. A de-
34
valuation in the local currency may result in insufficiency of
serving foreign debt.
The discussion of risks may tend to discourage many an
entrepreneur. However, the potential benefits seem to out
weigh the calculated risks involved15. Still, the government
should try to minimise the risks, and, in case of genuine
difficulties, the government should be willing to arrange for
impartial arbitration to ensure reasonable compensation to die
entrepreneur.
APPLICABILITY OF BOT PROJECTS TO INDIAN
CONDITIONS
BOT projects are not yet popular in India. In view of the
potential advantages of BOT projects and with the present
political and economic climate favouring privatization, it is
the best time for the government to encourage and patronize
BOT schemes. BOT concept would be applied to projects
involving construction of expressways, major bridges or tun
nels, formation of bypasses and substantial upgradation of
existing roads to four lanes. While levying of tolls to new
expressways and major bridges may be acceptable to users,
levying tolls for bypasses and in case of upgradation of
existing roads do not seem to be practical at this time. The
required legislative changes are to be implemented. At the
initial stage joint ventures could be undertaken with the major
part of equity coming in from the private sector. Since bridges
are more toll viable than roads, possibly as a first step towards
privatization, major bridges could be built and operated on
BOT principles. This would not only instil confidence in the
private sector, but also motivate them to come forward and
take up bigger projects.
Another feature unique to the Indian road scene is mixed
traffic, comprising vehicles of different speeds and sizes. The
earlier studies on toll viabilities have not considered the slow
moving vehicles, cyclists and pedestrians among the users of
tolled bridges and tolled roads. Unless they are specifically
prohibited from use of the tolled facility, their presence will
have significant impact on the operation and profitability of
the facility as the slow moving traffic reduce the average
speeds of other motorised traffic, thereby increasing the jour
ney times in the corridor. The prevalence of mixed traffic
would also preempt the use of automatic electronic toll col
lection on roads in this country. The management of mixed
traffic in the context of toll road operation needs further study.
The current liberalization process and the opening of Indian
economy to foreign markets may attract foreign investors and
operators to invest in Indian road projects. As the BOT
concept is nascent in India, the Indian entrepreneurs are not
adequately confident of the potentialities of BOT schemes.
Hence, the government should take special efforts to popula
rise such schemes.
As reported by Gupta9, India has made a beginning in BOT
projects witii die signing of Memorandum of Understanding
for the construction of a bypass at Panvel on the National
Highway No 4 in Maharashtra with Infrastructure Leasing
and Financial Services Limited, Bombay. The other proposals
which are in die pipeline are: a bypass at Hapur on National
Highway No 24 in Uttar Pradesh, die Faridabad-Noida-Ghaziabad Expressway and Yamuna Bridge near Delhi.
IE(I) Journal-ID
<
There have been apprehensions expressed by senior engineers
and planners of the country about the whole process13. Priva
tization cannot constitute the solution to all the problems of
infrastructure development in the country. Government can
- at best encourage the private sector to supplement the efforts
of the public sector in creating inftastructure to facilitate
overall development of the economy. The author would like
to endorse the vieXvs of many senior engineers that privatiza
tion projects should be engineered with a lot of caution,
judgement and foresight.
CONCLUSION
I
Infrastructure development is essential for the country’s eco
nomic progress and prosperity. As governments find it diffi
cult to mobilize adequate financial resources to fund essential
public projects, the need for private sector involvement in
creation of public assets is being felt in countries round the
world. The principle of infrastructure leasing, especially the
Build Operate and Transfer (BOT) model, is found applicable
to transport projects. Large capital investment, high interest
rates, long period of capital recovery from tolls, uncertainties
and varied risks may act as deterrents for the private compa
nies to take up BOT projects. The government can make the
projects attractive by playing a positive and supportive role in
the process of privatization. With the adoption of innovative
and creative financing techniques, privatization projects, par
ticularly BOT projects, promise a good opportunity for both
the government and the private sector to obtain mutual bene
fits while simultaneously ensuring maximization of social
benefits. Privatization is not a panacea for the prevalent
‘infrastructure crisis’ in the country, but it is a right step
towards alleviation of the problem. It is hoped that this paper
will stimulate interest among planners and engineers in this
country in the application of the BOT model which is a novel
method of financing transport projects.
REFERENCES
1. S R Cochrane and K Wali. ‘Construction Expenditure and Economic
Development.’ Civil Engineering, ASCE, vol 56, no 9, 1986, p 11.
2. J A Gomez-Ibanez, J R Meyer and D E Luberoff. ‘The Prospects for
Privatizing Infrastructure: Lessons from US Roads and Solid Waste.’ Jour
nal of Transport Economics and Policy, vol 25, no 3, 1991, p 259.
3. L C Wenn. ‘Allocation of Transportation Investment Cost for Develop
ment Projects.’ Proceedings of Sixth Conference of Road Engineering Asso
ciation ofAsia and Australasia, vol 3, 1990.
4. A ¥ Chen. ‘The Management of Public Works Privatization.’ Proceedings
of Sixth Conference of Road Engineering Association of Asia and Aus
tralasia, vol 3, 1990.
5. A Fellows. ‘Alternative Funding of Road Projects in Australia.’ Proceed
ings of Sixth Conference of Road Engineering Association^of Asia and
Australasia, vol 3, 1990.
6. S Szymanski. ‘The Optimal Timing of Infrastnfcture Investment.’ Journal
of Transport Economics and Policy, vol 25, no 3, 1991, p 247.
7. G Mills. ‘Commercial Funding of Transport Infrastructure.’ Journal of
Transport Economics and Policy, vol 25, no 3, 1991, p 279.
8. V K Sinha. ‘Highway Tolls in a Developing Country: The Relevant System
and Philosophy.’ Proceedings of Sixth Conference of Road Engineering
Association ofAsia and Australasia, vol 3, 1990.
9. D P Gupta. ‘Road Infrastructure — A Policy Framework.’ Journal of
Indian Roads Congress, vol 54, no 3, 1993, p 467.
10. P R White. ‘Bus Deregulation: A Welfare Balance Sheet.’ Journal of
Transport Economics and Policy, vol 24, no 3, 1990, p 311.
11. V K Sinha. ‘Tolls as a Source of Highway Finance.’ Journal of Indian
Roads Congress, vol 50, pt 2, 1989, p 411.
12. W W Hulbert. ‘A Highway Privatization Scheme — The Role of Project
Consultants. ’ Proceedings of Sixth Conference of Road Engineering Asso
ciation ofAsia and Australasia, vol 3, 1990.
13. IRC Panel Discussion. ‘Privatization in the Highway Sector.’ Journal of
Indian Roads Congress, vol 50, pt 4, 1989, p 1001.
14. M S Beesley and D A Hensher. ‘Private Toll Roads in Urban Areas:
Some Thoughts on the Economic and Financial Issues.' Transportation, vol
16, 1990, p 329.
15. P P Dharwadker. ‘Management of BOT Projects.’ Journal of The Insti
tution of Engineers (India), vol 74, March 1994, p 45.
Statement about ownership and other particulars about The Journal of The Institution of Engineers (India)
(To be published in the first issue every year after the last day of February)
FORM IV
[ See Rule 8 of the Registration of Newspapers (Central) Rules 1956]
1.
Place of Publication
8 Gokhale Road
Calcutta 700 020
2.
Periodicity
Monthly
3.
Printer's Name
Nationality
Address
Maj Gen S P Misra (Retd)
Indian
8 Gokhale Road
Calcutta 700 020
4.
Editor's Name
Nationality
Address
•Maj Gen S P Misra (Retd)
Indian
8 Gokhale Road
Calcutta 700 020
5.
Publisher's Name
Nationality
Address
Maj Gen S P Misra (Retd)
Indian *
8 Gokhale Road
Calcutta 700 020
6.
Names and address of
individuals who own the
newspaper and partners
or shareholders holding
more than one percent
of the capital
The Institution of Engineers (india)
8 Gokhale Road
Calcutta 700 020
I, Maj Gen S P Misra (Retd), hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge.
Sd/March 1,1995
Vol 75, March 1995
Maj Gen S P Misra (Retd)
35
Ml
UDC 616.12-073.97
Correlation of ECG and Electrical Axes of the Heart
Prof C Raja Rao, Fellow
R Seshadri, Non-member
The electrocardiogram (ECG) represents the electrical activity associated with the heart. The bioelectric
signal produced by the heart as a generator can be described by means of a simple electric dipole, which
generates a field vector, changing nearly periodically in time and space and its effects are measured on the
surface ofthe human body. This paper highlights the technique of locating the electrical axis ofthe heart by
mere measurement of electrocardiographic potentials appearing between limb electrodes.
INTRODUCTION
As a result of the electrical activity of the cardiac muscle, an
electric field is established in the conducting region of the
body surrounding the heart. The potentials that arise at the
surface of the body, resulting from cardiac activity, are known
as the electrocardiogram (ECG). In this study both the ele
mentary and basic relations between the heart activity and the
related surface potentials have been concerned.
Normally, ECG genesis is considered in two parts. The first
consists in specifying, in some way, the current sources in
the heart. For example, this could be accomplished by giving
the space-time distribution of J, the dipole moment per unit
volume. Since the sources are distributed, simplifications
have been sought to make the mathematical analysis easier.
A crude approximation is to simply find the vector summa
tion of all dipole elements J dV. That is, the vector
p = j Ji dv is formed, and let this single dipole represent the
heart electrically. For the present study, it has been assumed
that the electrical activity of the heart can be represented by
rotation of an electric dipole. Interestingly, this rather crude
approximation turns out to be amazingly good. Almo.f aii
clinical electrocardiography and vectorcardiography are
based on the notion that the heart may be represented by a
single dipole, the equivalent vector.
The second portion of the ECG problem is to obtain surface
potentials due to the effective dipole (heart) source. In this
analysis, the body is normally assumed to be linear, homoge
neous, uniform and isotropic. These are not particularly good
assumptions, but, again, satisfactory results are normally ob
tained.
In healthy individuals, the ECG remains reasonably constant,
even though the heart rate changes with the demands of the
body. It should be noted that the position of the heart within
the thoracic region of the body, as well as the position of the
body itself (whether erect or recumbent) influences the ‘elec
trical axis’ of the heart. The electrical axis is defined as the
ficticious line on the heart along which the greatest electro
motive force is developed at a given instant during the cardiac
cycle. The electrical axis shifts continually through a repeat
able pattern during every cardiac cycle.
Prof C Raja Rao is with University College of Engineering, S V
University, and R Seshadri is with University Computer Centre, S V
University, Tirupati 517 502.
This paper (modified) was received on June 6, 1994. Written discussion on
this paper will be entertained till May 31, 1995.
36
THEORY
In electrocardiography, Einthoven developed a system of lead
(electrode) placement at the extremities of the body on the
assumption that this would enhance the validity of the dipole
heart model. A consideration of this system of leads, which
are called the standard or limb leads, has been made. Despite
the proved inadequacies of this system from a theoretical
point of view, this constitutes the most common clinical
system today and adopted by cardiographers.
The ‘standard’ leads Ei, En, Em, (Fig 1) are defined as
Ei = Eab (lead 1)
En = Ecb (lead 2)
Em = Eca (lead 3)
where a corresponds to the wrist of the left arm (LA), b to the
wrist of the right arm (RA), and c to the lower portion of the
left leg (LL). From Kirchhoffs Voltage Law,
Eca + Eab = Ecb
hence
(1)
Ei + Em = En
(2)
Equation (2) can be represented by tlie ‘vector’ relations in
the ‘Einthoven equilateral triangle’ as illustrated in Fig 2. The
origin is at the centre of the triangle, while the origin for each
lead is the projection on the corresponding side. Positive
directions are taken as shown in the figure and correspond to
a reversal of the double-subscript notation (by convention). If
the lead voltages are plotted along the sides of the triangle,
each from its respective origin, then the projections of their
termini define the unique vector E as illustrated in Fig 2. It
can be shown that all three projections must meet at a common
point. To do this, the existence of tne resultant vector E has
been assumed. As a consequence, the scalar leads must be
Lead I = E cos a
Lead II = E sin (a + 30°)
Lead III = E sin (a - 30°)
It has been seen that
I + III = II;
E cos a + E sin (a - 30°) = E sin (a + 30°);
E (cos a + sin a cos 30° - cos a sin 30°)
= E (sin a cos 30° + cos a sin 30°); and
E/2 ['ll sin a + cos a] = E/2 ['VTsin a + cos a].
IE(I) Journal - ID
I
PROOF
Public Record of
Operations & Finance
PERFORMANCE INDICATORS FOR HEALTH
INPUT
OUTPUT
•
Minimum Infrastructure
Standard
General Ward
Labor Ward
Operation Theatre (OT)
Minor Operation Theatre
Toilets
Condition of toilet
Bathrooms:
— Availability of hot water
— Availability of sewage
system.
Laboratory'
Waiting Area
Patient Attendant Space
Outpatient Area
Availability of drinking water
Linen Service
Generator set
Store Room
Ambulance Service
Quarters for Doctors and
Drivers
Telephone Service
Privacy of examination area
Fumigation
• Number of
deliveries
Normal Caesarean and
Assisted
•
Minimum Equipment
Standard.
Availability of required
Equipment in all rooms.
•
Drugs
Availability of minimum
essential drugs.
Availability of emergency
drugs.
• Number of family
welfare procedures.
• Number of high risk
pregnancies detected
during labor / antenatal
care
• Number of
immunizations against
measles.
• Number of
admissions.
• Number of
admission slips.
• Number of patients
registered for postnatal
care.
• Number of patients
registered for antenatal
care.
• Number of
Medically Terminated
Pregnancies (MTP).
OUTCOME
• Number of maternal
deaths.
• Number of neo natal
deaths.
• Number of stillbirths.
• Number of infant deaths.
• Number of perinatal
deaths.
• Number of measles cases.
• Number of deaths due to
measles
• Number of admission to
number of admission slips.
EFFICIENCY
• Downtime of key
equipment.
Autoclave.
Laproscope.
Refrigerator.
Generator.
Ambulance
BP Apparatus
Instrument Sterilisers
Weighing Machine - Adult and
Infant
Incubators
Boyle’s Apparatus
Pulse Oxinator
Hysteroscopes
• Time taken to fill up
vacancies to sanctioned
strength.
• Nurse patient ratio.
• Complaint redressal
system.
• Doctor patient ratio.
• Patient feedback forms.
• Full time employees per
occupied bed.
• Percentage of patients
coming in for 3 postnatal
check ups.
•
• Number of patients
registered for antenatal care
prior to 12 weeks.
• Number of days with
stock outs of essential drugs.
Waiting time for patient.
• Cost of drugs per patient
(inpatient / outpatient).
• Cost per inpatient day.
•
Cost per outpatient day.
PRODUCTIVITY
EXPLANATORY
• Staffing patterns.
• Number of patients below
the poverty line.
• Inventory / Store
management maintenance
mechanism.
Furniture.
•
Stationery for
correspondences.
• Staff (Sanctions, Vacancies
and Absentees)
Doctors
Staff Nurses
Auxiliary Nurse Midwives
(ANM)
Lab Technicians
Peons
Ayahs
Sweepers
Drivers
Dhobhi’s (Contracted)
• Capacity Building
Type of training programme.
Periodicity of training.
Number of people trained.
• Financial
Salaries budget
Maintenance budget Equipment
Maintenance budget -Building
Drugs budget.
Equipment budget.
Training Budget.
Fuel and vehicle maintenance
budget
User fees
Laundry budget
Contractual Services budget
Miscellaneous expenditure
budget
• Number of
complaints.
• Display board of
available drugs.
•
• Number of
outpatients per day.
• Amount of user fees
collected.
• Percentage of high risk
cases among deliveries
• Number of referrals.
• Bed occupancy rate.
• Number of
prescription slips
issued
• Number of deaths due to
sterlisation
• Number of complaints
received to number of
complaints redressed
• Number of visits by
the health officer/
supervisor
• Use of equipments
Utilisation of user fees.
Ev - G -
01
The Invention of UNDERdevelopment
'Development has become an amoeba-like concept', says Wolfgang Sachs,
'shapeless and ineradicable. It spreads everywhere because it connotes the best of
intentions. The term is hailed by the IMF and the Vatican alike, by
revolutionaries carrying their guns, as well as by field experts carrying their
Samsonites. The concept allows any intervention to be sanctified in the name of a
higher goal. Therefore even enemies feel united under the same banner. The
term creates a common ground, a ground on which right and left, elites and
grassrootsfight their battles'.
The notion of development was highly contested at one stage. Marxists saw it as
the process of developing into a classless society, through class struggle, whereas
the liberals looked for growth or enlarging the cake rather than re-distributing
it. There is also the trickle down effect! Among NGOs, several constructs have
been considered synonymous with development: people's participation and
empowerment are but two of them.
Today, 'development' by whatever name, seems to boil down to one thing: the
market - produce, organise, sell, save, speculate ... anything. So long as it gives
you that extra rupee, it is 'development'! Even leftist governments the world over
seem to have resigned themselves to thisfate.
It is in this context - and given recent events, with a sense of dbjd. vu, that we re
read the Development Dictionary, where the authors start with how Truman, in
1949, labelled the large parts of the world as 'underdeveloped', thereby setting
the US and the Western capitalist model as the ideal or aim of 'development'.
The Development Dictionary-A Guide to Knowledge as Power by
Wolfgang Sachs (Editor). Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1997. 408 pages
[B.Q12.S66]
Excerpts
The Development Dictionary
Wolfgang Sachs and Gustavo Esteva
Development's hidden agenda was nothing else than the Westernization of
the world.
At the end of World War II, the United States was a formidable and incessant
productive machine, unprecedented in history. All institutions created in
those years recognized that fact; even the United Nations Charter echoed the
United States' Constitution.
The Americans wanted to consolidate that hegemony and make it permanent
and explicit. For this purpose, they conceived a political campaign on a
global scale, and an appropriate emblem to identify the campaign.
And they launched both on January 20,1949, the day President Truman took
office. On that day a new era was opened for the world! The era of
development! In his speech, Truman described a large part of the world as
underdeveloped.
Thus on that day, two billion people
became so. In a real sense, from that
time on, they ceased being what they
were, in all their diversity. They were
turned into an inverted mirror of
someone else's reality; a mirror that
belittles them and sends them off to
the end of the queue; a mirror that
defines their identity in the terms of a
homogenizing and narrow minority,
when in reality they are a
heterogeneous and diverse majority.
Since then, development has
connoted at least one thing: to escape
from the undignified condition called
underdevelopment. Consequently,
catching up was declared to be the
historical task.
6
"Development has become a
shapeless amoeba-like word. It
cannot express anything because
its outlines are blurred. But it
remains ineradicable because it
appears so benign. They who
pronounce the word denote
nothing but claim the best of
intentions "SACHS(1997).
DEVELOPMENT THEORY
01
In order for someone to conceive the possibility of escaping from a particular
condition, it is necessary first to feel that one has fallen into that condition.
For those who make up two-thirds of the world's population today to think of
development of any kind, requires first the perception of themselves as
underdeveloped, with the whole burden of connotations that this carries.
Today, for these two-thirds of the peoples of the world, underdevelopment is
a threat that has already been carried out - a life experience of subordination
and of being led astray, of discrimination and subjugation. Given that
precondition, the simple fact of associating with development tends to annul
one's own intention, contradict it, and enslave oneself.
It impedes thinking of one's own objectives; it undermines confidence in
oneself and one's own culture; it clamours for management from the top
down; it converts participation into a manipulative trick to involve people in
struggles forgetting what the powerful want to impose on them.
The development discourse is made up of a web of key concepts. It is
impossible to talk about development without referring to concepts such as
poverty, production, the notion of the state, or equality. These concepts first
rose to prominence during modern Western history and only then have they
been projected on the rest of the world. Each of them crystallizes a set of tacit
assumptions which reinforce the Occidental worldview. Development has to
pervasively spread these assumptions so that people everywhere are caught
up in a Western perception of reality.
The metaphor of development gave global hegemony to a purely Western
genealogy of history, robbing peoples of different cultures of the opportunity
to define the forms of their social life, the word development accumulating in
it a whole variety of connotations. This overload of meanings ended up
dissolving its precise significance.
Development has become outdated. The hopes and desires which made the
idea fly, are now exhausted; development has grown obsolete.
Knowledge wields power by directing people's attention; it carves out and
highlights a certain reality, casting into oblivion other ways of relating to the
world around us. At a time when development has evidently failed as a socio
economic endeavour, it has become of paramount importance to liberate
ourselves from its dominion over our minds.
Wolfgang Sachs - 'development' debate
7
The idea of development stands like a ruin in the intellectual landscape.
Delusion and disappointment, failures and crimes have been the steady
companions ofdevelopment and they tell a common story: it did not work.
Nevertheless, the ruin stands there and still dominates the scenery like a
landmark. Though doubts are mounting and uneasiness is widely felt,
development talk still pervades not only official declarations but even the
language of grassroots movements. It is time to dismantle this mental
structure.
The authors consciously bid farewell to the defunct idea in order to clear our
minds for fresh discoveries. This book - and the Digest - is an invitation to re
view the developmental model of reality and to recognize that we all wear
not merely tinted, but tainted glasses if we take part in the prevailing
development discourse.
Awesome Development ?
I am pleased to report that German technology remains the most
awesome in the world.
At a petrol pump on an autobahn, I stare in disbelief at the toilet
seat I've just vacated. It has whirred into a slow 360-degree
rotation. A small round brush scrubs, soaps, lathers and buffs it,
retracting into the wall when done. Automatically, the seat is clean
and back into position.
Padma Rao-Sunderji, Outlook, July 21,2003
8
7UE
- C-
01
An Architect of Localisation
Joginder Singh outlines the facets of the work of Laurie Baker, an architect who
settled down in Kerala, and identified himself with the locals through his work
- buildinghomesfor people.
There is many a lesson to be learnt from, Laurie Baker, not only for the architect
and the mason, the student and the researcher, the ordinary citizen and the
intellectual activist, but for all those who are committed to a value-based
involvement in the political, cultural, economic, social, and ecological systems of
Hfe.
Laurie Baker himself may only look al these conceptions and critiques in
guileless wonder.
If one asked Laurie Baker whether his work was a statement of his politics, he
would look atyou quizzically - neither in disbelief, nor with cynicism, but injust
plain wonder. Is not everything political? Is life that is worth living, lived to the
full, awayfrom politics?
Laurie Baker of course does not say - nor does he imply - these things. He does
not dabble in the ponderous rhetoric of appropriate technology, 'low-cost
housing', or 'architecture for the people'. This is what we read into him and his
work. He simply goes about doing his work. Why? It is his passion, being in the
company of people - his 'clients' who do not see in his passion anything other
than simple common sense that appeals to them, makes them comfortable in the
homes that he has built and at the workplaces that he has created.
Architecture for the People : Interview with Laurie Baker by Joginder
Singh. Frontline. Volume 20 - Issue05, March 1-14, 2003
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2005/stories/20030314000906400.htm
[C.ELDOC1071143]
Excerpts
Architecture for the People
Joginder Singh Interviews Laurie Baker
After five decades of a very active and varied architectural practice, what
has the term architecture come to mean for you?
Broadly speaking, it's just the design of buildings and what they look like different buildings and of course different designs for different functions. The
thing that has meant the most to me, living in India for the past fifty years, is
that the architecture reflects the lives of the people who live in the buildings
they build and the materials with which they build - materials which are
underneath them and around them, the way they deal with the climate and so
on. In a country the size of India, every 100 km or even less very often, the
architecture has changed, so it tells you a lot about the people, it tells you a lot
about the climate and it tells you a lot about the materials available and how
man has made them usable for his own purposes.
The (modern) buildings I see and the few buildings I go into, to me they have
nothing to do with the normal life of the Kerala individual or with the climate
or with the materials available and they are a big curse in many ways. For
one, they take absolutely no interest in protecting the people who are using
them from our climatic conditions - they are bad for rain, they are very bad for
the heat and then, in turn, that means introducing all those 'modern' devices
like air-conditioning and big glass windows. The one contradicts the other the big glass window lets in more heat as well as the light it does, but the heat
is more. And then, of course, they have to have their curtains and air
conditioners and all the very expensive things, and use a continual amount of
public energy, which isn't getting to the ordinary millions of people at all - so
to me it's just bad! I don't see anything particularly beautiful about it.
Sometimes they are quite interesting as patterns of squares and big holes but
they don't convey anything to me in the way that the local architecture does,
even the recent local architecture that still uses local materials and deals with
local conditions.
You have been known for the incorporation of local craft and tradition in
your buildings. Do you feel that modern architecture has anything to do
with art and craft? Traditional crafts in the country have almost died - how
can architecture be used as a medium to revive them?
30
ALTERNATIVES IN ACTION
01
Depends on what people mean when they use the word 'craft' -1 imagine the
dictionary probably explains it as the things that people make. Well, for one
thing immediately, in modern architecture, hardly anything is done by local
people, except those hired by the contractors and so on. They do not use
local materials and they are wasting an enormous amount of the country's
energy and therefore money. The economy of the country is very poor at the
moment, and all because you have your fans on all the time, you have your
lights on all the time, you have your air-conditioners on all the lime, you
import things like oil from the Gulf countries to burn limestone into cement.
To me, for a country that is still struggling to cope with millions of homeless
people and with slums and villages that don't have electricity and water, it
seems silly to go on from the traditional to the modern, which is almost
wholesale imported and not a good thing when it gets here.
As an example, I'm told that in Ernakulam there area lot of these new modern
flats, six to ten storeys high - 'modern' to look at. But I was told that more than
half of them had been full but are now empty. For the reasons that I have
mentioned already, people get tired of living up at the top and having to walk
all the way up and down the stairs because the electricity isn't there, the
power isn't there, the water can be a problem, and all that sort of thing. So to
me, gradually, we will be taught a lesson and have no option but to learn from
what we see.
Whatever individual houses you have done, you've always managed to
strike a very personal rapport with your clients. Would you comment on
your approach to designing residences?
My clients are very often families, or in the case of schools or hospitals, it's the
people in charge or those who have caused it to happen. I prefer to go to the
client to see how he performs, he or she, how they live, what they do, what
they want, what sort of a family or an organisation it is. And then I want to see
the site that they have, why did they have it, do they really think it is worth
having or doing, or what a lovely site - don't spoil it, what do you want to do
with it and soon.
I think the client comes to me because he has similar feelings and they know
that no two buildings I have built have ever been the same and everybody
gets the building that they want or hope for. It doesn't always work out. It's
mostly getting to know them and asking about their family life and what
they'll do when the children grow up and things like that, and very quickly
Laurie Baker
31
they either have to throw me out for being too inquisitive or become friends.
And many of our friends are people that I have built for 30-50 years ago. One
of the most satisfying things from my point of view is that 99.9 per cent of the
people I build for remain our friends over these many years.
You have always worked as a one-man army - designing, building,
supervising, almost like the earlier traditions of a master builder. In the
initial years of your architectural practice you did take on apprentices but
later refrained from doing that. Did you feel that your architecture was
getting diluted in some way?
There is that, that dilution. One or two people were with me for a time and
then went off on their own They did get the ideas or some of the ideas and it is
inevitable that one or two or three have made use of the name, which was
beginning to get known because of the bigger projects. They have done many
of the things that I don't like - putting bits of fancy chajjas (sunshades) or
plaster all over the thing and using brickwork only as a decorative feature
somewhere, things like that. I feel a bit peeved sometimes, but anyway there
are people who want that.
I still think that the main thing that is not taught and is still missing is the
personal rapport that must be developed between the client and the architect
so that the client will get what he wants. And also there is the other side to it: if
you come across a client, I mean one who wants everything that you don't
believe in, then you can say that, really, you've come to the wrong person
and I don't want to do it
When you see all the old buildings, usually most of this that I am aiming at, as
though it's something new, is already there. In the Himalayas where there is
very little 'technology' available, they build together as a family. There will
be one long building but every nowand then there will be a personal touch.
I don't know whether you can say what is the Laurie Baker legacy. As I have
already said, there is a revolt against everybody being in an identical flat ten
storeys high, for very many reasons. So it is a very good thing that the revolt
has come now. The thing is, will the people who build high storeys do
anything about it?!*
32
ALTERNATIVES IN ACTION
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