URBAN SLUMS IN BANGALORE AND HEALTH CARE
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- Title
- URBAN SLUMS IN BANGALORE AND HEALTH CARE
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RF_DEV_3_SUDHA
KARNATAKA AND INDIA
AT A GLANCE
(As on 31-3-1989)
Published By
MANAGEMENT INFORMATION AND EVALUATION DIVISION
DIRECTORATE OF HEALTH AND FAMILY WELFARE SERVICE
560 009
BANGALORE
KARNATAKA Al® INDIA AT A GLANCE
(As on 31-3-1989)
GENERAL INFORMATION
.KARNATAKA
INDIA
Area in Sq. Kins
1,91,791
32,87,263
No. of Revenue Divisions
4
NA
No. of Districts
20
412
No. of Sub-Divisions
49
NA
No. of Taluks
175
NA
No. of Towns and Cities/(1981 Census)
250
3,949
27,028
5,57,137
Population (in 000s)
37,136
6,85,185
Male Population (in 000s)
18,923
3,54,398
Female Population (in 000s)
18,213
3,30,787
Rural P.opulation (in 000s)
26,406
5,25,457
Urban Population (in 000s)
10,730
1,59,727
Decinnial Growth Rate (1971-81)/l971-81
No. of inhabited villages
DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES (1981 Census) :
26.75
25.00
Density of Population
194
216
Sex Ratio (No. of Females per 1000 Males)
963
933
Rural
978
951
Urban
926
878
38.46
36.23
Male
48.81
46.89
Female
27.71
24.82
Rural
31.05
29.65
Urban
56.71
57.40
Hindus
85.92
82.35
Muslims
11.05
11.73
Christians
2.06
2.44
Others
0.97
3.48
4.91
7.76
(a) Percentage of Literacy (1981 Census)
(b) Religion-wise Breakups (1981 Census)
(percentage to total)
(c) Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
Population (1981 Census)
(Percentage to total)
Scheduled Caste
Scheduled Tribe
(d) Population Broad age composition
(l981 Census)
(Percentage to total)
0 - 14 years
15-59 years
’60 years and above
KARNATAKA
INDIA
(e) Expectation of life at birth
(in years) (1976-30)
56.5
52.5
(f) No. of Eligible couples protected as
on 51-5-1989 (provisional)
45.5
*
59.9
(g) Percentage of Married Females to total
Females in the age group
of 15-44
76.08
80.5
(h) Mean Age at Marriage of Females
19.4
18.5
1939
45,657
8,06,772
1990
44,485
8,21,895
2801.92
5284.20
Rural
29.8
55.5
Urban
26.5
27.1
Combined
28.9
52.0
Rural
9.6
11.9
Urban
6.0
7.5
Combined
8.7
10.8
Rural
86
104
Urban
41
61
Combined
75
95
Dependency Ratio
358
854
Rural
57.5
40.4
Urban
29.2
28.1
Combined
55.0
57.4
Health
54.24
46.25
Family 'Welfare
8.86
7.19
(i) Projected Population (in 000s)
(j) Per Capita Income 1987 - 83
(At current prices Quick estimate)
5.
VITAL STATISTICS (1987) (PROVISIONAL)
(a) Birth rate
(b) Death Rate
(c) Infant Mortality
4.
PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION BELOW POVERTY
LINE (1985 - 84)
5.
PER CAPITA (PUBLIC SECTOR) EXPEl'iDITURS
ON HEALTH (MEDICAL AND
AMD PUBLIC HEALTH) AND FAMILY WELFARE
(1985-86) (In Rs.)
*>!-
6.
KARNATAKA
INDIA
General, Major Hospitals and District
Hospitals
176
9851°
Primary Health Centres
856
14609°
(a) HEALTH AND MEDICAL INSTITUTIONS
(GO VERMONT)
Primary Health Units
848
No. of ’Beds
28,822
585889°
No. of Sub-Centres
7,795
102674°
Rural Family Welfare Centres
269
**
5,461
Urban Family Welfare Centres
102
**
2,648
Post Partun Centres
96
1109#
Medical Termination of Pregnancy
(MTP) Centres
448
NA
Health and Family Welfare Training
Centres
5
NA
Rural
1s 19,795
NA
Urban
1s 58,284
NA
Total
1s 25,004
1 s 1000°
Rural
1s 5,161
NA
Urban
1s
559
NA
Total
1; 1,484
1s 1598#
(b) Institution Population Ratio
(c) Bed Population Ratio
1s 2450
*
(d) Doctor Population Ratio
Excluding Teaching Staff
1s 9,445
Including Teaching Staff
1s 7,726
NA
(e) Auxiliary Nurse Midwife/Midwife
Population ratio
For Total Population
1s 4,685
1: 2056
*
For Rural Population
1s 5,550
NA
(f) Nurse Bed Ratio
*1985
#1986
1984
**
1s 7
01-1-1988
1s 5#
WHY BANGALORE NEEDS
Mill) STOREYED BUBLDihlGS? ofv
In the past 10 years, the population of City of Bangalore has grown by 60% i.e. from 25
lakhs to 40 lakhs not counting the floating population, which anytime is reported to be
4 to 5 lakhs people. Against the above growth of nearly 15 lakhs population in the last 10
years, hardly 150 multi storeyed buildings have come up in different areas in
Bangalore, with approximately 3000 flats which accommodate about 15,000 to 20,000
people. This is hardly 0.05% of the present total population. Can this number of 20,000
people strain the services of water and sewerage, as is being claimed in different
quarters? Had these multi storeyed buildings not been built, the same 20,000 people
would have occupied alternative accommodations or would have stayed with some
other relatives or friends, thus resulting in the same strain on water and sewage, as is
being felt at present.
When the land was in plenty and population small, dividing the land into small sites
was a correct step. But with pressure of population and limitations of horizontal growth
of City, the Government is right considering vertical growth of the City.
The existing site allotment Rules of Bangalore Development Authority (erstwhile
CITB), were framed over 40 years ago, when the population of Bangalore was less than
8 lakhs, and when it was never envisaged that there will be such a demand on land,
which has to be shared by more than one family per site. Since, even Bangalore
Development Authority will not be able to fulfill the need of the growing population by
giving sites, it will be only in fitness of things that the additional population is
accommodated in multi storeyed buildings.
The allotment Rules of Bangalore Development Authority are the guidelines for the
allotment of sites and not the construction on them. The Comprehensive Development
Plan does not prohibit multi storeyed buildings.
It has been experienced by all growing cities, that every city has to grow vertically and
the choice of its vertical growth from centre to the outskirts or from the outskirts to the
centre, would depend very much on our Town Planners and not on the individual
Developer or the opinion of few citizens. Staying one above the other in multi storeyed
building permits a bigger, free space on the ground around the building, which can be
utilised, in future for widening of roads, planting of trees, car parking and for use of
open space for the inhabitants of the buildings.
In view of the increasing cost of land and construction, it will be desirable if scarce land
is utilised by more than one family in order to reduce the burden of land cost on cost per
sq.ft, of built up space occpied by the family.
Government of Karnataka, after lengthy discussions and inviting suggestions from
Public, have prepared Comprehensive Development Plan and also have published
zoning regulations and based on this, bye-laws have come into force from 13.10.1984.
These regulate the construction activity in Bangalore. The High Court and Supreme
Court have also held that the Comprehensive Development Plan and the byelaws
framed thereunder are ultimate.
Corporation of City of Bangalore sanction buildings as per these Byelaws, taking into
consideration the road width, the total area that is permitted, height of the building and
the traffic density that can exist on the Road or load of various facilities the locality is
expected to carry by the Year 2001.
The BWSSB & KEB are collecting upgrading charges to meet the cost of Water/
Sewage/ Electrical requirements of multi storeyed buildings. In case, there is a
shortage of water or blockage of sewage lines, it is these Departments who should be
questioned and not the construction of multi storeyed buildings since these are being
put up as per Zoning Regulations and the necessary upgrading charges are being
collected from these buildings before Occupancy certificate is Issued.
In comparision to individual bungalows, which are permitted to use 60% of the ground
area, the ground area to be used for multi storeyed Residential buildings is restricted
to a maximum of 45%, thereby leaving more open space for car parking, playground
and for use of children and elderly persons living in these buildings. ’As such there is no
jShrinkage of open spaces or living space by permitting the multi storeyed buildings.
Central Government, in their policy on National Housing, announced, during this year
have realised the role of private sector in construction of housing for the masses and
have also appreciated their role along with the other Agencies like LIC, HDFC, Housing
Boards etc.
Irrespective of whether multi storeyed buildings are constructed or whether low rise
structures are constructed, the City has to grow and the problems of water, Drainage,
Transport, Law & Order are to be faced by the citizens of Bangalore, which in days to
come will be more serious in case city has to grow only horizontally and not vertically.
In all fitness of things, the construction of multi-storeyed buildings (blocks) are a must
to tackle the Housing problems of Bangalore, and this has to be done keeping in mind,
the problems of the locality and also satisfying the Bye-laws of the Corporation.
KARNATAKA OWNERSHIP APARTMENTS PROMOTERS ASSOCIATION
______ __________________________________________________________________________________ ADVT
City administration outdated
to meet today’s conditions '
By Our Staff Reporter
BANGALORE, April 5. — The
nature of administration of the
Bangalore City Corporation has be
come outdated to meet the challenge
of changing urban conditions, Law and
Parliamentary Affairs Minister A.
Lakshmisagar has said.
The Corporation is still persisting
with the age-old practices and proce
dures of property tax collection and
♦he outdated mode of administration
public health and sanitation ser
vices, he said while delivering the
Bangalore City Corporation Endow
ment Lecture on “Bangalore City
Development — Problems and
prospects,” here today.
The lecture was organised under the
auspices of the Mythic Society.
Citv
City losing
losing its
its local
local identity
identity due
due to
to the
the on
on maintenance
maintenance and
and re.nair4</
repairs.'-•'
large influx of migrants from Tamil
FUTURE DEVELOPMENT: Re
Nadu, Kerala and northern States. garding the future development of the
“Though this migration cannot be City, Mr. Lakshmisagar was happy to
prevented under the Constitution, we note that the BCC had got prepared a
cannot remain silent on what is hap medium-term development plan for
pening to population composition, the City by the Asian Institute of
pressure on civic services, the growth Urban Development. This differed.
of unhealthy slums and the political substantially from departmental plans’
implications arising from language and prepared by some corporations. The
2 plan is comparable to the development
ethnic conflicts,” he said.
Giving official projections of urba plans prepared for the Delhi Metro
nisation in the years to come, he said politan Government, he said.
that the total urban population would
The Corporation would have to
be. 230.1 million by 1991 and 326 mobilise Rs. 480 crore as its share of
million by 2001. There would at least Rs. 2558 crore of capital outlay to
be 40 “million-plus” cities in the implement the development plan dur
country by 2001 and of them Banga ing 1990-95. It is estimated that the
lore would be the fourth largest. The civic body itself can finance 27 per
City would overtake Madras in popu cent from its resources. But, even with
The Minister noted that the Cor- lation during the later part of the ’90s. the additional transfers from the State
Taking the City Corporation area as Government to an extent of 16 per
poration had also failed to change
either its style of functioning or im reference, the population of Bangalore cent of the outlay there would still be
press upon the citizens about the was expected to increase to 4.04 mil a gap of Rs. 272 crore. The plan
obligations they had towards the civic lion by 1991 and 5.91 million by 2001. suggested that the gap could be re
authority.
The estimated population of the duced if the Central Government
urban
conglomeration provided Rs. 178 crore as special grant
Mr. Lakshmisagar felt that the Bangalore
BCC lacked expertise in financial would be 7.63 million by 2001, he through the Finance Commissions
transfers to the State Government, the
management, budget preparation and said.
Mr. Lakshmisagar noted that the Minister said.
financial planning. “It is paradoxical to
He hoped that the Commission
note that while the Corporation la total population in the City Corpora
ments the lack of funds, the annual tion area by 1981 should not have would examine the State Govern
closing balances are increasing every been more than 1.95 million. But half ment’s request for special assistance to
a million migrants had been added to the BCC sympathetically. He pointed
year,” he said.
out that the Commission had recom
As the size of the annual budget has the population, he said.
“An interesting component of urban mended one-time, large-scale grants to
been increasing every year the size of
te annual administration reports and growth is that a major portion of Bombay and Calcutta cities for slum
uudget documents has been becoming migrants who constitute bearly 50 per development.
cent of total migrants is from urban to
Former BCC Administrator N.
smaller and smaller.
Lakshman Rau presided.
CITIZENS’
COUNCILMr. urban centres,” he said.
ONLY CONSOLATION: The only
Lakshmisagar was happy that the
National Commission on Urbanisation consolation is that in spite of such a
had realised the importance of peo large influx from other States, the
ple’s voluntary participation in civic City is still able to cater to the needs
administration. He said it had rightly of the ever increasing population. The
suggested that in every city there overall financial performance of the
should be a “council for citizens’ BCC right from its inception in 1949
action” consisting of prominent citiz can be graded as reasonably good, the
Minister said.
ens in the locality.
The BCC’s total revenue has in
Bangalore City had in the past
individuals who put forward ideas and creased from Rs. 43.4 crore in
acted as conscience-keepers and help 1980-81 to Rs. 79.3 crore in 1985-86.
ed its development. “But, today they But, the non-tax revenues like fees,
are keeping aloof. Perhaps, the present income from its own enterprises etc.,
standards of political and election have declined to Rs. 5.1 crore in
processes have frightened them away,” 1985-86 from Rs. 7.3 crore in
1980-81. “The Corporation has paid
he remarked.
The Minister, while expressing very little attention to exploit these
happiness over the BCC’s current sources to the hilt,” Mr. Lakshmisagar
practice of its authorities meeting the said.
Though nearly one-fourth of the
public to hear their grievances, ho
wever, said something more than this total revenue of the BCC is from
was required. It is the duty of the civic compensatory grants there is still
authorities to inform the citizens about scope for increasing the share of the
its financial position, programmes, State’s transfers. There is an urgency
rules and regulations. There was need to treat Bangalore City as a special
for a regular periodical or a “city case for transfer of funds, he said.
gazette” which could be published by
the BCC and distributed to all tax
payers at a nominal charge.
LOCAL IDENTITY: Mr. Laksh
misagar expressed concern over the
The Minister observed that nearly
35 to 40 per cent of the total expen
diture was being spent on salaries,
allowances etc., 15 per cent on consummable goods and only 5 per cent
"ore!
1
-oav
1. Towns treated as such for the first time in 1971 Census, which
continue as towns in 1981 Census are shown with an asterisk (“)
on their left.
2. New Taluks formed after 1971 Census and Towns treated as such
for the first time in 1981 are underlined.
5. (a) The following abbreviations have been used within brackets
against the names of the towns to indicate the civic status
of the town.
C
: Municipal Corporation
CB : Cantonment Board
M
: Municipality
NAC ; Notified Area Committee
P
: Panchayat
SA : Special Area
SB ; Sanitary Board
TP ; Town Panchayat
(b) The abbreviation OG given within brackets under column 1
stands for Cutgrowth.
4. Under Column No.2 the following abbreviations are used:
T : Total
1< ; Rural
(J : Urban
5. The area figures for the State and each of the districts given
uuder CoLttim !«o.j agHbioi. 'Total' rspi'eycnt "(isograph!uni Area”
and have been furnished by the Surveyor General.,India. The
figures .for the urban ureas are either those supplied by the
cunoeX'ned au thor t Ll<?-x of the Towns or compiled. in thlu hi reel ora te
on the basis of the records available pertaining to the delimi
tation of urban units. Area figures for Hural areas are derived
by subtracting the Total. Urban Area from the Total Area of the
taluk/district. The total of the area figures of all the taluks
in a district will not tally with the district figures (except
for urban), because the former represent "Land use" area derived
from the figures supplied by the Director of Survey, Settlement
and Land Records in Karnataka.
6. Urban area given under Column 3 for the Taluks is the total of
the area of the respective individual urban unite included under
them, rounded off to one place of decimal.
7.
The area for 'Urban' presented for State and Bakshin Kannad
District excludes the area of Caeba Bazar (OG) and Mangalore
Thota (OG) as area for these units are not available. The
area for 'Rural' thus. is inflated to that extent.
8.
The population per Km^ under Column 4 for the 'Urban' of the
Taluks and Districts is obtained by using the actual total of
the area of the respective urban units under them and not by
using the area figures rounded off upto one place of decimal
given against the urban of the Taluk/District. Por 'Total'
and 'Rural' the population per Km2 is worked out using the
area figure rounded off upto one place of decimal.
'
AKEA. HOUSES and population
-fcckiM-
! D 2-'
ANNEXURB
bt 't/Lieirict/Taluk/Urban
*
ifitl’-'faerutloa/Clty/Town
i
Total
Urban
Area In
K.2
UuHtier of
Popula
711 Iago®
tion per
Kb2
bl ted habited
No.of
No.of
oooupled
7
tlal
houaee
8
.9
io
17
515.599
522,369
2,921,751
1.541,397
1,360.354
1
461.760
488,092
2,628,593
1,367,423
1,241,170
No.of
households
Population
Pereoas
Males
Resales
2
.
3
4
MkkiUaUi UkU» ACOLOKSUTIO,
0
365.65
7,991
a)Kuigalore(C) and Bangalore
•><vel opscat Authority
U
227.51
11,554
1) Bangalore(C) and Bangalore U
Development Authority
u
11) Korwsangala (OG) £
111) Ejlpura (OG) £
0
u
It) Jakkaaandra (OG) £
u
vj Hupciux Agruiuiru (OG) £
u
vl) Bocuaonhalll (OG) £
Til) Hadlvals (OG) £
u
u
Till) litlekahalll (OG) £
lx) Nyanappaeettlpalya (OG)
u
x) Eaxvauhalll (OG) £
u
u
xl) UerakU (00) £
u
xll) Oarakkl Agrahnxa (OG) £
Xi.tl) Jaragunaballi (OG) £
1°
u
xiv) KnrlBandra (OG) £
xv) LadlrenahsllA (OG) £
0
u
xvi) Govlnayakanahalli (OG) £
u
xvil) Chlkkmllaaanhra (OG) £
u
XVlli) Ittaxadu (OG) £
u
xlx) Kathriguppe (OG) £
»«) HvepKereballl (OG) t
u
0
.-»«) Jiulsgf.fc.iwrKiiuilA (OG) £
u
*ilj) ti.ntltfrrarxi.lyfa (OG) £
**111) T.vaUhalil (OU) £
u
xxlr) 2ta.ytu.da La 111 (OG) £
V
xxv) 2a>nc.Uuvadi (OG) f.
u
<_i>x) Blx^frMmxalm teo-oYorthfr
*
u
xaval (OG) £
u
ixvil) Kacj-zrakunabal 11 (OG)
-•..Lil) ByB-taguttopulya (OG)
u
u
*xix) havAltyraonndra (00)
zj.i'1 ^holnUHyuknnahalll (00)
u
u
x.cj) GuddadaBalli (OG)
u
xaxil) GurJliuddyuaalduxMi (OG)
u
xxx111) te-ddalaballl (00)
0
xxxlv) Bhoopaoandre (OG)
u
xxxv) Hagaehettyhalll, (OG)
0
xxxYl) Lottcgcllahalll (OG)
u
xxxv 11) Pooruapura (OG)
u
xz.iv111) leenya Plantation. (OG)
0
axlLx) Duaaraballl (OG)
xl) Chokkaaandru (OG)
u
u
xlx) Pocay
*
(OG)
u
*111) LagGore (OG)
xlill) SaneguruvanahalH (OG)
0
u
slit) B'agersbavA (OG)
0
xlv) Mallatbaballl (OG)
D
xlvl) Gongaadanab&lll (OG)
u
xlvll) Gorahalll (OG)
151.16
16,362
1
431.967
438,096
2.476,355
1,304.752
1,171,603
1.41
0.02
1.26
0.04
1.60
1.77
3.02
0.75
0.11
0.56
9,406
4.223
2,412
1,602
1,166
1,441
829
1,104
18,000
5,316
4.,662
..
••
2,549
652
660
299
485
560
640
174
375
595
109
674
248
726
27
124
27
274
250
2,558
653
661
299
495
560
640
174
590
13,262
5,463
5,039
1,346
1,992
2,550
5,168
828
2,068
2,977
606
5,378
1,198
3,569
157
673
131
1.565
1,168
6.965
1,849
1,618
692
1,119
1.409
1,663
437
1,081
1.541
506
1,774
649
1,907
83
357
64
802
601
931
2.551
2,442
1.058
9,021
492
1,571
1,243
1,156
4,758
6,297
1,614
1,421
654
875
1,141
1,505
39>
987
1,436
300
1,604
549
1,662
74
316
67
763
567
45 y
1, <80
1,199
722
4,283
____
1
l>B.K.D.T‘w,”hlp
1) *
B.E.L.T<Jwn»hlp (8£)
U i DodlMbuJitMABaUlru (OG)
; > i > uwsjauliaad.i'apw
*
(00)
Iv.j i bind Lu (OU)
v) xZtiageballl (OG)
vl) KbUftgel
UA
*
Plantation (OG)
0.13
1.57
0.02
O.yO
0.01
1.20
0.60
0.75
5-49
4.72
2.00
0.04
2.51
5.96
••
..
•«
.•
..
595
toy
678
248
726
27
124
27
274
230
171
55o
478
>51
1.791
11
12_
197
1,226
6 1,050
740
1,514
».
0.17
15.076
..
4-79
485
2.563
1.302
1,261
3.64
0.31
1.30
1.75
0.26
1.76
0.91
2.710
15,374
6,634
1,487
3,700
1,752
939
1,490
442
177
9,065
4,766
8,624
2.602
964
5.247
2.553
4.611
..
• ,74b
937
1.487
439
1*4
4 ,618
2.213
4,013
1.255
435
999
142
494
262
566
410
2,162
894
1,818
821
4.906
832
5,000
2,612
1.503
2.695
2,069
9,725
3,940
8.975
4.516
9,499
1,106
2,280
166
3,905
1,125
5,634
2,405
5,571
2,313
5,256
595
1,258
95
2,112
0.57
1.24
0.42
0.17
0.65
1.62
1.99
3.93
6.64
2.51
4.69
4.40
Negligible
0.03
130.167
14.22
1,422
2.85
1.10
2,597
5,336
2,122
440
919
401
1.26
2.46
5.11
1.44
171
535
470
527
1.776
1,367
529
UMWUBITKD
5.591
1,460
2.419
3.579
15.853
3.183
6,002
1.980
2,283
630
3,784
226
518
u
u
V
u
0
6
2.152
59,900
3,666
15,700
5b 1
164
2,007
5?6
u
u
5
•■
..
..
29
693
1,000
142
515
267
599
411
2.170
904.
1,822
821
1,921
195
407
29
693
1
3,601
3,623
. 20,218
10,761
9.437
1
1,352
648
524
mi
850
38
1,362
648
524
IU1
870
38
7,402
3,670
3.763
1,940
1,438
5.639
1,730
564
2,465
613
510
2,255
79
..
..
..
1,913
195
406
..
.•
•«
2,674
1,002
4,696
692
479
1,588
816
1,528
2,294
353
1,412
687
1,167
944
4,089
1,535
3,602
2,00>
4,243
511
1,042
73
1,793
1,256
I ^3
A-1 AREA. HOUSES AND POPULATION
ANNtlXURK —CwW.
S tft te/Pis trio t/Tn luk/Vrbnn
Aggloneratlon/Clty/Town
d)Vavam jlvanoha) 11 (TP)
e)H.A. Sanitary Board £
1) H. A. Sanitary Foard (SB)
(Rxoludea IIAI. Township)
11) Hrlnlvaanpura (00) t.
Ill) Hahaderapura (00) £
lv) Boonenahalll (OG) £
•») JealbirMha) 11 (00) f
vi) «hlta Field (00) f
*11) ha Hand ur (OC) t
f
5,628
1
2,948
1
Popula
tion per
Kn2
2
3-
4
U
5.50
0
0.95
I)
u
1.50
5.07
7,627
1,880
u
n
0.67
29.00
42.856
1,646
(i
17.41
0.02
4.900
c)Balyyappanaha] 11 Henavartl Kami £
1) Balyyappenahalli MaaavartlTaval (P) /
11) Balyyappanahal11
(Vlnanapurti) (OG) t.
ill) Rennigannhal11 (00) t
No. of
house
holds
Area in
K.2
1
u
0
Nu»b<?r of
Vlllagen
No. of
towns
Inha
Unin
bited
habited
No .of
occupied
residen
tial
houses
7 ..
8
Total
Hural
Urban
T"
5
Population
Persons
Halep
Pes>ijew
9
io
11
’2
4,191
4,210
19.955
10,649
9.306
539
559
2,742
1,429
1,515
2,392
1,260
2.397
1,274
11.441
5,77?
6,157
3,065
5.284
:*. 709
1
1
6,208
9,565
6,228
9.590
57,285
49,050
’9,053
26,151
18,23?
22.917
1
7,41)8
26
946
69
159
nt 7
.140
7,505
26
951
69
159
539
343
•J9.S01
20,919
98
4,132
560
099
P. 299
1,761
55
2,360
192
475
1.197
942
10,582
43
1.772
If.h
4?f1 u. •
••
u
5.45
1.05
11
I)
1)
1.95
1 , UP
4.04
1,198
550
466
' ,197
456
11
1 1.51
1,590
1
2,665
2,690
15,718
7»9?7
u
*?7
7,
1 .l«73
5 .615
1
1
2.354
1 «47n
2,371
1.409
13.170
0,270
7.351
4 ,640
5,8’9
7 46".n
U
U
U
O.9O
1.76
1.65
1.09
5&T
1,114
1,543
96
550
430
96
334
452
474
1.961
2,457
256
1,057
1.598
210
904
1,059
h) •H.M.T. Township (nA) ,
u
Hfttcb Factory Tovnahlp(SA) U
1.95
0.74
4,954
5,177
DNINNAMtlQ)
1
1
1,670
446
,1.677
<46
9,660
2,351
4.940
1,205
4,720
1,148
u
5.20
5,443
1
5,381
5,400
20,303
14.5?1
’3,782
u
1.60
5.742
1
1,635
1,643
9,646
4,794
4,05?
0
0
2.05
1.47
4,001
7,112
*.
1,678
2,068
1.685
2,074
0,2OJ
10,454
4,350
5,377
3,853
5,077
-1 ’h. A . L.Tawash 1 p(8A)
£
R’Hahem
t)
11) EoapHptirA (Ou)
ill) Aftruthaltalli <0G)
!v) Byfttaray"nspura (0G)
v) KotMhomthalll (00)
b
j) I.T.I.Notified Ar?n t
1) *
1. T.I.Notified Aren (KAC)
(Duravanl fin gar)
£
11) P.yata'.nynnapvm
(B.Earaynnapuru) (00) £
ill) Vljinapurn (0G) £
k) Jnlnhalll (Excluding area under
Bnngalore(C), B.E.L.Township and
R.H.T.Tovnwhtr)
(P)
1) kadeunhalll (P) £
(Includes HnnaBurtfrynagar)
b) Kalagondahalll (P)
n) Kengenl £
1) K-n^arl (M)
11) Hylasandra (OG) £
111) Pntnapere (00) £
W) Kenohenahftl 11 (00) £
o) KrishnnmJapura £
1) KrJflhnniajapui-n (P)
11) Dyavusandra (0G) £
0.99
0,184
1
1,595
1,613
8,102
4.300
5,80?
2.-75
5,824
1
1.896
1,938
10,515
5,301
5.134
u
u
1.91
19.14
12.51
2.80
1
1
1
,.
2,691
2,268
1,697
106
2,695
2,305
1,727
106
2.17
1.76
8,085
677
785
215
481
917
145
320
5»4
15,443
12.950
9,659
614
1,044
1.SJJ
8,054
6,929
4,901
320
680
940
7,409
6,021
4,678
294
>56
695
11.67
1.74
2.20
1,588
4,9’54
2.839
3,555
1,466
1,327
3,571
1,477
1,330
18,10?
7,993
6,472
9,690
4,157
3.551
0,4 9?
3,836
6.22
1.45
0.76
3,460
257
8,561
1.865
137
4.383
7,057
835
418
37
211
584
16
54$
284
4,364
2,094
403
177
6
115
252
85,695
16,020
12,649
0,520
1,018
556
20
311
747
21
1,179
297
1,595
120
4,178
11,046
2.27
2.25
2.59
0.96
2.55
2.42
2.25
6.57
2.02
719
45
1,455
4,316
2,062
401
174
6
115
243
9
420
66
720
44
1,560
25.46
556
100
11,264
1,010
11
q) Telahanka
1) Telahanka (M)
11) TeUhanka (00)
All) AlLalaaandra (00)
It) *
nllnh
lGhlv
(00)
v) Puttanahalll (00)
Tl) Venkntain (00)
Til)
(00)
Till) Bunasa
amnahalU
*
(00) fl
lx) Sugg
ttn
*
(00) /
••
1
n
I)
111) lloody (M) ».
It) Kodlgehalll (00) £
p) LlnRaraJftpum (P)
••
u
u
u
£
..
lift
11
11
n
u
u
0
u
u
u
D
0
u
u
V
u
V
.■
••
1
1
.<
1
1
1
<»
•.
..
••
•*
••
••
14fi
9
422
86
1,665
998
36
533
1,414
36
2,221
574
9,941
7.500
845
462
16
222
667
15
1,012
277
, ,
_
. .
Deranhalll. Coupon* ■ respeotlTtly indicated by ' L* and fi signs Barked againat the naues
S-6
Births and Deaths
in Bangalore City
1965-66 , 1975-76, 1985-86
*
Item
1965-66
1975-76
1985-86
1.
Births
41,393
59,655
75,238
2.
Deaths
16,499
16,364
21,456
3.
Still born
681
1,794
2, 190
<4
Infant deaths
4,214
3,489
3, 102
SI. No.
Source :
Annual Administrative Reports of Bangalore
City Corporation: 1965—66,1975—76 and 1985-86.
LANDUSE OF BANGALORE & SURROUNDING (1985)
TOTAL PROJECT SW AREA - 652 SO. IOS
BU1LTUP AREA < H > (43.TO
FLAHTJi./ORCHARD (16.91)
I'igur-
CHANGING INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN BANGALORE
From Mid 70's to Mid 30’s
H
*
Ramachandran
and
G S Sastri
*
This note focusses on the changing jaature of income
distribution in Bangalore. No at Gempt is made to
generalize or conceptualise at this stage.
A household
survey of Bangalore city was conducted during 1974 and
the results were subsequently published (Prakasa Rao
This survey covered 1745 households
1
based on an intricate sampling design.
From these
and Tewari, 1979).
1745 sample households, a sub-sample of 400 was drawn
p
systematically and a re-survey was conducted in 1986..
In order to make this comparison, all the income values
obtained in 1986 have been deflated to 1974 values based
on consumer price index forBangalore at 1960-61 prices.
Definitions of income, occupation, household, etc,, are
same in both surveys.
Bangalore was labelled as a middle income city in
1974, with 58 percent of the households recording a
monthly income between Rs 300 to 1000.
This attribute
of the city has been further accentuated by 1936 with
almost 70 percent of the households falling in this
income class (Table-1). There is a sharp fall-in the
proportion of low income households (<i!s 300 per month)
Institute for Social and Economic Change, Nagarabhavi
Bangalore-560 072
2
Table-1: Perce nt Bistr i but ion 0 f Households; and
Incom e by Low , Middle .and High Inc;ome
Class es in Bn ng.a lore
$
1974
1936
Income
*
1986
1974
Low (-^ Rs 300 p.m.)
24.3
1 4.0
7.8
4.0
Middle (300 - 1000)
53.5
17.2
69.7
16.3
100.0
47.5
55.8
42.2
Income Class
High (1000 + )
All Classes
Households
100.0
tfo
44.7
100.0
100.0
* In constant terms
and a marginal fall in tne proportion of high income
households.
It follows from the above that there has been a
reduction in the income inequality in Bangalore.
The
bulge in the middle income classes has resulted from the
upward movement the low income classes in a larger
measure than the downward movement of high income classes.
While 24 percent of the households had an income of
less than Rs 300
in 1974, the corresponding proportion
id 1936 is only 14 percent.
At the same time, the
mean household income has also registered a marginal
increase from Rs 657.3 to Rs 693.1 (Table-2). The
increase in the mean household income is unequal
between various income classes, wherein the rate -of
increment is more marked among' higher income classes.
- 3 -
Despite the resultant increase in the range of income,
the inequality has reduced.
0.63 and 0.57
respectively.
The Gini coefficients are
1974 and 1936. income distribution
Tab1e-2: Distribution of Households and Mean
Monthly Income by Income Class in
Bangalore - 1974 and 1936
Percent Households
1974
1986
Monthly
Mean InGOme
*
1986
1974
< 50
50 - 149
150 - 299
300 - 499
0.3
2.2
21.8
0.3
10.8
43.0
3.1
10.6
109.8
27.0
35.4
500 - 749
750 - 999
1000 - 1999
22.3
9.2
12.9
2000 +
Total
Income Class
(Monthly Rs )
223.7
116.3
226.2
25.4
373.9
598.3
396.6
609.6
8.9
853.5
14.9
1.4
13055.7
4.3
2901.9
867.7
1666.2
3186.2
100.0
(1733)
100.0
(350)
657.3
693.1
>
* in constant terms (1960-61 base).
Since the average household size in the city has
continued to remain at 6 persons per household in 1986 as
well as in 1974, corresponding to the increase in the
household income, the per capita income has also risen
marginally from Rs 108 per month to Rs 116.5.
4
If we consider_thff poverty line defined as per capita
income of Rs 60(1974) per month we find that 31.5- percent
of the households lived below this level according to
1974 data, whereas only 23 percent of the households
lived in poverty as per 1936 survey (below Rs 60 in
constant terms or Rs 139 in current terms). Since the
1974 survey did not cover slums, the sub-sample drawn
in 1936 also did not contain slum households. This
must be kept in view in drawing any conclusions from
this analysis.
In the process of this small upward movement of
income in the city the largest rates of increase in
the income is recorded by those households whose heads
are engaged in manual skilled labour. (Table-3).
Whereas
both unskilled labour at the lower end of occupational
scale and administrative class atthe higher end record
a decrease in the income (in constant terms).
It
should however be recalled that a substantial part of
the slum population is engaged as manual unskilled
labourers-.
In Bangalore, this proportion was about
50 percent of'all workers (Samachandran, 1985) and as
such, there is a strong suggestion that the si urn
population could be worse off in income terms than
they were before.
It may also be wrothwhile to probe into the
factors behind lire better performance of manual skilled
labourers.. The growth of informal sector (despite
its exploitative characteristics) and the consequent
demand on skilled labour, as well as unionization may
partly explain this phenomenon.
Corroboration of
such a possibility must, however, come from a more
pointed study of this aspect.
Table-3; Mean Monthly Househoid Income by
Occupation Group - Bangalore
Occupation Group
of Household
Heads
Mean Income (Rs) '
Percent Change
1974
*
1986
Professionals
1101.80
Admini strative
149O.JO
1079.31
1217.50
Cleric al
Sales
605.30
621.70
731.00
Manual skilled
476.20
671•62
575-00
Manual unskilled
414.20
Hon-workers
691.70
345.51
682.20
- 2.0
-18.3
+ 3.0
- 8.1
+20.7
-16.6
- 1.4
* in constant terras (1960-61 base)
The reduction in inequality and a marginal increase
in the income has also had an equalising effect on the
income differentials between migrant and resident house
holds (defined in terms of place of birth of head of
household).
The inequality between migrant and the
resident households was marked and in favour of migrant
households in 1974 (Table-4). In the last 12 years this
hiatus lias more or less disappeared. This could partly be
explained by the fact that while the household locations
were same in both surveys, the heads of household may
belong to a newer generation - born in Bangalore,
rather than any influence of migra nt/r esiden t status
- 6 -
on income structure.
Consequently, whereas it was
found that 62 percent of the household heads were
migrants in 1974, only 43 percent were found migrants
in1986 survey.
Table-4 :
Household Monthly Income by
Residents and Migrants Bangalore.. 1974 and 19SK
Percent Change
in Income
Household Status
Mean Monthly Income
(Rs)
■
. 1974
*
1936
Residents
612.30
696.83
13.80
Migrants
634.70
687.77
0.45
All Households
657.30
693.1
5.4
*In constant terras (1960-61 base)
While the above analysis indicates a marginal
improvement in the level of income as well as some
equalisation impact, the degree of inequality continues
to be large (Gini -value of 0.51 in 1986), wherein the
top 16 percent of the households share 42 percent of the
total income and the bottom 14. percent of the households
earn only 4 percent of the income. It must be repeated
that the slum households were not covered in the
above analysis
due to absence of data.
However, we
have strong pointers that if slum population are
■
included in t he analysis, the inequality would be even
- 7 -
more.
Such a possibility is expressed, by "the facts
that (a) the mean monthly household income in slum
was 206.32 as against Rs 657-30 in the non-slum areas
in 197.4 and the corresponding per capita income was
Rs 35and Rs 103 during that time (Ramachandran, 1935);
(b) 80 percent of the slum households were in low
income category (X Rs 300), and (c) 50 percent of
earners were unskilled manual labourers in the slum
areas and this occupation has registered a significant
decline in income (in constant terms).
We may thus summarise our conclusions based on
the preceding analysis ;
1 .
Although household
as well as per capita incomes
in Bangalore have registered a substantial increase
in current terms, the increase is only marginal
in constant terms.
2.
This increase has been accompanied by an income
equalising process, wherein the inequalities
between various 'income classes have reduced.
At
the same time, the inequalities between income
classes continue to remain high. On the other
hand, the disparities in incomes between migrant
and resident households have disappeared.
3.
The increase in incomes accompanied as it is with
decreasing inequality have resulted in bringing
down the proportion of households living in poverty.
4.
Skilled manual labourers have recorded a signifi
cant increase in income in constant terms, whereas
8
the unskilled manual labourers
sharp decline in income.
have registered a
'The income of the slum
population (not covered in this study) must have
declined in constant terms, since it accounts
for a large part of the unskilled labour force
in the city.
FOOT NOTES
1.
Twc-stage sampling design was adopted for the
selection of households. The urban frame survey
blocks of NSSO and households formed first end
second stage sampling units respectively. Based
on the time and cost constraints 2000 sample
households were fixed for the survey. The first
stage, units of 150 UFS blocks were drawn in the
form of two independent and interpenetrating sub
samples of 75 blocks each. The number of households
to be selected from each sample UPS block was
derived by making the design self-weighing.
The
first stage units were drawn using systematic
sampling and the second stage units using simple
random sampling without replacement.
2.
In 1986, a follow-up survey was conducted based on
a sub-sample of 400 households. The sub-e ample
of 400 households were drawn fr cm 1745 sample
households using systematic sampling.
REFERENCES
1.
Prakasa Rao VLS and VK Tewari (1979), The Structure
of an Indian Metropolis, New Delhi, Allied.
2.
Ramachandran H (1985), "Slumming of a Metropolis",
in Essays on Bangalore (Vol.2), AKN Reddy and
V Vyasulu (Convenors), Bangalore, KSCST.
013-88
DDtv Z IO
LANDUSE OF BANGALORE & SURROUNDING
TOTAL PROJECT STUTf AREA - 652 SO. WS
Figure
LANDUSE. OF BANGALORE & SURROUNDING
TREND CURVES
AREA JN S2. KMS.
TEARS
Figure
EFFECT OF LAND USE AND RENT CONTROL POLICIES
.............. ON HOUSING THE' URBAN POOR
BY
I.
T. Krishna Kumar
INTRODUCTION
It is well-known that our country is going through
a phase of rapid urbanisati n and that associated with this
urbanisation there is migration of unskilled and poor
workers and their families from rural areas to urban areas.
It is also well-known that such migrants face acute problems
in having adequate housing. However, what is not so wellknown are the eff ct' of urban land-use policies of the
government are the effects of urban land rent control legisla
tion on the cost, quantity, and quality of urban housing
for the poor. This paper deals with these issues with
special reference to Bangalore city.
II.
URBANISATION AND LAND-USE
Urbanisation is a' sociated with industrilisationand
economic growth. These'in turn bring about a change in the
structure of economic activity. The changes in economic
activity bring ab~ut a rapid change in the requirements of
skilled and unskilled labour. The nature of occupation of
the skilled and unskilled labour and the nature of investment
opportunities determine the income levels and the distribution
of income. Thus, associated with any de ree and pattern of
urbanisation there are corresponding occupational and income
distributions of the urban population. One of the primary
responsibilities of th urban governance is to provide adequate
shelter and associated services for its working pp opl•• and their
dependents. While it is true that the demand for housing services
is a private demand the urban government must concern itself
with providing its p'-ople basic necessities of lif. , such as
a minimum level of housing "ervices.
Spa ce is a basic requirement for carrying out various
economic, social, cultural and other activities. There are
competing demands on space. Since physical proximity and easy
access create agglomeration economics and ot’isr conveniences
the demand for spac.- is high -r i already developed city
centres that are centres of economic activity than at the
peripheries of the city that are yet to develop. This high
intensity of demand for space at the city centres arises
for competing uses from different segmen of the population:
the urban poor for residential purposes, the businessmen for
commercial use. the industrialists for industrial use, the
industrialists for i dustrial use, the social and cultural
organisations for ;-ocial and cul'ural uses, the social and
cultural us-s, and public bodies for offering public services etc.
If the scarce urban space at the city centres was to be allocated
for these competing uses through mar’-et forces along then
such space- would be bid-up entirely by the rich industrialists
giving no scope for other uses.
It is to prevent such
A paper prepared for presentation at a Workshop on
Urban Poverty organised by the Institute for cultural
Research and Action, Bangalore, January 23-24 1988.
Professor of Economics
University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad.
-2-
Ic-p'sidddallocaiion of sc->ce urban .space that the
land-use zoning cone--pt of the planning legisloti'i has >.• ?n
ir,v..n ed.
Under land-use zoning sch m. iand-u'--- is r. gulat d
for r si? .-ntial, . commercial. industrial and public use®.
Land-use zoning is an ..-1 gant legal -da vis-.- through whicr. .is
a h-xnog. nousla^d tha^ can be substituted b-?t" een competing
us s is contriv.. to 1? come h turg nous and non-subs’titutable
b,:t’ a ;n broad cat gories ~f uses. Thus if the land-use
zoning r-strict! n<- are properly and strictly enforced the land ?cani
for residential u.e is diffe ent from, and la: s productive than,
the land meant for industrial use.
With changing urban is at in sc.-.nu the r acuir -ments for
space for differ nt uses als- change. The availability of
space for different uses permitted by the land-use regualations must match the spac: r-quiremants for those different
and availability of space constitute the degree of scarcity
of space. The degree of scarcity of urban space is mainly
of two kinds - the general scarcity of spec., irrespective of
th? use to which it. is put and the specific scarcity for a given
use cot,.gory. Thus, th.- degree of scarcity of -space for
residential use by the urban poor can be due to the folio
,
*
ing
factors:
(i) a general scarcity of spac;, (ii) relative
scarcity of space f.pr. residential use, and (iii) r .lativ
scarcity of\residontibl space for th urban poor.
.\
There ar\ essentially t o ways of increasing urban
spac..- - by inch. a'ing th..- d nsity through the- fixati n of n
high.r floor space index (i.e. increasing th. number of floors
in a building) and by bringing mo
*
• agricultural land for
non-agricultural u • •. There ar- t o ways in which the space
availabl - for r sid ntial use con be incr'asi-d - by increasing
th. overall urban space ’ hil ■ keeping th proportion of
urban spac- earmark'd for residential us; the some or by
k..-uping t: .overall urban space constant and increasing
the proportion of urban space earmark..1 for r si-1 .-ntial use.
With increasing urbanis tin... th. urban gov-.mmont nust
keep pace with the d.,.-v lopm.,-nts and bring about the necessary
chang s in the urban land-use, The land-use zoning regulations
must be rigid enough so as to disallow arbitrary c aversion of
'•ne land-use to ano h.or and they should be- flexibl .enough to
change the land-use pattern in the lesirabl Mracti n as more
and more urbonis. ti n tok.-s place. This tall order of land-use
regulations w s ' het w s expect :d of the statutory Comprehensive
Davelopglnt Plan for urban ar-.as indicated in the Town and Country
Planning Act.
III.
LAND-USE PLANNING AND THE URBAN POOR.
Having explain., d th:; role if on urban govern ent in
providing space for shelter for th urban poor we shall nor examine
the policies an! procedures follows d by the Bangalore Development
Authority in providing shelt. r fnr the urban j.xr.
The Karnataka Town and Country Planning Act, 1961 (TCPA)
was enact d f-'f th- porp^Te 'f facilitating p 1 anneJ^c-'VTrle-pgi-ant—
of urban areas. The Act designnt.-d Bangdlnro Development
Authority as the Local Planning Authority for Bangait:r and its
environs to impl...ient th. provisions of the Act, An outlineDev. Lopment Flan (ODP) was prepor-d ftT Bangalor? in 1972.
-3-
Alth r-gh th:-? TCPA stipule -_-d that a Comp'rehensiv.- D.-v lopmc-nt
Plan (CDF) bo- pr pared within thr-. years of pr paring ODP
such a CDP as not ;r pared until 1984. A draft CDP was,
however
pr-par.J by the Director of Town and Country Planning
in 1976. That plan pr.-dieted a population of 22 lakh" in 1981
whereas th? census figures show an actual 1981 population of 29
lakhs. At least thro--., r.-as-ns could b. given for t'is gross under
estimation of population. First, pllanning for industrial d-.v- lo-pment of Bangalor. is n t integral- d wit- th. CDP ax„rcise,
Karnakaka Industrial Ar a Dev lopmcnt Board (KIADB) is
entrus ’ ..-J ith th planning, of industrial d-v.-lopm. nt.
It has
no r presentation in BDA and no ith r does BDA have a rapr<-sentati n in KIADB. Seem1. th s -tting up of a. very larg industrial
estate- in Hosur, Tamilnadu, very close to Bangalore. The CDP
seems to have ignor d the impact ?n Bangalore of the Hosur
industrial ’-. v 1 pm, nt. Thirl, there seams to b. v-_ry little
evidence that prof ssi nal consultants with the r. "uisita expertise
n r,?gi nal ecmnm cplanning were involved in th - preparation
of th,- Co-.iprahonsiye D.jv lopment Plan.
The outline Dev.-l..pm.,nt Plan and th.- Comprehensive
Dev il'.pment Plan indicate the. levels of Population an 1
employment and th .11 tributi- n 'f employment by broad groups
of in-dustri
Th.,-s plans J: nt pay any attenti on t, th
o-ccupoti nal an.’ income distributi s of th populoti n. .The
area- ..-ar-! ark. .1 f-.r’residential purposes is th.-r..frr- bas.--.-d on
total populati n an1 total employment. These town ±-lo.nning
efforts 'ia-1, n attempt t
.-sti.-ate th residential spec.- require
ments of the urban p -or. The Comprehensive Devc.l14xna.nt. -Plan
o-f Bangalore is n t c mpr-,-hensive n ugh wh- n it c ones to
ofTcriTrg’“shelter t- th. urban poor.
—
When th- urban planners io- n't earmark ".daquat. lend for
housing the urban poor it can be oxp.ct.l that the market forces
ope.rat. in such a way as to re’uc.; th resi l.-.ntial space made
available- to- the urban p or. Since space is a basic r-. quif .;ment
such failures :n th- part f the urban planning, exarcis-. and the
economic market ■ nechanisw generate- illegal encroachments on space
by the urban poor.
What is legal an.1 what is illegal and what is just and
■ hat is unjust ar-.- issues which ar-', to a large ext. nt, let rmine-J
by the prevailing mor s, institutims, and attituL.-s .£ th society.
To unlerstmd th-.se issues in greet-r depth l,et us go t' the roots
"f th pr bl-m. Land an1 airspace, are th. gifts ..f natur-. and
as such any .-ne in’ivi’ual should have as much right n these gifts
of nature and as such any no- in'ivilual sh'u -l have as much right
on th s-. gifts of nature- a., any one -Is , But that is n. t to be.
The society has cr.at--1 th-- legal institution f pr perty
rights and allo 1 ;.riv t- o’narship- an-1 exchange of land. The
market forces are thus allo el t
4. -rot., in deciding who would ben
fit and by how -uch fr n space pr„vi 1 w:1 by natur-.
Under th institution of privet ■ ownership -f
the p-.or ere 1. "rived from -■nj: yi g the benefits pre vid-.-1 by nature—
the land an1 spac . Urbanisnti_n cr at-p urban infra-structu e such
a:-, rose's, schools, hospitals, ■ ater supply ;<•' or sup ly etc.
An incr as.? in th>. urban infra-structure creates economies of
agglomerati: n and incr.-a? js th lean! for scare- urban lanl.
This increases tie price f urban lan'. But it i' obvious that
this inere■s in price of lan1 is n't ’ue t anything that the
owner o.f the land has done eith r to the land or to its urban
environment. The increase in land price is due to the urban
physical infrastructure. Who are the- p 'ople that contribute
significantly to this urban development? - the industrial
workers, the- construction worke-.s, and the unskilled workers
engage-J in the s rvice sector. Ironically it is the c'ntributi n of th s. workers that incr-a es the price of urban land thereby
making it inaccessible to them as their incomes do not increase
as rapidly as th. pric ■ of lanl.(l)
It is then not pr'per to create a ndw instituti-hal
mechanism by which lanl or space is male avaiiabl to the urban
poor who make- ? significant contribution to th- urban dev.lopment?
What is such an institutional mechanism? Land-use zong.must be
male core responsive to. our social nei-ds. The Comprehensive
Development Plan must pr'vidr? shelter for th., urban poor. This
can be done by creating, statutorily, a ne»‘ specific land-use
z ning category • ithin the r sil ntial land-use "category.
Certain
parti ns of lanl must b: zoned as r- si’, ntial land fir h using the
urban poor. Adequate lanl oust bo earmarked for this purposeand conv rsi n to other us s ~ust b . prohibit ’. T mak .
this z- ning regulation _ffici.-nt, or s .-'ust 1. .-nr., "rk. 1 f r
this in elm-st’cv ry n igh’ urh. ?, and in if os whiot- land''values a
high f r .lt-.rn-"t.. us.s suffici.ntly hi ;h
risity - ust Lmaintain. ’ f r h u.ihg th ; r. ’Such Ion1. nranf'k-.’ f r h-using
the p r rust b-._
"v Hable nt ouch a low i ric that th ■ ..cost
of sho.lt.r f • r the p- r iy fforlabl■■ .by...them.
.
",
If such an instituti:nal mechanism does not op rate
effectively, i.e. if the CDP does not provide adequate h’using
facilities for the urban poor close to their place of employment
what other alternative do they have than to encroach .n other's
land? Sh'uld ne call it encroachment, in the first place?
In fact the urban poor are so cnsi'erate that very rarely do
they encroach n private land. (2) And in most of the cases the
land they encroach ^n has very little alternate use. Town
planne s, who are mostly arch.itc.c s and engineers, do. not seem
to have incorporated int. the town planning exercises, the socio
economic r.aliti s f th Indian ur'.an society, particularly
th. proble s 'f the- urban poor.
(1)
It sh. uld n-'t surprise the reader if it is pointed out
that the r asoning provided here wab fprst expounded by
Karl Marx in his Capital Vol. I_II, jn theChapters titled
"Transform ati'n o’f "Surplus Profit into Ground Rent" and
"Building Site Rent, RPnt in Mining, and Price of Land".
(
-5-
IV.
FROBLEr S REGARDING URBAN LAND ACQUISITION AND DEVELOPMENT.
Most of th. large urban centres in the country have city imir;,'vs?! ants boards r urban dev, lop-ment autht-riti r. These
instituti ns ore engog d in an ambitious exercise r.f acquiring
and dove loping land as a part of city improv pent or urban
development. In undertaking this'exercise they do n t see the
instituti nal c nstrains i-posed by the governments' own
bureaucratic system, by the courts, and by the political system.
Inst •nd of limiting their aptiviteS to planning and regulation
they g. into th? i ..possible t sk of implementing their own
unrealistic plans. In their eagerness to implement th,- plans
they neglect th.? oth.r tee more specific functi ns of preparing
realistic ■' v lopment plans and in regulating the urban
development.
The situati n can be illustrat d by looking at the
achievements of the city Improvement Trust Board of Bangalore
(CITB) (established in 1945) and its successor the Bangalore
Development Authority (established in 1976). During its
30 years of operatl'n CITB dev loped and distributed t the
public 68,300 sit s for residential as r ell as non-r sVential
uses. During this p-.riod th-, city's population increased by a?
much as 17 lakh p-- pl and assuming an avorog. h-usuhaId size
of 5 the number of household •' incr- need by ab'ut 3 1/2 lakhs.
Assuming that ab'ut 30 percent of the sites are r.-sidential sites
only 6 percent of the additional households were pr'vid-d h use
sites by CITB. (3)
Between 1945 and 1983 CITB and BDA notified about
16,600 acres of land for acquisition but they could acquire
only about 8,300 acres, i.e. only one half of the notified
ar:?a. (4) Ona of the major r-a;."-ns for such a poor rate of
land acc’uisiti n is the- procedure by ifchich the comp-esati n
is fixed for th? land. Under the Land Acquisition Act, 1894
(LAA) which governs the land acquisition proceedings, the
compesati-n takes no note of th possible i -cr ;o.se in the
value of land once the scheme is implemented,
It is clear
that a piece of land to be includ.d in a scheme will have a high
market value f-r non—agricultural use under the scheme and a
relatively low-valu? for agricultural use before the scheme.
If the comp -nsation is fixed according to the latter lo er rate the
land owner would try tn keep his land outside the acquisition
proceedings. Acco.ding to the LAA a the land owner can appeal to
a higher court seeking a higher c p .-ns ■ tion. The courts
take their own time in settling the cases.
(2)
A sample survey of slums in Bangalore 1977 reveal ed
that only about four percent f ar a un 'or slums was on
privat property.
(3)
Even this ostimat is a gross exaggeration as th-, distri
bution of sit-s is not uniform and some households hav-: more
than on it-j and -any of the old residents do not own any
sites.
-6-
It is als? quite c:® on that while the land owner takes
the co pc-nsation issue t~- a court h-. also simultaneously
n.egoti t,.-s a la.-J sal with a primate promoter or a co-operative
h -.using soci. ty, oft n with a support from an employee :r a
member of BDA. Thu private d.:v iper or promot r -f a housing
co-, -p-- rat ice ne ds the internal hell from BDA to get th approval
of the lay-out plan. Thus, private int.-r-sts of certain
individuals tak-'- pr ecedence ov.r the public interest "f the
town planning institution. Once sucha. system of lan’l-u e is
dev. 1: ped through private d ?v lop-:.-rs and promoter', it can be
rest assured that the b•nuficiaries -f the. a|proved lay-outs
would bo th.-1 ones who can pay their might for a residential lot.
The more the extent of such land d<.v -lopmeirt the less is th:
a ■ unt ''f urban lan- ade available f-r the less fortunate ones.
The land acquisiti n a'd private development of app.rov d
lay-outs take unduly l"ng time and have the effect of reducing
the supply of scarce r-sidantial sites at any given point in
time. All ov; r things regaining th-., some, such delays and with
holding of land hove th eff ct of increasing th land values.
This is particularly so b: cause usually the transactions arc
between large buyers of land and a few la- g owners or a few
middlemen negotiating for a group of small farme s. It is of
course true that lev lopment nay not tak ■ place at a rapid
rate- if only a land-use plan is - ade and th: lev. lopment is
left entirely to th? privet-., initiativ... There is als-' no
guarantee that th distribution -f hr-i -:e sites ould be made
'equitably am ng lifferent inc - -e groups if th?, d-.-v.. l~pm nt is left
entirely to th:- private initiative.
Even un -er the pr.-.sent system of land-use anl development
policies th. dev lopment is rather slow because a.large, segment
of dev lopment is unplanned an1 unauthorised. The unplanned anl
unauthorised residential construction has emerged as a r-s. :-nse to
the high cost of d.vel‘po-1 land. Such unauthorised construction
is able to meet th nee.s of midlle and low income h useholIs.
(4)
According a planni g com issi-n's stuly on the working of
the Delhi Development Authority (DAD), until February 1983
DDA notified an area of 70,000 acres but it could acquire
only 45,459 acres. Thus, th---, problems of land acquisition
proceedings described here seem to apply to other urban
areas in the country.
-1In view -f th .-.bove cr-nsidurnti ,ns the land-use p licios
of BDA can b ? ■•o. J if i ? .1 as follows:
'
i
. (i) BDA shoul I prep or? land-use plans and attempt
to regulate thorn strictly;
(ii) BDA should create separate land-use categories
for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) (the poor),
Low Income Group (LIG), and Lidlie Income Group
(MIG);
(iii) th.-re should be an upper limit f\about 2400 square
feet for single stor,yed detachment h’use;
. (iv) BDA should acquire land for EWS and LIG schemes
and for o.th_r amenities, and mo-re realistic compen
sations sh^ull be male to make good expected
incr-.-ose in land values as a result of the
planned scheme;
V.
(v)
BDA should periodically revise the land-use
plans tn increase the floor space index (FSI)
as the city grows, anl it should prepare area redev-1'pment plans f~r vari.us sub-ar-'-as of the city; and
(vi)
BDA an’ the city cor;, ornti n sh ull impose
heavy vacant land'tax in 1 v lope-1 areas'.
URBAN LAND CEILING ACT -AND ITS EFFECT ON LAND ACQUISITION,.
The land acquisition proc elings described in the
previous .section were further clayed as a r suit of the
Urban Lan 1 Ceiling (and Regulation) Act of 1976. (ULCR)
Most of the lanl to be acquir 'd f.r vari’us urban development
schom s cam under the. purview of ULCR. The compensation to be
pail to the owner of the lanl under the'Urban Land Ceiling is
lower than the compensati n under the Land Acquisition Act. (5)
The public officials in the /-ovelopment auth ,rities attempted
to acquire more land for th- same money through lower c mpensation.
This resulted in the land owners taking the issue of proper
c.omp..nsati. n to the courts and thus cause 1 further delay in
land acquisition. It has also been noted that the Urban Land
Ceiling (end Regulati n) Act of 1976 has not been quite
effective and in its report the National Commission -'n Urbanisation
has sugg.st 1 some significant amendments to this legislation. (6)
The basic objectives of the legislation are quite laudable and
enforces nt of the legislation must be given top priority through
pr:per amendments.
7.
ULCR Act-provided far a compensation of 8 1/3 times the net
average annual inc m fr'-m the lanl durig the five
consecutive prc-cc-ding.years, "if such land has any income,
anl otherwise the compensation fixed ,-n by this legislation
was Rs. 19 per sq, mts. (for class A and class B cities).
-8-
VI.
THE RENT CONTROL LEGISLATION: ITS ORIGIN', .EVQlUTICi. AND
EFFECT GN Hi USING.
It was explain-.' in Sect! n III how private ownership of
lari an.' urbanisati n result in escalating th.- price of scarce
urban land, One c 'ns-uquence >f this increasing land values in
urban ar. as is an increasing trend in h use r..-nts. Thus the c.nc.pt
of rent c-ntrol goes against the natural ecu. ic f .re; s ass ciat ..d
with urbanisati n .and private, ownership of land an - structures. Its
has been observe! that the r^nt c ntrol legislati n hot. n t been quite
effective. So let us examine this legislati n anl its effects
•_n h using in s'-e detail.
L. j us trace th hist -ry of rent c ntr 1 1 gislati n. (7)
Th-.-.- origin of r nt c:ntr 1 legislation can be trace 1 t" th. Working
Class Movement in England luring th first -l-ca-la of this Century.
This Working Class Movement w.:s the culmination of social unrest
cause! by high rents charg'd by the Landlords. Around th turn
of the Century England was moving r-pilly fr- - a mure nicrcantist
economy t.. an industrial ec nomy utilising its imperial p’ er.
This r'• suit’: .1 n a bobta in the ship-builling anl engineering activi
ties in other parts f England. This !x..:a in industrial activity
generat- I migrati n into the cities of in lustrial v rker-., The
growth in h using stock did n'-t keep pac_- • ith this migration,
thereby cr "ting a sizable.h -using shortage. The lan'lerls
exploited the situati n by charging high rants and dum.anling an
years rent in.advance. Low inc es an.l uncertain employment
progpects a: ng the migrant workers, against this background of
extortion ‘-f high r nts by the landlords, cr«.-at- .1 a long
standing, an1 wit ly sympathised, demand of f.r a monthly r .ntal'
payment system to r glace th- annual payment of rent. High rents,
ov«r-cr-viding, Jot-.i-ri-rati.'n in quality of h using etc.
all
addes up to gone-rat-? a social unrest in Lqndcn, Glasgow anl other
major cities .of England. As the pr--bl
effected the working class,
trade unions backed the • irking class’s le-anl f r cntrolling
the rents. The "House Letting and R ting Act" was enacted in
England in 1911. This Act per.nitte-'Tmnnthly letting of low-income
Jwelli'g units.
This new scheme of monthly letting which was exp.-ct..1 to
re .uce the financial burden of the working class was use.! by the
land lors to raise the rents more frequently.(8) The onset of
th. First World War br'ught mor..- migrant workers tn th-.. Glasgow
regi n where many of the lef-.nc...-orientc d in lust i-es ere
locate 1. As th., housing stock lid n t keep pace luo to war-time
diversion of inve tment irt ' ,’ef-ncc- industries the working class
puopl-:. faced even greater hardship in getting decent place to live
at an affordable rent.(9) The social unr-st on the issue reachci
sucha p-int that the left wing parties, trade uni ns, and local
tenant committees f• r~e 1 by th. h us-: iv-?s organise! the famous,
and most most eff ct-v?, Glasgow R„nt Strike of 1915.
(6)
\
It was estimate! that the excess urban vacant land that sh ul.l
come under ULCR is ab lit 166, 192 hectares while the land
acquire! under ULCR forms only about 8.8?o (14,589 hectares) .
The land exempte 1 un.l .r sc-cti n 20 of the Act (in "public
interest" and to- av .il "un.lu-._- hardship") was 43,863 hectares
(i.a. ab.ut 26 percent of th- estimated excess land).
9In response to the Glasgow Rent Strik-_ of 1915 th- Rents
and Mortage- Interest (War Restrict! n) Act was enact -1 by the
British Parliament in Dec-., mbar 1915. This Act specific'-lly
c ntr 'lied the rents of th
*
low-cost h using. However, the
British parliament noted that simply cntrolling rents w-uli not
solve the probl m of shortage in low-cost h using. Hence it
enacted the Housing an1. Town Planning Act in 1919 which made it
mandatory for local governments to bull1 h using for the workers
an1, it als made certain provisions for financing the construction
o>f such h uses. These two legislations, just th ee to four years
apart, may be- regarded as landmark Icgislati n n providing decent
h us’.g for the workers at an affordable rent.
The origin of th. r .nt c ntrol logislati-ns in I lia
can be traced t-> the Rent (<ar Restriction) Act of 1918.
This Act was bos.: 1 '-n th British legislation cited above, Rent
and Mortage Interest (.Jar R -stricti n) Act 191£
*
Similarly •
the Town and Country Planning 1-gislatin in I lia is basal
on Bombay Town Planning Act 1915, which base! on a similar
British Icgislati n on London Town Planning.
It is ho'cv.r unfortunate that in our country local autho
rities which are v ,-stvd with tr/.n planning responsibilities have
not pail, alequote attenti n t pr viling decent h:using for th worker
at affordable rents through massive sbheme of public h using as
jzhoy hav J'•no in U.K. What is b-.ing suggested here is that
rent control legislation !<■■ primarily is only a temporary legislation.
meant to b. a temporary r sponse to war-time shortage in h using
or to the social unrest fr m th working class, such as the
Glasgow rent strike. The long t rm s-luti.m to the h using
shortage for the low-income-workers, must c e from a properly
designed Town Planning Legislati n that earmarks ad quote land
and adequate funis t~ pr-vi 1 public h'using at subsidise ’ and
affordable rents.
(7)
One of the features of the rent control legislation is to
protect the tenant fr'm eviction. This aspect of the legisla
tion has a hi-’tnry long r than that of the rent restriction
aspect. Here we d .al only with rent restriction or r-.nt control
aspect ~nly. For a more detailed treatment of t is history
the r--o ’ r ray refer to Manuel Castells, The_City -an ’ the
Grass-Roots : A Cross Cultural Theory of Urban Social
?'ov.-Tcnts, Eduard Arnold Publishers, L.-n-.lon 1983, pp 27-37.
(8)
This i an unintended consequence of a well-intended
legislation. One ust carefully examine such unintended
con sequences of any public policy measure, as most ..f the
tire they gain prominence over the intended objectives.
(9)
It was noted that just prior t-.. 1915 the r-nts in Glasgow'
incr. sei by twenty three percent, See, Mannucl Castells,
op cit .
-10-
The r-nt c'ntr. 1 1 pislati ns that w...re cnee inti .■ uc«J
as sh rt-t rn solutions to th-’- urban h using prc-bl-ais at tail-.-■,
ov-..-r time,.-s''m:. degree of permannnc-?. But it sh ul l b n-. ■
th., t
~ne of th? sff ccs -:f f is l.-;-islati n is prim.Tily to bring
about an inc w- trnnsf r fr m th. community of Lan Ic-r-J-s or
. .r h n. - -une s tr th c immunity of t nants. An: th r 1 ’ og-t rm 1 .pact
■ -f this legisl»ti- n is tr r.-luc the supply ;f '■ si’.nt’ial
h u iig.
In its op r-ti - the r nt c ntr.l legislnti n has necome
quit< i\-f fectivr in c ntrnlling th rants f th .- working class
or low-inc me workers. This is partly because- only a small friction
of houses that sh-ull c ?e unler the purview of th legislation
Jo actually come unler it. Secon'ly, the mere exist, nca f the
Ic-gisluti n, which attaches a pnsitiv- pr-liability of a no-- h use to
come- union its purvie; , discourages . ■ op-le t: invest in r/silential
h using. This effect of reducti n in r si’^ntial h using investment
aggravates th: pr.-blem of shortng:.- in r ..i’en+ial h using. As a
result, in th - ultimate analysis on y r very small fraction f th;.rent-rs ar. benif itte.l. through a r al inc ..-a? transfer fro:--. th;-. . landlord.
ar? 1 the sm 11 number of lar.'lo.r.'s whose- h "uses go unler rent control
bear the entir-: cost. Furthermore, a large number of renters have t.
1 ay much higher rents unler the legislation than the rants
A,
th-, y woui 1 have t~ pay if the- legislation were re] er tel.
It has been not 1 that there w~.s no significant
differ nee between the
nthly inco-es of th Ion-lord and
tenant hous-.-holls'.
It as als- esti.mat-- that -ily six percent
of the entir-:. h using stock an 1 twelve percent of th r -ntal
h. usi g units c me unler
nt entr 1, and that the pr'pcrti'-n of
h uses that c-scapa rent control net form thirty eight percent. (10)
Although the- arguments advance.! above are quite logical
and. convincing to many economists it is a fact that ther- is
a reluctance; t r peal the lagislati n. The r osnn for this
has to be found I ' th economics and ’L;:litics of I mrcracy.
The pot .nhial b -neticiaries of th- legislati n arcthe working class who- constitute a large s-gment of the voters.
The perception regarding th. actual consequences o-f thlogislati n is wry poor among these- pot ntial b.-'.noficiarias.
4
These cr-nsi-lajfati ns force the politicians t favour a
continuation-f f the 1-gislati-a anl to give- it a legrec of permanence.
There is an urgent need to.high-light the actual long-run impact of
th.-; l._- .islati n on the enti:. rental ho,usi g ••■orket. Some
int.-r.oti g empirical firdi g:.- n...> the effect of this legislation
in Bangalore arc- cental .1 in the dissertati.-n cited in foot
note 10.
(10)
These observ ti ns ar.:. bas d on th.- analysis of a
h'.useh 1.1 sample survery con lucte i Bangalore -during
Sept- mber 1984 - January 1985. For further details the
reader is referred tn K. Arun, A Critical Appraisal
of_RentControl Act in Bangalore? C'ity/ an”’‘unpuSlishel
liss’eratat’i'-'n''submitted 't . the "Indian "Institute of
Management, Bangalore in partial fulfilment of the
requir-.-ments of a Fellowship: programme in Manag-. uont.
Dp v 3.' H
SOCIAL. MOBILITY IN BANGALORE
R. Siva Prasad
I
The theme of the workshop being 'Urban Poverty' I would like
to clarify the relevance of the subject matter of this, paper by.
raising two questions, Viz., 1) Why do we have to understand.social
mobility in Bangalore, for that matter any city? 2) How is it
related to the theme of the workshop ? In answer to this I would
like to say that social mobility and social inequality are very
closely related and are complementary in nature. Any understanding
of existing social inequalities and the social structure ought to
take social mobility of different socio-economic groups into
consideration for a processual understanding of the system under
study, it may also be relevant to mention here that in our country
in the wake of massive economic development, while there is
increase in social mobility of individuals and groups, there is
also an increase in the incidence of poverty. Hence this attempt.
P.M. Blau and O.D. Duncan (1967:18) rightly describe social
mobility as—the 'process of stratification'. While mobility
influences—stratification., stratification determines, by and large,
the course of mobility.
In other words, any change or alteration
in one bjij_ng,s--about change or alteration in the other. This
raises the question whether social mobility brings about structural
changes in the- system itself or reiterates the existing social
structure-with-minor modifications ? The answer for this could be
both, depending on the intensity of mobility of lower and upper
strata'..groups;-' ■
In a developing country like India, where extreme inequalities
persist, the ruling classes and the academicians alike have created
a myth that individual mobility outside the framework of caste .or
class is...„an. emerging phenomenon. It is also widely believed that
modern education, occupational structures and other factors like
industrialisation and urbanisation, etc., will break the hold of
caste system giving rise'to a class system similar to that of the
■'>festern.:..G.lass.. (Davis 1951:175-6; Desai 1966).
Interestingly, it
has been.found that education is mostly confined to upper castes
and economically advanced groups, and thereby perpetuating the
ascriptive system of stratification (Shah 1964; Sivakumar 1977;
*
cayaram
’1'977;. Many studies, have confirmed that there exists
a Cirrelatidh .between a person's educational.and occupational
achievements and his or her caste and class background (Srinivas
1966:64;.^S.i.vakumar 1977:203; Michaelson 1984:342; Desai 1981:
123-4; and Prakasa Rao and Tewari 1979:331),
In order to understand social mobility in the Indian context one
has to first understand the relationship between the caste and
class."- iThe-relationship between the caste and class is very
complex,, uj-tr is popularly believed that the caste system is a
closed system-while the class system' is an open one wherein
mobility-across'social classes is possible. This notion is
untenable, .and. does not stand to any empirical testing. On
the contrary,- mobility in the class'system, as in caste, is a
restricted one. In both, the class of origin largely determines
the specific-pattern of mobility which implies that the resultant
social ■•mobility brings about only marginal changes and in a way
reinforces the existing social stratification and social
structure (Bottomore 1975:40), In oth -r words, the situation in
class system'is. not radically different from the caste system.
- 2 In the Indian context, there exist a class.system, similar to
the Western class system, within an endogamous caste. This in
no way negates the existence of .class system across castes.
In
a broader perspective, caste and class not only co-exist but also
work or operate in collusion with each other in the given structural
framework. Put differently, caste system functions in such a way
that it largely serves; class interests within itself, and in a
broad sense, prevents the similar classes in different castes to
come together.
The fact that there exists.a class system within a caste determines
various factors of interelationships•between castes, and also within
a-caste, are oh class lines. But.this does not meah that/'classes
of: same category from different’, castes that interest are '-'similar in
nature. They not. only'differ in their actual status but also in
their socialization factors. It. is this- caste-class relationship
that plays against class, antagonisms, class consciousness-and class
unity beyond one's.'caste. ., In fact, social mobility only reinforces
these relations. - ■ •'
'
" ■- . ■ ' - ■' '
'
M. Abrahamson, E.H-. Migruchi and .C-.A. Harming aptly identify two
factors as relevant, for studying social mobility: ’'The first.'is
concerned with the extent to which social inequalities and
differential access to advantages, opportunities and scarce benefits
are perpetrated across generations..., A second-purpose.,, is to
locate the social structural and psychological factors that-.play,
a role, in th? status attainment (that is, social mobility)' of
individuals’' (1976:205-6)
In general, social mobility is tne result of (1) opportunities
offered or provided by a system;2) awareness of opportunities;
3) capability of people in realizing them; and 4) competition,
strategies and struggles adopted by the individual's, families or
groups to better their position.
Mobility does not . occur in vacuum and, th-.■re- exist limitation
(social, economic, psychological, ?.tc.) to one's chances of social
mobility. But it has to occur within the existing structural
framework. That is, one's range or scope for mobility is
determined by the 'mobility field1 . - Similarly, there, exists a
limitation, depending on the Extent of control nver resources and
power, for a group' s (caste-class)' mobility. In other words,
individuals belonging, to similar caste-classes will have more. ,or
less equal chances for mobility. That is, the approximation of
individual -mobility fieIds.make one group distinguishable.from
another. To put it differently, mobility field of one group
(caste-class) differs from that of the others. ' For instance, the
fact that a person is born in a particular caste-class stratum
restricts and influences his. or her mobility by and large.to
that group only. To elaborate it furthercaste in combination
with class factor opens up avenues of mobility for individuals
or for the group as a whole.
In this process, political factor
also aids mobility.
Social mobility in Inida is linked to caste in association with
land or wealth or property ownership and place of'residence.
These factors have a'direct bearing on access to new opportunities
for mobility , Viz., access, to education, professions, salaried
jobs and higher income.
3
II
Understanding of social mobility in Bang, lore is important on two
counts;
i. it is an ideal Indian city to observe the interplay of caste
and class, and the mobility patterns that occur ina fast-developing
industrial city; and (ii) it is an ide:l place to understand
the interplay of traditional, colonial andmodern factors in it.
Besides, it is an emerging metropolitan city with many linguistic,
religious and cultural groups living in it. With its ever
expanding bureaucracy and tertiary (service) sector it offers
a greater scope for the people to improve their status.
Bangalore is the fifth largest city in India with a population
of 29.13 lakhs. It occupies a fourth place among the Indian cities
on the basis of growth (census of India-1981). It is' centrally
situated in the south of India and well connected by road, rail
and air to various big cities of India. It is a centre of
excellence in education 'nd houses many prestigious educational,
scientific and technological institutions. Unlike the major
cities like Bombay, Calcutta and Madras, it has no physical
barriers for its growth. What is more, its climate is its best
promoter
promoter of growth. Thus it provides ample scope for
individuals, as well as groups, to ameliorate their status,
both in economic and social terms.
The .data for this 'study are derived from the Bangalore city
survey Project which was completed under the supervision of
Professor V.L.S.Prakasa Rao (1973-76). ^roadly, an attempt
is made, in this paper, to understand some salient features
of educational and occupational mobility of different social
groups living in Bangalore.
Of the sample, 1,745 households, it is observed that migrants
(62.1%) outnumber the resident (37.9%) population. It is
relevant to note that a significant proportion of the migrants
are from rural areas (48%). The migrants significantly show
a three fold increase in higher education over the residents.
Table 1 about here
An analysis of the sample households (Table 1) reveals that
Brahmins remained at the top of the educational hierarchy of
Bangalore, being followed by Lingayatsin the second position.
The lower levels of educational hierarchy are represented by
artisan and servicing castes, Muslims and the scheduled castes,
in that order. The intermediary positions are held by
trading castes, Christians, agricultural and warrior castes.
It is interesting to note that while Brahmins, warrior
castes and jains did not have any ‘illiterate1 heads of the
households (hereinafter HHs), the scheduled castes did not
have ‘professionals' and post-graduates' among them. In
fact, illiterates are more among lower castes, especially
scheduled castes (Table 1)
The educational achievements of the HHs, in general, show a
more or less consistent pattern of hierarchy. In spite of
many privileges extended to the scheduled castes by the
Government it appears that they have not been able to
advance greatly. The benefits of the privileges are mostly
cornered by the affluent and politically powerful among them.
Generally, their low social position and economic status
has come in the way of proper utilisation of the '-enefits
for their advancement.
4
While the above facts give a picture of the educational status
by various categories as it exists it would be interesting to
have a look at the inter-generational mobility of various
socio-economic groups in our sample, between HH, HH's father
(hereafter F) and father's father (henceforth FF).
Table 2 about here
In general, among all the castes, except Brahmins and the
scheduled castes, there is a greater tendency for mobility
in the F's generation tt the 'up to middle' level of education.
Among the Brahmins, unlike all the others, the increase at the
F's level is significant in the category of 'secondary' level
education as compared to FF’s. It is significant to note that
Brahmins are a generation ahead of all the others in their
educational achievements, except the scheduled castes. The
scheduled castes are one generation behind- all the others other
than Brahmins in their educational achievements. Af far as the
scheduled castes are concerned, the HH's generation is clearly
comparable to the FF's generation of the Brahmins. Further, the
HH's generation of the scheduled castes is comparable to the
F's generation among all the social groups, with the exception
of the Brahmins. Likewise, the F's generation of the scheduled
castes is comparable to the FF's generation among all the
other castes (other than Brahmins) (Table 2).
Following from the above observations it may be safely projected
that in the mext generation of the scheduled castes there may
occur an increased representation in the 'secondary' education.
The data suggests a fast decreasing rates of 'illiterates.' among
all the groups. It may not be hazardous to assume, following the
high rates of decline in the 'illiterates' among all groups, that
in the subsequent generation (in) many social groups may have
no 'illiterates' at all.'
Table 3 about -'here.
What is observable among the upper castes is that greater
amount of mobility in education is from middle level education
to higher levels of education, 'graduates and above'. Among
the lower castes the movement is by and large restricted to
'up to middle' level to 'secondary' level only. The high
incidence of upward mobility among various groups need not
be construed as an indicator of status change. In fact the
quantum of both upward s well as downward mobility is
marginal in nature. Thus, it has not resulted in any greater
shift in the caste and other religious group differentials
vis-a-vis educational differentials. As the. relative distance
between castes is maintained in terms of educational mbbility
and achievements, and the nature of mobility being 'marginal'
the status quo prevails (Table 3). In other words, by and
large, the changes are peripheral and in the process the
system is only reinforced.
Our study brings out clearly that the individual's class of
origin, i.e., his father.'s class (occupation could be considered
as an indicator of class), influences his chances and
scope of (educational) mobility. Further, the class of
origin of an individual allows him to deviate only 'marginally'
and forbids greater deviations. That means, social mobility,
which is influenced by one's caste and class backgrounds, only
5
reiterates their earlier positions. In other words, social
mobility maintains caste and class boundaries. Thus, educational
mobility, though shows an improving trend for many groups,
docs not in any way point out to the destabilization of the
privileged groups and does not disturb the existing social
structure.
Table 4 about here
In the present study it is observed that the existing patterns
of occupational mobility are to a large extent caste specific.
That is, well paid and prestigious jobs are the upper castes
domain, and menial and low ranking occupations are generally
the lower cas e's prerogative. It is interesting to observe
that, • inspite of increasing rates of occupat’onal shifting,
members of guite a few castes still continue to follow their
caste occupations. Among them, 31.5 percent of the agricultural
castes, 26.2 percent of the artisan and servicing castes, 28.3
percent of Scheduled castes, and 68.2 percent of Jains follow
their caste occupations in Bangalore. Caleb R Paulus (1968:51)
in his study of social stratification in Bangalore, reports
that 4.1 percent'of the sample have still retained their
caste occupations. Further, the sample households indicate
and also strengthen the viewpoint that there exists a continuity,
in spite of the changes, between the old and new occupational
structures (Desai 1981:123-4; Beteille 1969:35,69; Michaelson
1984; Crinivas 1962:64; Gist 1954:129; and Gould 1963). In
addition the findings ratify the view that the upper castes
have an advantage over the others whereby they dominate in
the high status occupations.
Why does this occur? The rural poor, in the event of migration
to urban centres, carry with them, as it were, their traditional
occupations and skills. The caste occupations work as portable
kits to the migrants, especially if they are from rural areas.
This facilitates continuity between traditional and modern
jobs. It is usually the lowercastes, espically the scheduled
castes, who still perform the polluting jobs. The upper
castes generally evoid manual jobs and particularly those
which are of polluting in nature (Beteille 1969:35). It is
also generally true that the higher the caste status the
greater are their chances of getting high-status jobs which
may be unrelated to their traditional occupations. In other
words, upper castes dominate the upper and 'white-collar'
jobs and lower castes remain at the lower' levels of occupa
tions, especially 'blue-collar', only.
Our sample households reflect and further confirm these
observations'(Table 4). This is mainly because the upper
castes have adapted themselves to the new occupational
structure though the new occupational structure is believed
to be a revolutionary one during the British rule (Gould
1963:74). K.L.Michaelson comments rightly that, -'The new
occupations were supposed to be caste free: they were not
and, by and large, the social and economic rewards of modern
industry have gone to- those who had them traditionally" (1984:342).
Table 5 and 6 about here
It is found that, in general, the tendency among the younger
generations is to move away from their paternal occupations.
6
However, this attitude varies from caste to caste. The lower
castes show a lesser degree of deviance from their paternal
occupations than the upper castes. Ey and large, Brahmins
differ in their mobility patterns from all the others. Similarly
artisan end servicing and Scheduled castes differ from the
others in their mobility patterns, though some similarity
between them and, to some extent, Christians is observable.
Mixed tendencies are found among trading arid agricultural
castes and muslims. As in the case of educational mobility,
Brahmins remained, at the Zenith of the hierarchy and scheduled
castes at its nadir (Tables 5’ and 6).
It is observed that paternal education and occupation have a
bearing on the offsprings occupation and education-,
respectively. Generally speaking, those with better educational
achievements will hove better occupational attainments. This
further would influence the mobility of the offspring, both
educational and occupational. In general, it is observed that
the link between castes and occupation and education still
persist in Bangalore.
It is also observed that spatial segration based on caste,
.language, region and religion, differential rates of
educational and occupational mobilities, etc., only indicate
that the- social structure of the city, structurally, has not
substantially been altered. It can also be safely concluded
that there is an overlap between caste, occupational and
,educational hierarchies.
Table 7 about here
Our data suggests that, in Bangalore, there is an association
between castes or religious groups and the socio-economic
status (SES) zones. The upper castes have a tendency to reside
in high-status areas while the lower castes have a tendency
to segregate in low-status.areas. The middle-ranking castes
are found to be prevalent in low-medium status zones (Table 6).
Table 8 and 9 about here.
The levels of education and occupation also reflect the
differentiation by SES zones. The High SES zone has a greater
proportion of persons with higher education, especially
'graduates and above'. There are no 'illiterates' in this
zone. On the contrary, the low SES zone has a groat projeortion
of 'illiterates' and ’up to middle' educated, when compered
to the others. Apart from this, this zone has the .lowest
proportion of 'graduates and above' educated HHs. The
High-Medium zone is characterised by a greater number of
'secondary' educated and they occupy a second place after
the high SES zone at the level of 'graduates and above '
education. This zone has the least ratio of 'illiterates'
compared to Low-Medium and low SES zones. In its educational
achievements Low-Medium zone falls in between High-Medium
and Low SES zones. The rates of mobility
: are higher in
the High-SES zones than the Low-SES zones. By and large, the
mobility is 'marginal' in nature. The educational mobility in
the four SES zones reflects the relationship between the
educational achievements and socio-economic factors and the
place of residence . (Table 7 and 8).
Table 10 and 11 about here.
7
The -occupational structure of the four SES zones and the mobility
patterns point out a clear-cut ^polarization. The.High SES zone
is dominated by 'professional and administrative1 workers
(57.9%) anc they are far hhead of the other three zones in this
regard. Added to this, this zone has thelowest proportion of
'production and service' workers (23.9%). In contrast to this,
the low SES zone has the least proportion of 'professional and
administrative' workers (5.6%) and the highest proportion of
'production and service' workers (65.3%) than any other SEP
zone. As in the case of educational mobility, the occupational
mobility patterns differ Between the four SES zones. The HighSES zones show a greater deviation then the Low-SES zones.The mobility observed is largely 'marginal' in nature (Table
9 and 10).
Ill
Our study of Bangalore city points to the fact that social
mobility, which is supposed to bring in changes in the status
of people, by itself is controlled by the social and economic
background of the individuals and groups. This makes social
mobility a restrictive process in the sense that particular
caste-class matrix in which a man is born generally determines
the parameters of his mobility. In other words, an individual's
potential for mobility is circumscribed by his birth in a
particular caste-class combine. Just'as'Social groups differ
among and within themselves, the rates of social mobility also
differ in accordance with their caste-class structures.
It is observed in our study that the socio-economic and ecological
structure of Bangalore has an association with caste, educational
and occupational mobility, thus indicating the caste-class
nature of the city structure. It is observed that the SES
zones overlapped with castes and classes pointing out to the
influence of city structure on the above mentioned factors
and vice versa. This stresses the fact that in the process of
reinforcement by each other, the social structure virtually
gets reinforced. In this way, social mobility not only
reinforces the city structures but it, in turn, is influenced
and guided by the socio-economic nature of the city structure.
In addition to the above factors, the caste, kin, friendship
and other networks of an individual also indicate caste-class
nature and also influence the social mobility chances of an
individual. This, when observed in the overall context of
caste-class nature of groups, points to the structural
limitations of social mobility and change. It may be pointed
out from put study that close friends and relotiges of an
individual come from identical social and occupational
backgrounds.
By and large, the changes, that- one. notices in educational
and occupational mobility patterns in Bangalore along with
the other f:ctors are not really structural. In other words,
the changes one may observe are only peripheral or marginal
in nature with the core of the system •
remaining, intact.
To clarify further, the changes are-within the system and
not of the system.
8
NOTES;
1. The author is grateful to Sri.V.S.Perthnsarathy, Sociology unit
ISEC, Sangalore, for his critical comments and suggestions.
2. Asst.Profossor (Sociology), Institute for command Studies and.
Irrigation Management (ICSIM), Bangalore.
3. In order to see the differences between castes and their
s gregation based on the socio-economic status (SES),
Bangalore is divided into four SES zones; 1) High SES zone,
2)High-medium SES zones, 3) Low-Medium SES zone, and
4) Low SES zone. These dividions have been adopted from
Prakasa Rao and Tewari's study (1979; 176 ff.).
REFERENCES
Abra.hamson, M., E.H.Mizruchi and C.A.Harnung (1976), stratifica
tion and Mobility. Nev/ York; Macmillan
Beteille, A (1969), Castes;old and new..Bombay; Asia Publishing
House.
Blau, P.M and O.D.Duncan (1967), The America" occupational
Structure. New York;Wiley.
Bottomore, T (1975), classes in Modern Society. London;George
Allen and Unwin 1td.
Davis, K (1951), The population of India and Pakistan. Princeton;
University Press.
Desai,A.R.
(1966), Social Background of Indian Nationalism.
Bombay; Popular Prakashan.
Desai, I.-P (1981), The craft of Sociology and other Essays.
New Delhi:Ajanta Publications.
Gist,N.P (1954), Caste Differentials in South India.
America^ Sociological Review, 19;126-137
Gould,H (1963), The Adaptive Functions of Caste. Asian Survey,
3:427-38
Jayaram,N (1977), Higher Education as Status Stabilizer.
Contributions to Indian Sociology, (New
Series), 11 (1): 169-91.
Michaelson, K.L (1984), Education and Reproduction of social
Hierarchy: Bombay In Giri Raj Gupta (ed.).
Urban India. New Delhi;Vikas Publishing House.
Paulus,C.R.
(1968), A study of the social stratification in
Bangalore City. Pacific Sociological Review,
11(1):49-56.
Prakasa Rao,V.LTS, and V.K.Tewari (1979), The Structure of an
Indian Metropolis; A case study of Bangalore.
New Delhi:Allied Publishers.
9
Shah,B.V (1964) Social change and college students of Gujarat.
Baroda;The Maharaja SayyajSrao University of
Baroda,
Sivakumnr,C (1977), Highc-r Education, Social stratification and
social change in the 1960s. In M.N.Srinivas
e t.al.(e d s) , Dimensions of Social change in
India. Nev? Delhi;Allied Publishers.
Srinivas,M.N.(1962), Caste in Modern India and Other Essays.
Bombay;Asia Publishing House.
Srinivas,M.N.(1966), Social change in Modern India. New Delhi;
Orient Longman.
TAELE 1:
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HHs BY EDUC TION AND CASTE/RELIGION
Education
Social Group
Illite
rates
Up to
Middle
Secondary
Graduates
and PGs
Professionals
Others
Total
No. of
cases
Brahmins
Lingayats
Trading castes
Agricultural castes
' arrior castes
Artisan and
Servicing castes
Scheduled Castes
Hindus, castes
not specified
Muslims
Christian
J§ins
Sikhs and Parsis
3.6
5.6
5.9
15.2
37.5
44.4
52.5
56.5
39.1
37.5
35.2
30.3
29.0
27.7
12.5
9.2
6.8
*
9.7
6.6
5.4
3.1
1.8
* “'
1.6
11.4
3.5
2.5
2.6
3.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
289
56
162
340
62
7.4
18.4
63.5
69.5
22.5
9.9
3.3
*
1.3
0.8
2.5
0.9
100.0
100.0
244
233
33.3
66.6
42.2
45.4
20.0
33.3
19.7
44.5
27.3
20.0
23.8
4.9
7.8
*
18.2
40.0
*
4.8
4.8
2.2
1.6
9.1
*
20.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
21
183
128
22
5
Total
6.2
49.4
28.5
9.9
2.2
3.8
100.0
1745
,
6.6
3.1
■
Source; Prakasa Rao and Tewari (1979; 47,51).
*•
No post-graduates
** No graduates.
0.8***
TABLE 2;
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HHS, THEIR FATHERS
(Fs) AND FATHER'S FATHERS (FFs) BY EDUCATION:
ALL SOCIAL GROUPS
Social
Group
Brahmins
Lingayats
Trading
castes
Agricultural c;stes
v, arrior
castes
Artisan and
servicing
castes
Gene'
rati'
on
HH
F
FF
HH
F
FF
HH
F
FF
HH
F
FF
HH
. F
FF
HH
F
FF
Education
Total
Illiterates
Up to SeconMiddle dary
Gradu- PGs and
Profeates
sionaIs
11.2
39.4
67.7
37.0
72.2
64.6
43.6
67.8
55.1
52.0
45.3
19.7
40.7
7.4
4.2
40.3
19.5
7.4
21.9 ’
8.2
2.7
11.1
3.7
14.9
5.6
0.5
7.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100^
100W
100.0
8. 0
2.0
5.4
0.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
3.7
1.2
10.4
1.7
1.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
5.6
21.6
46.9
64.5
70.9
50.7
32.7
10.5
3.6
31.0
13.3
3.9
25.1
6.9
2.4
5.3
0.9
10.4
43.2
53.7
67.9
55.9
56.9
74.1
52.9
3.5
0.4
1.3
75.1
60.4
42.2
10.8
1.8
0.5
1.3
66.3
80.7
54.1
22.9
6.0
1.3
5.4
0.6
100.0
100.0
100.0
5.5
2.9
1.1
22.7
9.1
4.6
4.6
1.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
1.5
9.4
1.8
16.7
31.2
2.7
10.0
37.5
4.6
19.4
40.5
Scheduled
castes
HH
F
FF
Muslims
HH
F
FF
15.8
37.8
57.3
4.8
13.3
44.6
Christians
HH
F
FF
0.9
7.3
23.7
41.3
66.1
67.7
47.7
19.3
6.4
Jains
HH
F
FF
23.5
45.5
68.2
58.8
31.8
22.7
17.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.®
100.0
100.0
100.0
TABLES 3;
INTENSITY OF SOCIAL MOBILITY (EDUCTION)
BETWEEN F-HH AND FF-F; ALL SOCIAL GROUPS
Social
Group
Group
Gene
ration
U.M
Conside
Marginal Same
rable
level
D.M.
Conside
rable
Brahmins
F-HH
FF-F
14.1
8.5
40.2
39.4
40.5
51.6
0.7
Lingayats
F-HH
FF-F
1'8.5
46.3
22.9
35.2
77.1
Trading
castes
F-HH
FF-F
10.0
3.7
35.6 52.4
38.2 ■57.4
Agricultu F-HH
ral castes FF-F
8.6
2.3
36.7
27.3
53.1
70.1
Warrior
castes
F-HH
FF-F
12.1
3.9
29.3
33.3
55.2
62.8
3.4
Artisan
and ser
vicing
castes
F-HH
FF-F
4.8
0.9
35.1
29.7
59.7
68.9
0.4
0.5
Scheduled
castes
F-HH
FF-F
1.8
0.9
30.1
18.8
67.7
79.8
0.4
0.5
Mus1ims
F-HH
FF-F
2.4
1.3
33.1
32.7
64.5
66.0
Christi
ans
F-HH
FF-F
3.7 .
4.3
39.4
32.3
52.3
63.4 •
Jains
F-HH
FF-F
27.3
41.2
68.2
52.9
4.5
'■ 5.9
Marginal
' 4v5
0.5
2.0
0.7
0.9
1.8
0.6
f. 3
2.8
TABLE 4; PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HHS BY OCCUPATION AND C. .STE/RELIGION
Occupation
Social Group
10.1
.26.6
Brahmins
Lingayats
12.5
NO. of
cases
Sales
Ser- Far- Produvice mers ction
Nonworkers
24.2
6.2
4.6
13.8
14.5
100.0
25.0
16.1
7.1
1.8
25.0
12.5
100.0
289
56
26.5
14.8
100.0
162
44.1
40.3
11.5
9.7
100.0
100.0
340
62
53.3
59.6
8.2
7.3
100.0
100.0
244
233
19.0
19.1
100.0
31.7
42.9
4.6
20.0
17.5
13.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
21
183
128
22
5
Admini- Clerical
strative
Professional
Total
8.0
10.5
14.8
19.8
3.7
6.2
8.1
4.7
4.8
16.2
11.3
5.0
14.5
7.9
9.7
1.9
4.4
1.6
5.7
3.0
4.1
1.7
9.0
3.9
7.4
4.7
8. 2
17.6
4.1'
2.2
14.3
4.4
5.5
22.7
40.0
9.5
19.0
Muslims
Christians
Jains
Others
19.1
2.2
13.3
9.1
20.0
6.5
11.7
13.6
32.8
3.9
50.0
20.0
Total
9.86
5.90
13.35
1745
7.85 2.06 37.88 11.92 100.0
11.17
------------- —
—
------—
—
——
Trading castes
Agricultural castes
Warrior castes
Artisan and servicing
castes
Scheduled Castes
Hindus, castes not
specified ■
Source:
.
Prakasa Rao and Tewari (1979: 48,53)
4.9
8.6
9.8
TABLE 5; PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF HHs, FS AND FFS BY
OCCUPATION: ALL SOCIAL GROUPS
Social
Group
Professional
and Admini-.
strative
Occupation
Cleri Sales
cal
Farmers
Production
and Service
Brahmins
HH
F
FF
43.0
39.8
30.8
28.9
29.7
22.7
7.4
5.9
5.4
17.6
34.6
20.7
7.0
6.5
Lingayats
HH
F
FF
13.5
5.8
5.3
25.0
11.0
19.2
23.1
21.0
1.9
50.0
68.4
40.4
9.6
5.3
21.2
16.5
8.0
17.8
4.1
2.7-
23.3
35.6
34.8
2.8
21.9
41.1
34.9
21.9
13.4
11.2
10.6
. 3.8
14.3
12.5
10.8
18.9 .
4.8
2.6
5.5
7.1
5.6
6.4
58.6
78.6
58.0
18.9
9.4
12.5
7.1
‘ 16.1
10.7
5.4
1.8
28.6
54.1
55.3
41.1
29.7
8.7
3.9
1.1
7.1
4.9
2.8
3.9
31.7
45.9
68.7
53.8
48.6
Trading castes
HH
F
FF
Agricultural
castes
HH
F
FF
Warrior castes
HH
F
FF •
Artisan and
servicing castes
HH
.F
FF
Scheduled Castes
HH
F
FF
Muslims
HH
F
FF
Christians
HH
F
FF
Jains
HH
F
FF
'
1-0.6
5.7
1.6
5.1
2.8
2.7
4.1
1.8
0.6
4.1
4.6
2.2
1.8
30.7
51.6
84.9
60.1
42.9
12.4
10.1
8.5
8.3
6.5
36-. 7
33.2
33.8
0.6
18.3
38.0
4 2.0
42.0
19.7
19.5
15.9
10.0
14.1
9.7
5.6
4.4
3.6
8.9
1.8
29.2
■ 54.4
. 60.2.
41.6
33.3
19.0
18.8
14.3
9.5
47.6
42.9
43.7
28.6
37.5
.
4.8
TABLE 6;
QUANTUM OF SOCIAL MOBILITY (OCCUPATION)
BETWEEN F-HH AND FF-F: ALL SOCIAL GROUPS
Social
Group
Remained
in seme
Profess
occupation ional &
Admini
strative
Changed to
_____
Cleri Sel Far Prod
mers ucti
es
cal
on &
Ser
vice
Total
Brahmins
F-HH
FF-F
36.7
59.5
21.5
' 16.8
16.8
15.7
6.6
2.7
2.1
18.4
3.2
.100.0
100.0
Lingayats
F-HH
FF- F
13.5
81.6-
11.5
2.6
25.0
7.9
13.5
3.6
1.9 34.6
216 2.6
.l0
*
100.0
43.9
65.2-
13.0
12.5
16.4
3.6
4.1
9.8
0.7 21.9
0.9 8.0
100.0
100.0
28.5
77.5
6.7
5.6
16.4
2.6
4.8
2.6
1.0 42.6
0.4 11.3
100.0
100.0
35.7
73.0
10.7
5.4
12.5
8.1
10.7
5.4
1.8 28.6
8.1
100.0
100.0
52.9
80.3
7.9
3.3
8.4
2.2
4.4
2.2
0.9 25.5
1.1 10.9
100.0
100.0
61.0
75v0.
4.1
0.5
4.1
1.1
2.8
3.3
0.5 27.5
1.1 19.0
100.0
100.0
47.3
64.8
8.3
4.9
7.1
6.3
15.4
6.3
0.6 21,3
1.4 16.2
100.0
100.0
48.7
57.8
10.6
7.8
11.5
6.7
4.4
2.2
24.8
1.1 24-. 4
100.0
100.0
28.6
6.2
14.3
12.5
14.3
4-. 7
100.0
100.0
Trading castes
F-HH
FF-F
Agricultural
castes
F-HH
FF-F.
Warrior castes
F-HH
FF-F
Artisanand
servicing castes •
F-HH .
FF-F ■
Scheduled Castes
F-HH
FF-F Muslims
F-HH
FF-F ■
-
Christians
FtHH
FF-F
Jains
F-HH
FF-F
. 38.1
81.3
.
*
£
TABLE 7S
SEGREGATION OF SOCIAL GROUP:Ss ALL SOCIO- ECONOMIC STATUS (hSES) ZONES
SES ZONES
Social Groups
High- Medium
High
Brahmins
14.5
45.2
Lingayats
3.6
Trading castes
Agricultural castas
4.1
Warrior castes
6.5
4.1
Scheduled Castes
0.9
Muslims
9.4
3.9
5.4
Jains
54.5
54.6
17.9
'11.1
100.0
( 9.4)
13.5
100.0
(-19.8)
9.7
100.0
( 3.6)
18.4
100.0
(14.2) '
34.3
100.0
(13.6)
25.7
100.0
(10.6)
68.0
100.0
( 7.4)
9.1
100.0
( 1.3)
100.0
(100.0)
1719
(100.0)
13.6
10.2
1.4
27.3
13.6
( 3.3)
23.0
10.4
7.2
100.0
12.9
13.3
16.4
■3.3
Christians
65.6
10.3
16.1
1.7
16.7
7.5
6.4
69.3
11.9
(16.8)
13.3
4.5
9.0
2.2
68.2
14.5
100.0
5.2
24.2
2.8
ie.7
71^0
14.1
2.4
2.6
12.0
14.9
4.3
58.9
14.8
Tot al
2.0
3.4
7.5
15.0
Total
21.4
3.1
Low
42.9
12.9
3.7
5.4
Artisan and
servicing castes
40.1
36.1
2.2
Low- Medium
25.1
50.0
3.2
1.9
1.2
0.6
100.0
(5.4)
100.0
(18.7)
100,0
(60,.0)
100.0
(15.9)
5
TABLE 8; SOCIAL MOBILITY (EDUCATION) BETWEEN THREE
GENERATIONS; ALL SES ZONES
Levels of Education
SES Zones
Total i
Illite
rates
Up to Secon
Middle dary
Gradua PGs &
tes
Profes
sionals
High
HH
F
FF
High-Medium
HH
F
FF
3.3 ■
9.4
17.8
37.858.8
30.0
32.2 ■
25.9
22.2
15.6
3.5
30.0
11.1
2.4
100.(
100.0
100.0
1.3
6.4
15.3
32.8
57.8
71.8
44.6
30.1
12.1
13.9
4.0
0.8
7.4
1.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
Low-Medium
HH
F
FF
5.1
16.2
39.9
53.2
68.1
55.9
32.4
13.7
3.9
6.9
0.9
0.3
2.4
1.1
100.0
100.0
100.0
11.5
35.6
63.4
65.6
61.1
35.8
21.7
2,8
• 0.8
0.8
0.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
•
Low
HH
F
FF
TABLE 9:
INTENSITY OF SOCIAL MOBILITY (EDUCATION)
F-HH AND FF-F; ALL SES ZONES
Upward Mobility
Conside- Margirable
na.l
Same
level
15.6
14.1
41.1
30.6
41.1
55.3
13.5
3.9
31.4
29.0
52.0
66.3
Low-Medium
F-HH
FF-F
Low
6.3
2.5
34.5
30.7
57.4
66.3
F-HH
FF-rF
2.4
0.8
42.3
28.9
54.1
69.9
SES ZONES
Downward Mobility
Conside
rable
Total
Margi
nal
High
F-HH
FF-P
High-Medium
F-HH
FF-F
2.2
100.0
100.0
1.0
0.4
2.0
0.4
100.0
100.0
0.3
0.1
1.5
0.3
100.0
100.0
1.2
0.4
100.0
100.0
TABLE 10; SOCIAL MOBILITY (OCCUPATION! BETWEEN THREE
GENERATIONS; ALL SES ZONES
'Occupational Status
SES Zones
Profes
sional Cleri Sales
and
cal
Admini
strative
Farmers
High
-
Produc
tion and
services
Total
HH ’
F
FF
-57.9
40.9
25.3
14.8
13.6
10.8
3.4
5.7
6.0
29.5
50.6
23.9
10.3
7.2
100.0
100.0
100.0
High-Medium
HH
F
FF
26.9
21.0
11.7
19.6
15.0
12.7
11'. 2
12.0
13.2
2.8
27.6
46.8
39.5
23.4
15.6
IfflO.O
100.0
100.0
Low-Medium
HH
F
FF
' 14.4
13.1
8.7
15.5
8.6
3.7
12.0
12.4
11.2
3.2
33.6
53.4
54.9
32.3
22.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
5.6
2.8
2.7
10.4
3.9
0.4
16.3
14.7
12.5
2.4
35.1
51.8
65.3
43.4
32.6
100.0
100.0
100.0
Low
HH
F
FF
TABLE 11:
THE DEGREE OF SOCIAL MOBILITY (OCCUPATION) BETWEEN F-HH AND
FF-F; ALL SES ZONES
Remained in
same level
Degree of JSocial Mobility
Changed to
■Professional
and Admini
strative
Clerical
21.6
19.3'
7.9
9.6
Sales
Farme rs
Production
and Service
High
F-HH
FF-F
50.0
65.1
3.4
2.4.
100.0
100.0
4
High-Medium
F-HH
FF-F
38.1
63.9
17.1
9.8
14.3
7.3
5.6
4.4
1.4
2.4
23.4
12.2
. 100.0
100.0
F-HH
FF-F
41.1
70.7
9.-2
6.3
12.9
5.1
6.8
4.7
0.6 .
1.6
29.4
11.6
100.0
100.0
f-hh
FF-F
53.8
78.1
3.9
1.3
8.4
3.1
6.4
2.2
0.4
27.1
15.2
100.0
100.0
Low-rMedium
LOW
17.0
3.6
Seminar on
Bangalore 2000
Some Imperatives for
Actions Now!
Bangalore
October 9 & 10, 1987
Industrial Scenarios
for
Eangalore
Vinod Vyasulu
Indian • Institute r.of Management
Bangalore
THE TIMES RESEARCH FOUNDATION
CONTENTS
I.
Introduction
02-01
II.
The Short Run
02-02
III.
The Long Run
02-14-
INDUSTRIAL SCENARIO. S FOR BANGALORE
Vinod Vyasulu
T
x*
~r
^ntrocluction
1.
This paper is meant to provoke discussion. It
is based on an interpretation of readily available data
especially the excellent Times Research Fondation (TRF)
Ccr.-.e. Hum prepared for this Seminar; on past studies
of Bangalore; and on interviews with those connected
with industry — Government officials/ industrialists/
professional managers and representatives of leading
trade unions
*
2.
The overall outlook of the industrialists and
unions is gloomy: neither group expects any significant
investment or growth in employment in the city/ over
the next fifteen years. Officials do not feel they can
provide the drive and encouragement to industry as in
the past.
3.
In an attempt to understand this/ the argument
has been cast in a macroeconomic model of the Kalecki-
Keynes type that is standard in economics .
There is a stylization of facts involved in
discussing a city economy within such a model. It
brings out the dilemmas clearly/ and helps to identify
areas in which policy initiatives are required. Some
+
Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore
*
I am grateful to Ms. S. Sashikala for assistance
in preparing this paper.
02-01
comments are made on such initiatives.
If these policy options can be discussed/ this
paper will have more than served its purpose.
II. The Short Run
4.
By short run is meant, the length of time within
which the level of potential supply of commodities
remains unchanged. Within the short period, it is
assumed that the stock of capital goods remains unchan
ged. ( For Bangalore, it means that supplies of electric
power cannot be dramatically increased).
Potential supply is, then, regulated by the
degree of capacity utilization.
In India, this has
ranged between 85.2% in 1970, and 72.5% in 1974, with
the average rate being 76%. In 1984, it was 78.5%
2
well below the 1970 figure . The figures computed for
Bangalore by the Planning Department of the Government
. ■
3 . If
of Karnataka are of the same order of magnitude
anything capacity utilization in Bangalore industry
is slightly less than the national average.
5.
In importance, Bangalore is first.after the four
traditional metropolitan centres of India, Calcutta,
Bombay, Delhi and Madras, and it has. been the subject
4
of several studies .
Post Independence growth is, in part, due to
Bangalore's strategic location from a malitary point
of view; in part, due to Central Government decisions
on public _r.'—rprise location; in part, due to its
reputation for harmonious industrial relations; in part.
,'ue to an efficient and positive state administration;
and perhaps also, in part, due to its pleasant climate.
If attention is focused on the industrial sector
the Bangalore economy may certainly be considered
modern.
02-02
6.
At the time of Tippu Sultan ( late'-18th Century),
Bangalore had a strong base in the textile industry, in
the city ( petta), which was later supplanted by the
British with a colonial credit economy, concentrated in
the new Civil and Military Station ( more commonly
known as the c lit Qiment) and controlled by migrants,
not thia elite of the petta.
It was not till the early part of this century,
under Vishweshwarayya, that industry became important
in either Bangalore or Mysore State. Such industrial
development as took place did so under state patronage.
Even now, industry is dominated by public invest
ment, and it is likely to remain one of the most impor
tant 'factors underlying Bangalore's industrialization.
7.
These historical origins are still evident in
the local importance of sericulture around Bangalore;
in the importance of textiles, especially weaving, in
the petta; and of food and beverages in the Cantonment.
It is evident in the outlook of local industria
lists who look to the State Government
for leadership.
Interestingly enough, the Federation of Karnataka
Chambers Qf Commerce & Industry (FKC.Cl), representing
local private trade and industry, was founded by
Vishweshwarayya, a civil Servant, engineer and visionary,
who played a critical rcle in state sponsored develop
ment. Even the Greater Mysore Chamber of Industry,
representing medium and large manufacturing units in the
private sector, is the result of the vision and energy
of a retired civil servant of Mysore; the highly
respected M.A.
8.
SrinivasaO.
In 1975, the Director of Industries listed 3618
units in Bangalore— of which.182 were companies, the
rest being proprietorships, partnerships and others.
They provided employment to 4,83,640 persons, with a
02-03
total fixed investment of Rs.9989.39 millions- Over 7C%
of the mwere young— less than 10 years old. Most of
the units were concentrated in the north, north-west
of the city ( PIN codes 560 016 and 560 C23 being the
most important)
By May 31,1983/ it was estimated that there were
168 large and medium industrial units in Bangalore
Distract, which employed 1,73,268 persons
,and accounted
for an investment of Rs. 494.15 crores.
Bangalore accounts for 47% of the units, 33% of
the investment and 55% of the employment in the State.
By the end of 1986, the number of large and
medium industrial units had increased to 223.
Out of
the total of 191 units, for which data was available ,
units manufacturing electrical components numbered 40;.
followed by 35 units in mechanical engineering;
electronics, ferrous and non-ferrous units, accounted
for 29, each.
Although there has been an increase in the
number of units, the investment and employment figures
show a decline from 1983 to 1986. The statistics for
the latter period indicate that 191 units employed
1,09.161 persons and the investment totalled to
6
*
Rs
412 crores •
Urban Bangalore also accounts for .1,081 small
scale units, with an investment of Rs.114.07 crores and
employing 1,11,042 workers ( as on March 31, 1981).
The number of sick units, in Bangalore, accordring
to the Canara Bank was 228. Of these, 75- while sick,
owed . less than Rs.one lakh to the bank; 120 owed
between Rs.1-10 lakhs. Only 33 owed over Rs.10 lakhs.
The All India figures .seam far worse. The Minister of
State for Finance told the Lek Sabha (Deccan Herald
of
'■
August 27, 1987) that in all 1,28,687
02-04
Small Scale Industries (SSl) had been identified as
sick, with an outstanding bank credit totalling
Rs.ll84o22 crores, out of a total of 18,12,580 SSI
that enjoyed a bank credit of Rs.8321.64 croresat the
end of June 1986).
9.
The Bangalore Metropolitan Region ( BMR) economy
can be analysed using a simple macroeconomic model,
consisting of two sectors.
Sector I produces investment goods and sector
II consumption goods.
Investment goods means expenditure on long
lived equipment and involves uncertain expectations
regarding the future; consumption goods relate to
current needs and are less concerned with future
uncertainties.
The model assumes vertical integration i.e.
the raw materials required for production in each
sector are produced within each sector. Further, for
simplicity, it is assumed that the workers consume all
their wages and save nothing. All the saving in the
economy comes from the industrialists. In this model,
short run investment expenditure is autonomous•
In Bangalore, Sector I is large. It consists of
companies like Grindwell-Norton and Kirloskers, in the.
private sector, and public sector giants like Indian
Telephone Industries ( ITl), Hindustan Machine
Tools ltd ( HMT), Hindusthan Aeronautics Ltd ( HAL),
Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd. (BHEL), NGEF etc.
Also included in Sector I are a large number of medium
scale industries like Bhoruka Steel, and small scale
units that function as ancillaries to these units
( because of the assumption of vertical integration).
An idea of the composition of Sector I in the private
sector can be obtained from the Bangalore based
02-05
member of the Greater Mysore Chamber of Industry.
( It
may be noted that this includes units located in Hgsur,
technically in Tamil Nadu, but effectively a part of
the Greater Bangalore economy. Sore consensus is
required on this matter).
In BMR, sector II may not include giants
like
HMT or ITI ( although they produce consumer goods like
watches and telephones and are, to this extent, part
of Sector II). It consists of a large number of firms
that produce a whole range a consumer goods and services
( such as computer consultancy organizations which have
recently been growing in importance)• The range of goods
is wide, from edible oils to processed foods, to ready
made garmets, to gold and diamonds and watches. There
are also a whole host of " informal " sector firms that
serve an important function, eg. the typically Bangalore
phenomenon, called Iyengar's bakeries. Here also, the
model assumes vertical integration: the raw. materials
required are produced within the sector.
The model then argues that the workers in Sector
II must produce a surplus to support the consumption
requirements of workers in Sector I, and of the
industrialists in both sectors ( assuming for simpli
city that imports and exports of the city balance out).
For the Bangalore economy to be in balance, it must be
true that there is a surplus' in Sector II, after
meeting the consumption needs ( wage bill) of the workers
in Sector II.
This surplus'must support everybody
~ in Bangalore. Or, to put it differently:
Surplus in Sector II = Wage bill of Sector I +
Consumption by Industrialists of both sectors.
The investment sector generates a wage bill
which exactly matches the surplus of consumption goods
after meeting the wages of Sector II and the consump
tion needs of the industrialists, as shown in the
diagram-,/ on the following page.
02-06
Sector I
Sector II
Macro Economic Balance : Shaded
Areas ABEF and IJKL are Equal
02-07
■io put it differently, autonomous expenditure
decisions in Sector I ( in the form of wage payments)'
exactly match the surplus remaining after industrialists,
consumption'in an economy,in balance. Or, Sector I
generates the market, and it is investment, in this
model, that is the key variable in keeping the economy
balanced and growing.
If the autonomous investment expenditure in
Sector I is smaller in size than the amount required to
maintain the balance, then part of the surplus of
sector II cannot be disposed off. This would result in
an unplanned accoumulation of inventories of consump
tion goods. This problem of inventory accumulation is
one that has faced many Bangalore firms in recent years •'
this is the problem referred to as " demand recession ".
If the investment expenditure is more than the
surplus of consumption goods, then there will be an
unplanned decumulation of inventories. If there are
no inventories, then an upward revision of prices
( inflation) can be expected. In some areas, like housing
( where restrictive legislation has added its own
complications), Bangalore has been experiencing infla
tionary pressure.
An.unplanned accumulation of inventories ( eg.
for TVs or fridges or two wheelers) means that the
industrialists in Sector II axe unable to satisfy their
plans regarding the volume of sales of consumption goods.
Part of t
surplus of Sector II fails to satisfy the
" commodity " nature of
—
production ie. they
cannot be sold. The entire surplus.of consumption
goods cannot be realised into profit. There will be a
discrepancy between the expected rate of profit and the
realised or actual rate of profit. In many Bangalore
firms, the profit realised has been less than the
profit expected at the time of investment; and more so
02-08
in recent years/ despite the liberalization'in policy
undertaken by the Government,
The equality between the expected and actual
rates of profit is essential to the macroeconomic
balance required in the economy. An imbalance arises
if the market for selling Sector II goods is too small
or too large, resulting in unplanned changes in inven
tories of final consumption goods.
An autonomous increase in the wage bill of
Sector I means an autonomous increase in the size of
the market for Sector II which may respond in one of
two possible ways
*
(1)
by adjustment in the quantity of consump
tion goods produced .( if there is excess
capacity in equipment and manpower and no
infrastructural constraints like power
supply) or'
(2)
by an upward adjustment in the prices of
consumption goods.
This adjustment will be limited to resto
ring balance. If quantity adjustment is
not possible because of infrastructural
constraints, there will be inflationary
pressure. This will also happen if the
capacity to produce is not for commodi
ties that workers want to buy.
If physical productivity per worker is assumed
ccnsrant ( a reasonable assumption in Bangalore), then
fcr any given level of employment determined by full
capacity utilization in Sector II, the entire burden
of adjustment caused by an autonomous increase in
investment, will fail on prices. Further in this model
if the share of profit in value added remains constant
the price level in a sector will be proportional to
02-09
the money wage rate in the sector. And, in this model,
employment in the two two sectors must be in a certain
proportion if the macroeconomic balance is to be main
tained.
Since there are several variables( productivity
per worker, share of profit in value added, excess
capacity, etc), several types of adjustment behaviour are
possible, depending upon the behaviour of<these
variables
*
and their interaction. The following points are pertinent
in Bangalore.
(1)
Physical productivity per worker is low in
relation to world standards and it has also
been roughly constant over time. On an
average, in 1975, the value of output per
industrial worker in Bangalore was only
Rs.7460.
And wage rates tend to be
proprotional to the price level, when
labour is organised.
(2)
Employment proportions in Sector I and
Sector II, for institutional reasons, are
fixed. According to managements, most firms
in the organised sector have excess labour.
There is, however, flexibility to employ
labour ( of roughly the same productiveity),
an a casual basis from the informal
sector, through labour contractors, at a
lower wage; this is often done.
(3)
Even in situations of excess capacity, there
are infrastructural constaints. Even when
management wishes to increase capacity
utilization, it may not be able to do so
because of say, power shortage, non
availability of critical raw materials,
transport bottlenecks, etc.
02-10
(
(4)
Prices of industrial products unlike
those of agriculture or raw materials/
are cost-determined and not dem&nddetermired. Thus they are rigid down
wards; their prices do not show a tendency
to f^-.l, but they rise in response to
demand.
-.5)
Since Bangalore firms have not developed
on the basis of indigenous technology/
in spite of the importance of
Research
Development institutions in
Bangalore, there is no match between
equipment-labour proportions required
in the factory for production, and those
required by Bangalore/ Indian Society,
to ensure full employment.
This leads to anomalies like the co
existence of excess capacity and excess
labour - the factor proportions problem
as distinct from Keynesion depression
{ In the long run, this will lead to
serious social problems, since even high
rate of growth of industry can hardly be
expected to lead to increased demands
for labour). This has serious-implica
tions for S & T as R & D policy for the
country.
(6)
In real terms, wages in the organised
sector, in the last 10-ls years, have
risen by about 35% ( Government of India
Economic Survey 1986).
But wages in the " informal" sector are
low. In small industries, they are
one-third of what similar jobs pay in
the formal/organised sector.
02-11
Many argue that real wages in rural areas
have declined in real terms.
For the working class as a whole, the
level of real wages may be assumed to
have been stable, with increasing inequa
lity between its two components- the
organized and the non-organized. There
is thus a
^istruction between what is needed
and what will sell. This is another face^
of the demand recession problem.
(7)
Numbers below the poverty line according
to recent Planning commission estimates
have decilined, yet, there are reports
that the distribution of income has become
more uneven in India.
Centainly in Bangalore, a city with large
numbers of well paid professionals, this
seems to be true. One casual illustra
tion will suffice.: while public trans
portation is inadequate, the number of
two wheelers, representing private trans
portation ( of a middle class type) has
shot up dramatically, leading to a need
for a change in concepts of traffic
management. The results of such a changethe decreasing importance of footpaths,
will further aggravate the conditions of
the p oor.
Depending upon one's assumptions, and the values
of these various parameters, an autonomous increase in
investment expenditure in Bangalore may lead to a
variety of responses as macroeconomic balance is sought
to be restored.
02-12
It appears that this adjustment in Bangalore has
been achieved by focusing attention on the demands of a
large " middle " class that has money to spend
including
conspicuous consumption from blaok-money.
There is .tittle likelihood that there will be any
significant employment generated by industrial invest
ment in the immediate future in Bangalore
*
The recnv explos’on in the number of slums also
lends s-'
"
i_o the, view that a large part of the city
u-ation has not benefitted frcm the city's growths
there is a growing inequality between these two sections
of the city's citizens.
10.
The structure of the city also seems to be under
going change.
In 1974-75, an East West conation and a centre—Periphery
structure was noted. Many of the areas classed as
Periphery,ten odd years ago,are hardly that now. And
within them, ccmmercial a~eas have been developed, eg.
the Jayanagar 4 Block Market; and.such markets are
coming up in Banashankari, and Indira Nagar, Koramangala
etc.
Today, commercial and residential areas seem to
overlap, leading to a lower quality of life for resi
dents of several hitherto peaceful areas ( like Wilson
Gardens or Mission Road), and to vast complications in
transport requirements, especially for office going trips.
Bangalore is gradually being " densified"t the
experience of Bombay with its Malabar Hill and its
Byculla may be relevant. On the other hand, sparwling
New Delhi may present a more accurate model, if large
sums are available for investment in Bangalore.
11.
In this, Bangalore's experience mirrors that of.
India as a whole.
02-13
- .
It has been ( validly)
argued by L. K. Jha
and others that increased defence expenditure ( a part
of which comes into Bangalore) helps counter the immedi
ate problem of insufficient effective demand .
The same is true of conspicuous consumption by
a leisure class
*
Through tax concessions/ the middle
classes can hope to increase their consumption expendi
ture. While it may resotre macro-economic balance in
the short run, the consequence is increasing inequality
and consequent social tensions/ in the long run.
III. The Long Run
12.
"r'J
In the long run, investment-icanribt be' considered
to be autonomous. And here a problem arises, there, is
little agreement among economists on an investment
function.
13.
-
One obsWous factor influercing private invest-
ment decisions is the expectation
. ■
S. ■'
of profit, and this
may depend upon profit realised in earlier periods.
Good profits, in the immediate past, both generate
optimism
and also enable firms to use accrued profits
( internal funds kept in reserves), for new investments
( as borrowed funds would be more expensive because of
the interest payments involved)•
14.
In this context, the outlook for investment in
Bangalore,as in India generally, is far from optimistic.
The rate of public investment has fallen from
the levels reached in the Second and Third Plans. There
ar'.- areas where black money has a major role, that offer
attractive returns to private investors - real estate,
films etc.
But within industry, the outlook is gloomy. This
comes out in various ways. The Federation of Indian
Chambers of Commers & Industry ( FICCl), and in
Bangalore Federation of Karnataka chambers of
Commerce .Industry (. 0 FFCC I) .have. recently expressed
,
02^-14
concern on the " demand recession " in the economy.
Interest rates are high; several industrialists have
pointed out the need to reduce interest rates. The
recent reductions by the Reserve Bank of India ( RBl)
do not go far enough.
15.
Finally, there are the high figures of what is
called sickness in industry ~ and, in recent years, the
rate of growth of sickness seems to have quickened.
While there are many definitions of sickness, none of
th: • uodes well for an industrialist seeking profit
through investment in manufacturing industry.
16.
One reason for sickness could be the industrial
relations climate, which has not been very good in
Bangalore in recent years, belying the myth ef a docil^
labour force.
)
Between 1973 and 1986, there were 56 strikes
7
and 34 lockouts in Bangalore . The number of mandays
of employment I'.st due to strikes was 40-46 lakhs1' due
to lockouts 18-31 lakhs ; wages lost were Rs.11.73
crores, due to strikes; and Rs.6.56 crores, due to
lockouts; and the production lost is estimated at
Rs.98.69 crores, due to strikes; and Rs.47.37 crores
due to lockouts.
All this points to the inten'Sity of industrial
conflict, and will have to figure highly in any policy
of development for the
17.
city.
Another reason for closures and sickness may be
technological change.
With ITI, due to phasing out of stowger exchanges,
a large number of- workers have been rendered surplus,
and quite a few ancillaries have had to close down as
they' could not cope with the change. The new electronic
switching system technology may improve productivity
but the adjustment is painful.
02-15
The long delayed modernization of the large units
of Bangalore will throw up this type of problem in the
earning years.
The phenomenon of sickness is a complex problem.
Studios of industrial sickness, and ease • studies of
turnaround strategy, suggest that a necessary condition
for turning around a sick unit is a change in management .
Thus, either the Government, should take over
management and appoint professionals to run.the units.
The
AIR in Delhi may provide a model. If workers or
their unions, so desire, giving them responsibility to
run the unit may be a serious option.
This issue has arisen in Bangalore— in the case
of Alembic Glass, but not found favour with the authori
ties concerned.
Sickness in industry requires strong medicine;
the question is, which medicine.
19.
Another aspect of sickness, perhaps a symppton j
the figures for capacity utilization + already referred
to.
The Centre
f°r Jxmitoring- Indizarr Economy (CMIE)
Report calculates, that by not operating at 90% capacity,
Indian industry has, in 1983, suffered a loss of
potential output of Rs.12,760 crores and the loss to
the NDP was Rs.2,240 crores.
+ The concept of capacity utilization is tricky one.
These figures refer to production with respect to
licenced capacity. Capacity could well refer to output
that could be produced, if equipment were run round the
clock in three, eight hour, shifts- This is important,
because most small units are designed for single shift .
operation. In a sense, this represents an v-er-capitalization of Indian industry, an aspect not discussed in
this paper
02-K
Even if Bangalore contributes only 5% of total
industrial output in India, this represents a loss of
potential output of over Rs.600 crores.
Steps to utilize equipment fully, if necessary,
by running four shifts of six hours each, when techni
cally feasible, would be necessary in the long run.
This should reduce the unit cost of production, and also,
provide additional employment.
20.
The most inportant investor in Bangalore has
ho mi the state.
Unlike Ahemdabad, Bangalore has little tradition
of local entrepreneurship/industrialists. Early in the
19001s'Vishveshwarayya had a vision of an industria
lized economy, and he took a few steps forward' in this
direction.
The real impetus to Bangalore' s growth came with
the war, and later with the Central Government invest
ments in machine tools, electronics etc.,in the Central
public sector units, of the second Five Year
Plan.
The next spurt came in the late 1960's when
small industry came into its own.
21.
Now, there seems to be little livelihood'of
further State investment in Bangalore, format least,the
following reasonsi
(1)
Neither the central, nor the state
Governments have the kind
resources
required; nor the political will, to mob
ilize such resources. Even the moderniza
tion of existing public sector units is
proceeding very slowly.
■■j
(2)
>
*7
The demands of other areas for investment
must be weighed against the claims of
Bangalore. This includes other States; as
well as other locations in Karnataka.
'02-17
(3) The generally gloomy business environment,
despite the recent liberalizations.
The Bangalore situation today is one where the
state has few investible resources and the private
sector few entrepreneurs.
22.
The shifting of Head Offices to Bangalore, as in
the case of Brooke Bond, may lead to an increase in its
commercial importance, and put further pressure on city
ameneties, like housing and schools.
It is not likely that the City Corporation is
in a position to cope with the demands that will flow
from the one lakh odd square feet of office space coming
up in the vicinity of Mahatma Gandhi Road, in the next
few years.
It may lead to a moderate increase in clerical/
computer jobs, but not to production increases or any
significant employment opportunities.
The further growth of the Head Office economy is
likely to aggravate existing inequalities, as the staff
jobs these invole are relatively well paid and thus add to
existing social tensions23.
Organized labour, too, seems unprepared to face
the emerging situation.
The organized unions generally feel that they
got the best possible deol from managements. They are
aware that managements can by pass them through labour
cont ac’-ors and by subcontracting
jobs to small scale
ancillaries — the growth of which has been phenomenal,
and large numbers of when are sick.
Labour in small units, and with contractors/
are not, and are not likely to be, effectively union
ized in the near future. This stratum constitutes the
11 reserve army of the unemployed 11. Its existence
neutralizes the gains of organized labour, so for as
92-18
labour as a class is concerned. It serves to isolate
organised labour, within the working class! and it is,
in turn, accused of being the exploiter-
'.thesis clearly
enunciated in Bangalore by the late Chief Minister,
g
Devaraj Urs .
24.
There is another facet, to this issue in the
model when labour is organized to protect its interests.
If all wages are consumed ( by assumption), any
increase in investment must be
matched by a corres
ponding increase in saving out of increased profits
*
If capacity is being fully utilized ( and thus quantity
adjustment is ruled out), then an increase in investment
assuming labour productivity is constant, would result
in an increase in money wages because of labour strength
This would require an increase in share of profit in
income in order to generate enough savings to match the
higher level of investment. This can only be brought
about by a relatively higher increase in price than in
money wages.
If labour is so well organized tua-' money wages
rise faster than prices, then such an adjustment is
not possible and the result .will be an indefinite in
flation. What is more likely is that organized workers
continuously attempt to protect their real wage rate,
after prices have risen,
and this very attempt may
trigger off a persistent process of inflation (despite
the elimination of excess demand for consumption goods
through an initial reduction in the real wage rate).
In a fragmented labour market like the one in
Bangalore, the ability of the organized sector to, at
least, partially protect its real wage rate implies an
inflationary pressure, in the economy. Industrialists
will respond by sub-contracting production to small
units, where,wages ire lower and workers not unionized
Thus these non-organized workers bear the brunt of
adjustment.
02-19
If the public distribution system is effective, the
impact on the unorganized sector ( as measured, for
example, by the cost of living index of agricultural
labourers) may be minimized. But the inflationary press
ure exists, and can be triggered off by other factors
( like monsoon failure) and would effect different
sections of labour
and the population, differently. In
the long run, it could aggravate inequality. Unfortuna
tely in Bangalore, such inflationary pressure coexists
with underutilization
of capacity and unemployment. The
last two features characterize a depression? in the Third
World context of Bangalore, there is inflationary
pressure as well. An efficient public distribution
system is therefore essential.
25.
Related to this issue is the growth of Bangalore's
population, the largest component being the result of.
migration by people in search of employment.
The largesc segment among the migrants seems to
be from Tamil Nadu. It would appear thgt the State has
no option if this continues but to enter into discussions
with the Tamil Nadu Government,, in ah effort to solve
this problem.
But that alone will not be enough. Opportunities
have to be provided so that there is no need for people
to come to Bangalore for their survival. In this
respect, both Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have been
more successful in ensuring a more balanced regional
development.
It is to this question that attention must be
directed.
26.
Thus, a policy for the future of Bangalore must
necessarily
ensure development- of selected towns and
cities in Karnataka.
02—20
A necessary condition for the success of such a
policy will be broad gauge railway connections between
potential growth poles and development centres/
(Without
this? industry and commerce will hardly flourish).
Candidates for this role are:
Raichur, where
seme large industry already exists? and which is well
located on the Bombay - Madras trunk railway line, and
is a traditional cotton trading centre-; Gulbarga, close
to Hyderabad, and a centre of state attention in recent
years; Mysore, which is already an important industrial
centre, shortly to be connected to Bangalore by broad
guage railway; Davangere/Harihar, well endowed with
water? an increasingly scare resource in Bangalore,
where the Birla's Polyfibre Unit is located, but which
is lacking good railway connections; Mangalore, with a
core of chemical industry and a good port-»as well as a
potential site for a sponge iron plant based on imported
LNG; ane Hubli - Dharwad, the second largest urban
centre in Karnataka, but lacking a broad gauge railway
a- •
10
connection
With careful planning, especially of infrastruc
ture,
( economic and non-economic) and railway connections
all these cities have tremendous potential.
With a
little care, that potential can be realised; and
Bangalore will be the major beneficiary of their
development.
27.
Towards this end, a beginning could be made by
setting up, in Karnataka, a Chief Minister's Railway
L.velopment Fund to which contributions should be
invited.
The State administration could attempt to link
up NREP and other programmes to the task of railway
development so that the cost of laying railway lines
is at least marginally reduced. Such measures are not
likely to raise enough resources to finance the
02-21
railway network, but they will raise the consciousness
of the people to the importance of this facility; it ■
could become an important political demand around
which people may be mobilized, eg. an initial demand
that contributions to this fund be made tax deductab.le.
And it will become more difficult for the Railways to
continue to refuse or delay railway projects in the
State.
28.
The power crisis fac$-&3' Bangalore and
Karnataka requires long term solutions, such as
proposed in the SG Ramachandra Expcrt Committee
Rep ort.
29.
Th2 State Governmeiit must evaluate the returns
that accrue to the State investing in these cities,
as against investing in Bangalore.
As a major metropolis, Bangalore may be
expected to raise resources for its own improvement
11
The. limited funds of the State'' should, go to,
the few selected towns,to encourage industrial
dispersal.
30.
There seems to be little chat the State .
Government can do about the demand recession or the
gloomy investment climate or the confusion in the
labour force. These are areas where thosec_c‘ohcotnod must
come up with solutions and act.
The academic can do little more than ask the
questions.
'
-
02-22
Re fere nee s_ & Motes
1- Macroeconomics, ^mit Bhaduri, Macmillan, London etc.,
1986.
( This analytical frame is Used throughout
this paper).
2. Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy:
Production
and Capacity Utilisation 650 inductions, 1920
1983. Bombay, November 1984.
3. Government of Karnataka, Report:
Department.
to
Planning
4. The most recent being the 4 Volume Essays on
Bangalore, 1985-86, KSCST Bangalore.
5. From Volume 1 of the KSCST essays.
6. The discrepancy is probably because of different
sources. The 1983 figures are from TEJCSCK
those
for 1986 from the Director of Industries.
■
7. Deputy Labour Commissioner, Office of the Commissioner
of Labour, Government of Karnataka, Bangalore.
8. V. Padaki and V. Shanbhag ( eds):
Industrial Sickness: The Challenge of Indian
Textiles, ATIRA, Ahemdabad 1984. Also the experience
of the financial institutions with companies like
Richardson & Crudd.^S ( 1972) Ltd., Kamanis, Bruniys
etc, which suggests the same thing.
9. And given theoretical foundations by V.M.Dandekar.
On the link between workers in the organized and
unorganised sector in Bangalore and elsewhere, see
Mark Holmstrom:
Industry and Inequality, OVP,
Delhi 1984.
02-23
10.
See Karnataka t
State of Environment
Report,
(ed) Cecil Saldaniaz Department of Ecology and
Environment, Government of Karnataka, Bangalore
11.
For some controversial suggestions see my
Action Plan for Urban Development mixqco.
IIM Bangalore 1986.
02-24
UN warning on
megacities
v
By PUNYAPRIYA DASGUPTA
ANGALORE has attained
the distinction of a place in
the UN list of megacities. In
1985 its position was the 40th,
populationwise. Those Bangaloreans who may think that this is
too low to take pride in, may be
comforted by the projection that
the city will become the 29th in
2000 AD, outpacing Philadel• phia, Madrid, Leningrad and
Chicago and almost catching up
with Madras.
B
Bombay has come in for uncdifying?
mention in the UNFPA report be
cause of the city's pavement proleta
riat. A survey of families whose only
home was the streets of Bombay re
vealed that they performed vital
functions for the city, in factorie^ttd
wayside repair shops, labouring®^
trading, sorting garbage and recycling
metals, plastic, glass, but could not
afford to live in even the poorest slums
because they earned less than Rs. 20 a
day — far below the minimum wage.
Greater Bombay will become the fifth
biggest city in the world by the end of
the century, with its population
■jumping from 10.1 million in 1985 to
16 million.
Such a status is double-edged. It
may be egosatisfying to learn that
one’s native city has grown so big as to
be ranking in the world — Rome and
Lahore had only 3.7 million people
Had there been easily available
each in 1985, Detroit and Sydney 3.8
antidotes to urbanisation the situation
million each, when Bangalore recorded
would not have been so grave now
four million. In another 12 years from with built-in risks of collapse in the
today Bangalore wilj have eight mil
not-too-distant future. The experts of
lion, according to the Report on the
the UN system do not expect to come
State of the World Population 1988
by magic remedies. Their reports try
by the UN population Fund. Wil!
to point to ways which may lead to
Bangalore be adequately equipped by
some improvement.
the year 2000 to cope with the de
For instance, migration is one of the
mands of the expected enormous po
main reasons for urbanisation. Rural
pulation?
poverty pushes people out to the cities
The question is difficult to answer
in search of avenues for earning and
unless of course one throws up one’s
bare subsistence. In Manila, abo^|5-.
hands. The UN Fund for Population per cent of the city’s growth Mme.
Activity (UNFPA), commonly called
Seventies was identified as the result '
the Population Fund, cannot afford to
of migration. In the Indian subconti
give up so soon because its existence is
nent (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh)
designed'to encourage hope although
there are nearly as many landless rural
it has calculated that by the end of the
people as the total population of the
century,-half of the world will be living
United States. They have no rights to
in urban areas and one-fifth of these
any land, depend on seasonal agricul
people in mcgacilies of four million
tural employment and are even in the
people or more. The total world po
best of times often underemployed.
pulation at that time is expected to be
Two-thirds of Bombay’s pavement
six billion plus.
dwellers said that they gave up hopes
The growth of urbanisation in the
of earning a living in their villages
developing world is much bigger and
before trekking to the big city of
faster than in the developed. In 35
dazzling and beckoning lights.
years from-1950. the urban population
in the developed world doubled, from
The lesson has not been learnt by
477 million to 838 million, but in the India’s ruling elite. The migration
developing world it quadrupled, from currently taking place from Bihar to
286 million to 1.14 billion. According the prosperous areas of nonh India ir
to the World Commission on Envi one of the results ot the rural anarchy
ronment and Development, the cur perpetuated by the rich peasantry of
rent projections put the urban chal- the dominant castes in collusion with
‘-nge firmly in the developing coun the Congress Government in Patna.
tries. In the space of only 12 years, the Poverty had always prompted sizable
developing world will have to increase numbers of Bihar’s rural folk to seek a
by 65 per cent its capacity to produce better living in nearby big cities, es
and manage its urban infrastructure, pecially Calcutta. With Calcutta going
services and shelter — only to main beyond saturation point, they arc
tain the present far - from - satisfac moving towards Punjab. Haryana,
Delhi. This movement cannot be re
tory conditions.
In the city of Calcutta, where the versed except by stabilising land rela
*
relentless influx of population because tions in Bihar on progressive lines.
of war, famine, partition and natural
NO
SHIBBOLETH
*
growth, has made conditions of life.
more and more grim, the civic infra
The.cupidity of ihc rich peasants is
structure will have to .absorb 50 per one factor in Bihar’s contribution to
cent more people in the next 12 years. India’s peril. Another — interlinked
A daunting prospect indeed. By the with it — is the persistence of India’s
year 2000, the population of Calcutta leaders in the error that land reform is
will soar to 16.5 million and make it a matter of subjective ideological pre
the fourth largest in the world. The ference and that the slogan of Lind to
first position will then be wrested from the tillers is a left-wing shibboleth
[developed Tokyo by developing Me- which they need not take seriously.
[xico City.
They fail to realise that ideologies
grow according to a people s acutely
LOVING CARE
perceived needs. The UN is not a
Delhi has been warned, its popula leftist party. It too is trying to impress
tion growth rate is next to the projec upon India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and
tions fqr Lagos and Dhaka — two many other third World countries
cities in which the millions will more that “land distribution Issues add to
tfiarr tifouble in 15 years from 1985, the problem.’’
like Bangalore. India’s capital will re
The UN Population Fund also
cord a '^population of 13.2 million in
2000 AD, and stand 11th biggest in suggest development of medium cities
the world, bracketed with Buenos as a means both of relieving pressure
Aires and Jakarta. Unlike Calcutta, on metropolitan areas and breathing
which suffers from financial con some new life into the rural hinterland.
straints, partly for the sin of being the But while recommending such steps
capital of a communist-led State ad the fund emphasises that the agenda
ministration, Delhi enjoys all the lov of population control demands politi
ing care -the Union Government is cal commitment and significant in
capablp of bestowing but already it is vestments of national resources, hu
man and financial
turning into a sprawling slum.
In the developing world China,
L X newspaper report quotes Delhi
’ .vclopmcnt Authority sources as Costa Rica, Cuba, Mexico, South
mitting that 4.5 million people, or Korea, Sri Lanka and several smaller
more than half the total, are now living island nations arc mentioned as prov
in slums and Jhuggi-Jhonpris, or the ing that policies can be adopted which
most miserable shanty towns without yield significant results. In the deve
roads, sewage systems or piped water loped world, of course, the problem of
supply- In 1978 there were only 26 population in urban or rural areas does
clusters of Jhonpris and now the not exist. The population of Paris was
•re is 650- At this rate of multipli- 8.7 million in 1985 and will remain the
’•nw many there will be in 2000 same in 2000. London’s will rise from
what effects on the Capital’s 10.4 million to 10.5 million and New
York’s from 15.6 to 15.8. .
l
.
1
I
<
By G.S. Krishnamurthy
HE sudden spurt in
multi-storeyed apart
ment building activities in
Bangalore City during the
last four years has thrown
civic amenities out of gear
in many residential locali
ties and created problems
which defy easy solutions.
High-rise buildings m Bangal°r^
T
averse to living in apM-nts for
various reasons.
The residents allege 11 despite
Mr. Justice BhopJnna’s Nervations
that apartments cannot I built in
residential areas, coistrun activity
is on in a surreptitious Haer.
The problems thrown up by the
r.nulti-storeyed apartment blocks has
’ated the residents of many localis. In the absence of any noteworthy
concern for their problems by the
Government, the citizens are organis
ing themselves into “action groups” to
fight what they term Bombay build
ers’ bulldozing powers.
Mr. Justice Bhopanna’s judgment
delivered in February this year has
come as a shot in the arm to the
vigilant citizenry, many of whom have
moved the court against “high-rise”
buildings through public interest liti
gations.
cent of the population? he asks.
(However, a confidential survey
conducted by a Government agency
has revealed that 40 per cent of the
flats in the City arc vacant And the
HRC Act docs not apply to new
buildings).
If the multi-storey builders are giv
en a free hand, the middle-class will be
driven to the slums, he warns. He
suggests appointment of a commission
to go into the entire question of policy,
planning and machinery for the im
plementation of an urban housing
policy.
Suggestions
They say 13 builds arc being
built here after the co judgment.
The City Corporation is told the
builders to stop constrion but the
latter appear determil to make
them a “fait accomp before the
Division Bench gives i final verdict
in the case. Cbrporah supervisory
staff are in collusion w the builders,
the residents allege.
Lt. Col. (retd.) C.A. Ganapathy and
Air Vice-Marshal (retd.) K.T. Vasudevan are two residents of Defence
Colony who are in the vanguard of the
protest against multi-storeyed apart
ment blocks. Mr. Vasudevan says the
practice of people buying sites for
speculative purposes should be stop
ped. Otherwise, the middle-elass
would be put to a great deal of
hardship. He is of the view that in the
event of a fire in an apartment block,
Two view oints
>fire control will be big problem be
There is also the ce of the miser- cause
,
the roads are very narrow.
Court ruling
able plight of somceople in Kora
Of the 285 people who were allot
mangala who are livg in apartments ted sites in the colony in 1964, 15
In a nutshell, Mr. Justice Bhopanna
which have come u/unauthorisedly. people have already sold their sites to
said that the construction of multi
As far as the cojruction of apart builders, he says. If apartment blocks
storeyed apartment blocks (ground
ment blocks is co;emed, there arc are permitted to come up on all the
plus three floors) in purely residential
two view points. Viile one school of sites, the population will increase six
localities was against the allotment
thought says vertid expansion is ne times and the amenities will dwindle
rules of the Bangalore Development
A
cluster
of
multi-storeyed
apartment
blocks
situated
on
the
narrow
Rest
House
Road
in
Bangalore
cessary
in the hca of the City (the to one-sixth as most apartment blocks
Authority (BDA). He further said that
“city centre),” Ihe)ther is opposed to have six dwelling units, Mr. Vasude
Cantonment area.
the sites allotted by the BDA were for
this.
van says.
building “dwelling houses” only and ground plus three floors apartment
on Residency Road has virtually in property value which in tum jacks up
The advocates f the first school of
r commercial exploitation by al- blocks. The roads have become busier
undated over eight single storey homes the property tax, the residents argue. thought say consuction of apartment
Building code
to.tees ran counter to the basic tenets with increase in vehicular traffic.
on Convent Road with stench. The
A site measuring 60 ft x 40 ft., blocks in old locatics and in the heart
The “Vigilant Residents’ Associa The “garden area” in Shimoga which auto workshops have
that the BDA stood for — providing While the elite demands “bring back
individual residential housing sites to beauty to Bangalore,” the builders are residents of the area have in the last which cost around Rs. 18,000 (the of the City brins down pressure on tion” of Koramangala headed by Col.
congested locality.
one year petitioned all and sundry in BDA allotment rate) in 1970, now the public convyance system to a (retd .) Madappa, is another organisa
citizens.
engaged in “bringing bad Bombay to vain.
fetches
a
whopping
Rs.
13
lakh
in
the
certain
extern
I
also
helps
to
put
to
tion
fighting
against
high-rise
apart
The judge also ordered demolition Bangalore," the residents say.
BWSSB Chairman Thyagarajan open market. The latest of such optimum use tb available infrastruc ment blocks. It wants Justice Bho
of the apartment blocks built on 13th
The residents are not opposed to
Main Road in Indiranagar as they had multi-storeyed buildings per se. But said recently in an interview on transactions has been the case of a lady ture. People vviti an inclination to live panna’s judgment enforced strictly. It
violated many provisions of the they want them to come up only if the Doordarshan that Bangaloreans were doctor living in Bombay selling her in flats located h the heart of the City is noteworthy that the National
The task of land acquisition was not
Bangalore Development Authority locality has an infrastructure propor getting only one-third of their actual site in Indiranagar. The lure of have the aim ofliving in an area where Building Code stipulates that 15 per
smooth as there was Opposition in the
Act and Bangalore City Corporation tionate to the spurt in human activities requirement of water by an individual. mammon has made many middle all sorts of facilities are available. cent of the area of a locality should be
form
of court cases. Mr. J.II.
While the actual requirement is 200
N auto complex, first
I
Otherwise, why would they spend reserved for parks. Obviously, the
by-laws.
that the apartment blocks bring in litres per capita per day, they were class people sell their sites to apart
Industries and Fewer
; ‘
ment builders. If the current spree in huge amounts to buy flats? they ask. construction of multi-storeyed build
jf its kind in Karna
The demolition order has since been their stream,.
incharge of the district l e’ . .
getting only 70 LCD, he said.
ings grossly infringes on this as there is
building
apartment
blocks
continues
stayed by a Division Bench of the
taka
and
second
in
the
Says Mr. N. B. Menon, Association
solved the problem and thereafter
a proportionate shrinkage in the area
unabated, there is bound to be a
High cost
court which is likely to deliver its President and former Indian High
South India is comming
things started monng fast.
situation in Indiranagar where giant
judgment soon.
for parks.
Disadvantage
Commissioner
to
Singapore:
Says Mi. C.S., Scshadri, President meant
up in Shimoga, on the
The crux of the problem has been
The Karnataka State Industrial
structures will virtually block out the
The Defence Colony Housing Co “Congested living gives rise to count
of
the
Stith
Parade
Civic
Society,
Defence Colony residents fear that frontal view of single-storeyed houses
’ the gross violation of “floor area ratio"
line of Jawahar Auto
Area Development Beard
operative Society Residents’ Associa less types of socio- economic problems,
which
is
opposed
to
unplanned
con
. (FAR) by the builders. The BCC
quired the land, needed
cr. crc.-:
tion of Indiranagar, which is in the like it has happened in Bombay. The they may not get even this quota of that exist now, they say.
Complex at Vijayawada
struction of apartment blocks: “The by-law takes into account the dimen
to pay as compensation to land owneft
forefront of the legal battle against cluster of high- rise buildings in Thane water once the flats are occupied as
in
Andhra
Pradesh.
multi-stoieyed
blocks
are
basically
for
the water mains in the area have not
sion of the site and the width of the
and other expenses to be incurred io
construction of multi-storeyed apart has the look of a slum.”
Affected people
the very high-income group and they
The Vijayawada complex, first of its provide infrastructural facilities. The
been replaced with bigger ones in
road to determine the height of the
ment blocks in purely residential areas,
arc
beytnd
the
means
of
even
the
kind
in
South
India,
has
all
the
ne
proportion to the rise in population.
building that can be built on a plot.
The residents say that as they be
board has stipulated a condition to the
wants a halt to these constructions.
cessary infrastructure and facilities for associatin to deposit at least ten per
The main thrust of the petition filed long to the salaried class, commercial upper cltss.
Water problem
HAL II Stage has around 285 sites
repairing
and
body
building
for
auto
by the association before the High exploitation of their old layout would
Shrinking amenities
cent of the amount to begin the work.
He pants out that no apartment is
some measuring 60 fix40 ft and
The residents arc worried about the
mobiles at one place.
, The association has already paid Rsother 60 ft x 90 ft. They were allotted shrinkage in civic amenities that Court is that multi-storeyed buildings, affect their interest. They are in a available for less than Rs. 6 lakh and
Significantly, the “apartment block
The
auto
complex
in
Shimoga
will
two lakhs and for the remoHng
by the BDA 18 years ago. The locality apartment blocks cause. Thirteenth if allowed to come up, drastically alter dilemma. If they sell their beautiful no apartment in these “Paradises” menace” is less marked in the
be set up on a 63 acre plot by the side amount it is collecting funds
Lo
with tree-lined, 20 ft wide roads was Main
. ......................
lu..u „iuto
_, have
vue only one the economic and ecological structure houses to apartment builders, they “Chambers” “Manors" and “Towers” Banashankari-Basavanagudi - Rajaji
Road continues
of
the
industrial
estate
on
Sagar
road
might make a fast buck but would can be rented for less than Rs. 2,500 a
anee money from the members ir.’.c ’
known for its serenity. But it no longer 'dust-bin even after an apartment block of residential areas.
nagar - Vijayanagar belt titan in the on the outskirts of the city. The
The
’
commercial
exploitation
of
have to sacrifice the luxury of living in month plus a deposit of 10 months
ested to own a site in the com?
has those traits with the advent of the has been built. The worst is the
Karnataka Industrial Area Develop according to Mr. M.M. KuyTv '
Bangalore is it Cantonment area.
Bc-.nbay buhders.
4raiT«^s^-n:-nw'G-wr.iraefionor:> residential areas has sent property a jyell-developcd locality close '.o' l»te i rem, Ip a cpy
‘ vaESctt skyrocketing. The incrcafl- in
The Cantonment.area is virtually ment Board-has. prepared a mgslet
'
’’.‘‘J’d ’ K,l‘ r',r “
on &<■’ £
-««»blu
*
to prbvidb ownership apart
Thirteenth Main Road has two high-rise building near KonarV. Hotel land value results in an increase in
Uje "city eenfre" lor rhe bur/ders.
outskirts. Besides, many o)- th£>n nr,_- nicr»ts to njj residents or even JO per
plan for the uuto complex which will ■ Secretary of the
/Mniosr all roads in this region have
Shimoga is the ideal place, for . .
have 440 sites in 43 acres, for distri
seen rhe construction of either huge
buddings” or “apartment bution among garage and engineering tablishing the auto complex because .:
workshop owners, transport operators, is centrally located in the State and
blocks in the last three to four years.
The area, except for a few famous spare parts dealers, welding and highly skilled mechanics and workers
to handle auto repairing work arcroads, is known for its narrow by-lanes, painting, and allied traders.
It is the long cherished dream of available, says Mr. T.V. Na.mv. •bad drainage, rusted water mains and’
loans upto Rs. 2,200 for buying ferti
congestion. Surely the infrastructure garage, engineering workshop owners. Shastry, President of the Association
lisers, Rs. 3,000 for buying rearing
transport operators, spare part dealers Shimoga also has a large number of
cannot bear the “population pressure"
equipment and Rs. 17,000 for the
caused by the apartments, the resi and mechanics for an auto complex trucks and private buses in the State
ERICULTURE, a hi
ment has also set up a model grainage construction of rearing houses. All this
with spacious accommodation outside next to Bangalore, So it is hoped that
dents say.
in Bidar which supplies mulberry lay has generated great enthusiasm among
the city and away from the congested the auto complex will have good
therto untried enter
To an untutored mind the residents’
the
farmers
of
the
area.
ings to farmers. Statistics about the
business.
Garden Area
prise in the drylands of Bi
arguments appear to be right. There is
When this reporter visited some
area used for the purpose arc quite
LAND PURCHASE
The Karnataka State Financial
dar, is now a popular cot
urgent need to set up an independent
impressive. During 1987-88, 316 acres cocoon breeding centres, he found
To fulfil the dream they formed an Corporation and commercial banks
agency headed by a Chief Engineer to
tage industry, with several
covering 122 villages of Bidar district several farmers expressing their satis
issue licences to people intending to association during 1980. Through the have already come forward to finance
farmers of the area taking
were brought under mulberry cultiva faction with the success that had come
put up ground plus three or more association they approached the Gov the establishments who are shifting
tion, with 366 families, including 32 their way.
up cocoon rearing with no
floors. There is also a need to declare ernment for land near the industrial the auto complex from die Garden
Scheduled Caste families, depending
ticeable success.
Officials attributed the loss suffered construction of apartment blocks in estate in the limits of Kalahalli and Area. Mr. G. Bhogcndrappa. General
on sericulture for livelihood.
Gopalapura tillages. The land is Manager, District Industries Centre.
Three taluk sericulture centres in by the few whose crops had failed, to purely residential layouts (formed by
Until sometime ago a feeling per
negligence and the improper imple the BDA) a commercial activity to ideally located as it is near the State says that there will be big investment
sisted that the dry climate of the area Bidar, Humnabad and Basavakalyan
mentation of methods.
check the onslaught of Bombay highway and best suited for providing in the auto complex in the near luture
would not be conducive to sericulture. have been opened to give technical
and more employment opportunities.
easy reach to transporters.
builders.
This had kept away the farmers of the guidance to farmers. Two of the 20
FREE
SUPPLIES
rhnwki rearing centres jn the districts
Auto complex nfen
By V. Nagaraju
A
Sericidtare is dry Bldar
By Arunkumar Hiibbu
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16 - 19
,rfp.
NOTE gg SLUM IMPROVEMENT ACTITITIES IN BANGALORE METROPOLITAN- AREA
""'"'""ti
Bangalore Metropolitan Area among all the cities in.the State
account for the largest number of slums;.
Thereare 401 slums identified
consisting of about 3.65 Lakhs population and they are located on lands
belonging to various authorities and private individuals as noted below:
On B.D. A. land
- 64
Cn City Corporation
land.
- 64
On Government and
Private land.
-165
On Railway,-Muzarai,
etc. , lands.
-108
40T~
The Karnataka Slum Clearance Board is limiting its activities
only in the slums on Private and Government lands, railway and muzarai
land.
The Bangalore development Authority and Bangalore City
Corporation are responsible for slums on their land.
PROGRAMMES:
Though the Board is called Karnataka Slum Clearance Board,
major activities have not been to remove slums.
Till the end of July
1985, about 55 slums consisting of about 4262 families have been
removed by the Karnataka Slum Clearance Board and they have been
provided transist camps at Laggere and Lalbagh Siddapura.
Subsequently
mostly because of the decision of the decision of the Hon'ble Supreme
Court, Slum Clearance activities have not been taken up.
The Supreme
Court has taken the view that before slum dwellers are removed,.
arrangements have to be first made for their resettlement.
As resettle
ment is not easy, clearance operations have not been taken up.
The following programmes are implemented by the-Board;
1) Providing basic amenities like roads, surface drains, street lights,
drinking water, community latrins/bath rooms.
2) Resettlement of the slum dwellers in the same area by constructing
houses/tenements.
3) Rehabilitation of the slum dwellers in a new place, after creating
the’ required facilities.
oince inception in Bangalore metropolitan Area basic amenities have
been provided to 94 slums incurring a total expenditure of Rs. 120.80 Lakhs.
The details are available at Annexure-1.
r.esettlenent of the slum dwellers in the same area has taken up in 13
slums incurring a total expenditure of Rs.235.85 lakhs and 1754 houses/
tenements have been constructed with the loan assistance from HUDCO.
Details are available at Annexure-2.
• -. .
...........3.
Rehabilitation of slum dwellers has taken up only at Laggere.
The slum
dwellers of 16 slums in the city are to be rehabilitated in this area.
At
Laggere 1256 tenements have been taken up in Phase I &U.
Out of which 240
tenements have been completed and possession given to the identified slum
dwellers of the slums taken up for rehabilitation.'.
The details of the slum
dwellers to be rehabilitated at Laggere are at Anhexuxe-5.
have been.shifted to temporary shelter at Laggere!
are completed they would be rehabilitated.
The slum dwellers
As and when the houses
At-Laggere as .part of the total scheme, -water supply, sewerage, street
lights and roads have been provided.
For rehabilitation, availability of land' is critical.
The Bangalore
Levelopment Authority has to provide the required land in different parts of
the city where areas are taken up for development.
At present Bangalore
development Authority is given land only at Agara Layout which is under
litigation.
If Bangalore Levelopment Authority provides suitable land in
each of the areas taken up for development, rehabilitation schemes can be
taken up by the Board in a systematic manner.
uORL^ BALTA PROJECT.
A comprehensive project has been drawn to seek World Bank Assistance
for improvement and resettlement of slums in Bangalore City, Hubli-Dharwar
and Gulbarga.
<
The main.object of the scheme is to take up slum upgradation programme
by providing the following facilities.
.
■
They are.
1.
On site infrastructure
2.
Off site infrastructure
3. Social infrastructure.
■
--
.•
4. Construction assistance.
The detail of financial requirement proposed in the VIII plan period
is shown in a statement.
City
Total ■
slum
House
Hold
House
Holds
propo
sed to
cover
up
under
the
Scheme
State
Share
\i o rl d
Bank
loan
Tot al
(Rs. in lakhs)
BAN G Al OBE
1 ,22,000
50 ,000
2100
1 400
GULB._RGA
4,518
4,000
168
11 2
3520
/
280
HUB!IBHARkV.R
9,464
9,000
348
232
580
1,35,982
63,000
2616
1744
4380
TOTaI
(The figu:re furnished above are pr■ovisional)
........... 5.
The proposal is under consideration of Government.
Lease right to slum dweller's.
In the proposed project, instead of the Board constructing houses/
tenements, least? rights are proposes to be given to the slum dwellers.
This would help them to draw Loans from Financial ins’ti rutionu and to
construct houses oii'tLsir own..
The i.e-sa ri^hrs arc
I
differential rates depending upon .the’locations.
I
contemplated is Rs. 5 >000/- Per family.
I
p
FUELS:
■ - --------
u&t><?s.ted at
-
The maximum loan
'
The Board gets financial assistance primarily from Government.
|
|
For slum improvement and also for construction of houses/tenements,
are drawn from HULCO.
The funds received are detailed below.
i
Year
i 1
Scheme
Budgetted
Outlay.
2
3
v 1987-68 For Basic Ameniti.es 165.00
b
Housing Scheme
110.00
i*
I
s
Loans
•Actual Amount
released
Expenditure
incurred.
HULCO
loan
received.
4
5
1 65.00
6______
-
165•00
150.59
Establishment.
75.00
110.00
37.50
64.92
78.74
. -
Total
350.00
31 2.50
394.33,
64.92
.......... 6
K
---- ---------- -------------------------
x
1
2
3
4
5
6
_ _ _ _ - _ _ _ _ _ ___ __ ________ _ ___ _ _ __ ____ ______ —
1988-39 Basic amenities
190.00’
190.00
129.17
Housing
100.00
100.00
Establishment
75.00
75.00
100.00
26.6-5
■ ■■
_
81.89
'.'Sr'
i
•
■,
1
■*
V
Total
365.00
365.00
311.06'
1 26.65
• •. x ■ r.liO
r
1.*
•
'
1
■
1 989-90
(Unto
-Dec. 89)
Basic -Amenities.
Housing
.' ,.V'J
Establishment.
.
185.00
47.00
.......31-.'6^ _
ioo-,oo
25.00
80„00
20.00
10'4.20
65.-80
!
Total
365.00
92.00
201.65
1 16.12
Che grants from Government ha.ve been received only for .the first ’ :
quarter of 1989-90,
The ■grants for the second and third quarter are
r?
I
under release.
for Secretary ... . - Karnataka Slum Clearance Board
Bangalore-.
' ’
- -|
.
I
•
®
■
I
L
ANNEXURE
3
f
LIST OF SLUM DWELLERS REHABILATED AT LAGGERE
SI.
■ No -
Name of the slum
1,
a) M..S. Building slum
43
b)
276
2.
-
do
-
a) Vidhana Soudha
b)
-
de
No- itif
fa rallies
249
Slum
35
-
3.
Kumara Park
47
4.
Sadashivanagar Slum.
59
5.
Mathikere Slum
34
6.
Shanthinagar Slum.
31
7.
Gandhinagar.Slum.
06
8.
Majestic slum.
43
9.
Subashnagar Slum.
17
'in.
L.H. Home Slum.
74
11.
Ward Offj.ce Opp. Yeshwanthpura.
15
.12 .
Shanthinagar
65
13 .
Tata Institute
3
14 . Thippasetty Mutt
3
15. Subramanya Temple, ’ . Ulsoor.
2
16 . Old Rly. level Cross slum,
Yeshwanthpura.
TOTAL
30 r
130'’
Remarks
Vnj ©
PROPOSED TO BE SHIFTED
SI . No.
No. of families
Name of the slum
1. Narayanaswamy Garden
176
2 . Slum behind Himalaya Talkies
55
3 . Timber Yard
87
4 . Munipapamal Garden.
18
5 . C.S.I. compound.
262
6 . Thayappanahalli slum.
24
7 . Shankarappa Garden.
45
8. Slum Opp. to Quarry pit, MICO factory
96
9 . Shakthivelu' slum.
71
10 . Slum dwellers of KHB colony.
101
TOTAL
935
21
A R H E S U R E - I.
1 .Issuing endorsement
Possession-certificate.
For the present the Board is hot issuing
the possession certificate to the slum
dwellers.
There is a proposal under
Karnataka Urban Development Programme
slum upgradation programme where in land
right (patta) would be given to the slum
dwellers to the extent of land, occupied
by them.
In the first instance, it is
proposed to give land tenure to the slum
families who are on Govemment/Municipal/
Corporation lands.
The proposal is at
Government level.
2. The slum must be
recognised by the slum
Board.
There are 1270 slums all over Karnataka
with a population of 10.50 Lakhs as on
March 1989.
As regards, the Bangalore City is con
cerned 401 slums are identified.
Con
sisting of 5.65 Lakhs population.
These
slums are of the following category:-
22
;
.
a) Under B.D.A. Control - 64
b) Under B.C.C. Control - 64
c) Under K, S. C ■ fl. 0 JntJfQl
1) On Private and State
Government land.
-165 I
.
I 275
2) Qi .’'■allways/
& 4
Busui?ai/K. 1.51-T. C.-108
Total
--<01
Out of 165 slums under the Control
of Karnataka Slum Clearance Board
in Bangalore City 152 Slurs are
declared under section 5» 11 and
17 of the K.8.A. Act. 1974.
5.Givi
Amen i tie s .
: The Main object of the Board is to
Private basic amenities to all the
slums in the phased manner.
As
against 1270 slums identified by
the Board in the state, 671 slums
have already been covered by
providing basic amenities at a cost
of Rs^898.49 Lakhs upto enddof
March 1989.
:
23
:
During the year the Board has progra
mmed to improve 90 slums at a.cost of
Bs.150.00 Lakhs to cove-i'66 000 slum
population.
The Board has provided
the basic amenities to 53 slums works
and covered the 46 933 slum population.
4. To solve acute drinking
water problems.
: In the usual improvement works there
is a provision of providing drinking
water facilities to all the slums.
In addition to the above schemes, the
Board is intended to take up sinking
of borewells and repairs to the existing
borewells to meet the scarcity situation
especially summer season.
5.Active implementation
of Kutreas Programme.
: This item of work has to be looked after
by concerned Social Welfare Department.
Does not come under perview of the slum
clearance Board.
74
■4 '
6.To avoid fire incidents
in the slum areas by
helping them to is sue
Tiles or L. C..Cement
Sheets for Roads.
:
: There ia a move to include this item
of work under Karnataka Urban Dev.elopmtfc
Programme, since the- main object of the
Karnataka Urban Development''Programme
itself is to provide construction
assistance to the slum dwellers.
7.Giving special consi
deration of old age pension
to the slum areas.
8.To provide education facilites
and encourage adult Education
Programme in the slums.
: This itemr of work should be looked
after by the Revenue Department.
This item has to be looked after by
the Education Department. Board is so
far not taken up this type of work in
slum areas.
9.Giving mid-daymeals to School
going children.
: This item work has to be looked after
by the Social Welfare Department.
TJ). Issuing free uniforms and
Books and special Scholar
ships.
10.Medical facilities including
Medical advise for slum
dwelle.s.
: This should be done by the Health
Department.
. . .
5.
11.Remove Arrack shop near
by the slums.
12.Special protection to slum
dwellers to avoid crimes.
IJ.To provide loan facilities
for House construction in
'the slums.
: This type of work should he attended
by Corporation Authorities.
- Not available.
: Under the Karnataka Urban
development Project the construction
assistance will be given to the slum
dwellers with a 12% simple ixstrest.
14.To actively implement
scheme for weaker section
and women in the slum.
: - Not available,
C-
for Secretary 1
Karnataka Slum Clearance Board'
Bangalore.
. . .26
26
ANNEXURE-II
Particular problems of the below mentioned slums-.- Where it is facing acute Drinking
'
•-
t;
■■
i
Water, Public latrin and under ground drainage system.
1 .Chinnappa Garden slum (K.G.Bydarahally (Division No.83).This slum is situated on Private land with an extent of 2.34 Acres, 202' slum
families - are residing in this slum having 1112 population.
This slum declared under
section 3 Of the KSA (I&C) Act 1974.
The Board has provided the basic amenities such as Street lights, Lavatory,
drains, paving and Improvements to open wellrs Public taps and two Borewells with
pumps to this slum with an outlay of Rs. 1.84 Lakhs.
2.Indira Colony slum, Attiguppe.
This slum situated in Private land with an extent of 3.36 A.cres having 148
families and 686 population.
This slum declared under section 11
of the KSA (I&C)
Act.1974.
The Board has taken up the improve work in this slum and provided the basic
amenities like Roads, Drains, Public Taps, Borewell,Lavatory, Street Light with
an outlay of Rs. 1.30 Lakhs.
.....27
27
Wahab .-Gatesn alum, Williams Town, K. G.Byadarahally.
This slum is situated, in-Private land having and eztent of
3<674 Acres,.
73 families are residing in this slum having 433
population.
This slum is declared under section 3 of the KSA
(iD&C) Act.1974»
The Board has not taken any work in this slum since the
Bangalore City Corporation have provided basic amenities such.
as 8 seeter lavatory, Open wells with hand pumps, Street Lights,
water taps, and Roads are Asphalted^ -
f^slcreiary^
Karnataka Slum Clearance Board
Bangalore.
No.DHs.10/38-89.
Bangalorej-Urban District,
Bangalore, elated the ffith Hay 1983.
OFFICIAL MEMORANDUM.
The following Medical Officers and Lady Medical Officers of
Primary Health Units, Primary Health Centres, L.F.Dispensaries
in Bangalore City limits arc hereby directed to carryout Health
Checkup in the.Anganwadi Centres attached to their respective
institutions.
A? W.C.attached to Banshankari H.H. (PPAI Centre) t
1 Sarabanie Palya, 1st, Ilnd & III rd Centre
six
2 Pragathipura 1st and Ilnd Centre .
X
centres
3 Bhavani Hagara.
X
W. F.W.C.Shanthi nagara.
1. Narayanapura Centre.
Gayipuram Guttahalli, Lion Club:
1. Sanyasi huts
2. R.K.Mutt 1st Centre.
3. Hard, j ana Seva Sanga Centre.
4. K.R.Mutt - Ilnd Centre.
Gayipuram Guttahajlj UFWC.
1. Dhobighat and Srinivasngar
Gayipuram Guttahalli L.F.Dispensary :
1.
2.
3.
4.
X
xI 4 Centres.
X
2 Centres.
Hanumanthnagar 7th Main Centre.
&valahalli 1st and Ilnd Centre.
Srinagar 1st and Ilnd Centre. .
Katri guppe Cent re.
Basavanaudi Dispy.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
1 Centre.
X
xJ 6 Centres.
X
(ne;<t to H. R. Colony. _M_.Il) •
Ashoknagar
Bhovi Colony 1st and Und Centre •
R.K.Block, 1st and Und Centre.
Manjunnthu Colony.
Giri Association.
Katriguppe Centre.
Sh e.s h g.-l ri nu ram. L, i?, Bj s pg ns arv:
1. Risaldar Street 1st & Und Centre .
2. J.C.Huts 1st and Und Centre".
3. V.7.Giri Colony.
X .
X
X
X a Centres.
X
X
.
,
*
X "5 Centres.
X
Idalleshy/arcra L.F.Dispensary:
1. Raja Mill Huts 1st and Ilnd Centre. . X
2. Jai Dheemanagar
•
-, X 5 Centres.
3. Viyekannnda Block.
X
4. Chomundi Huts.
X
Palace Guttahalli =
1. Muneshvzara Block, 1st & Und
and Hird Centre.
~ 5
PPAI Dispensary, Srirampupam.
1. Christians' Colony Ipt
Ilnd Centre".
2. Ambedkar Hagar 1st and Ilnd Centre.
3. Bapuji Block.
4. Neelgiri Papanna Block HI Centre.
5. Swatantra Paly i Ilnd Centre.
Centres.
X
X
X
• x ■40 .Cent res .
X
X
I.TO.
-3-
II. Balepet P.H.U.
1. Gang! Colony
-
2
2. Siddaretha Nagar
-
2
ill. Chamarajpet P.H.U.
1. Azadnagar.
2. Nanjanba
IV. Raj aj inagar;
1. Bhovi Colony.
2. Kamalanagat.
3. Sanjaynagar.
V. Kaduqodi P. l-l. U.
1. Mude Palya.
2 . N aga rbevahal 11.
Sd/DIST.HiutL l'H & FW OFFICER
WJGALOiC. URBAN DI ST.
1. Copy to All the Medical officers ..
2. Copy to the Medical Officer of Health 1 :•••.; •. MCH), City
Corporation, for information and to co-operate the L.F.
Dispens ary Doc tors.
3. Copy to
CDPO State Sector/Central Sector for kind infn
with a request to see that all the children are availabl
for medical checkup during the visit of the Doctors for
Checkup.
4. Copy to the Asst.Dist.Heal th & FW Officer, Bangalore Sub.
Division, Bangalore for infn.
5. Copy submitted to the State Advisor, Directorate of
Health & FW Services, Bangalore for kind infn.
6. Copy submitted to the Dvl.Joint Director of Health & pW
Services, Bangalore Dn., Bangalore for kind infn.
Ma/-
pIST.HuALTH & FW OFFICER
BANGaLORtl URBAN DIST.
vr v 2>.-i "9-
Dr. Vanaja Rasi 'Prasad
839, 23rd Main J.P Nagar
II Phase
BANGALORE - 5.60 078.
ISSUES RELATED TO HEALTH IN THE CONTEXT OF URBAN POVERTY
Priest meets Haitian
'"How are things" ?
Haitians "it can be worse"
Priest; "How do you mean" ?
Haitian; ”I used to say it could'nt
be worse now, I know I
was wrong"
An analysis of health conditions and health scenario as reflected by
indicators like life expectancy birth rates, crude death rates,
child mortality and infant mortality speak in favour of the urban
areas, So also other indicators like the distribution of resources,
location sf infrastructure, ratio of doctor to population and
concentration of private medical enterprises show a favourable
trend towards the urban areas. What is not so well revealed in
these st o'to'HcA in the class differentials within the urban areas and
who benefits the best of these investments, For any slum dweller
living in a metropolitan city the dice is loaded against him.
It has been estimated that by the turn of the century a third of
India's population is likely to be living in some three to four
thousand towns and cities.
It is also possible that about half the
number of people will be defined as poor and therefore living
mostly in slums - unless effective and timely steps are taken to
prevent ahis concentration of poverty. We may recall that less
than 1% os the total sixth plan outlay went for slum improvement.
There is a constant budgetary deficit to cope with the unabated
migration from village to the town.
The typical picture of growing pressures on the Urban resources is
one of an unprecedented pressure on urban land, a steady
deterioration of the overstretched urban services, and mushrooming
of the slum settlements, over crowding, chaotic traffic hazards,
inadequate water supply and sanitation and low civic standards.
During 1971-81, India's population grew by 25%. Over these years
the urban population grew by 46%. It is roughly estimated that the
growth rate of slum population is probably faster than any other
segment of the urban population. A recent study estimated that
25 million people live in Urban slums in various parts of the
country. Another projects the 1985 figure at 35 million (UNICEF).
The focus of this paper being health situation in the context of
Urban poverty with reference to the Bangalore Metropolis, the
paper attempts to look at not merely the morbidity, mortality
patterns, but also the corporations allocation of financial
resources, needs of the slums as against the services by the
health and .medical infrastructure. There is great paucity of
data hence the report presents some of the facts at a broad
conceptual level.
The administration of the affairs of Bangalore slums come' under
the Corporation of Bangalore, the BDA and the Karnataka Slum
Clearance Board. The Bangalore City Corporation contained 159
slums in 1971 - 72 with a population of about 1,3 lakhs accounting
for about 10% of the City's_populati:n. The figure pertains to
declared slums. The number has increased from 159 in '74 to
287 in '82.
It has also be..n p..-inted cut that the location of the
slums is generally relegated to sites that are least desirable for
inhabition (Ramachandran H). While on the one hand we attribute
... 2 ...
- 2 -
industrialisation to the growth of slums, it has to be re,cognised
that slums also gain in size due to migration. It has been
reported that 62% of the slum population in Bangalore are migrants
from the nieghbouring states.
It is a well known fact that poverty perpetuates ill-health,
Poverty means poor ho,-using, poor nutrition, poor environmental
sanitation and drinking water; in other words, severe lack of
basic needs. The pattern of morbidity resulting from lack of basic
needs is typical to all areas. High incidence of gastro-enteritis,
upper respiratory infections, chronic skin infections, otitis media,
viral infections, hepatitis, bacillary infections like typhoid.
In other words, they are either largely water borne, or, induced by
the poor environmental sanitation. Several studies point to two
inferences: On the one hand, most common illness among slum
dwellers are respiratory diseases, gastro-intestinal disorders, skin
diseases, fewer, worm infestations, ear nose and throat ailments
and not the least, tuberculosis. In some endemic areas, leprosy
as well. The provision of safe water supply, proper drainage and
latrines were found to reduce Gastro-intestinal disorders to a level
equivalent to thise in near by non-slum areas,although, viral
a
infections, skin diseases remained significantly higher in the slW
populations. This is further illustrated by a sample survey
conducted in one of the slums in Bangalore.
Health situation in the slums (Bangalore)
The survey very clearly demonstrates the linkages in the. chain
leading to some of the illnesses. The income analysis point to the
fact around 60% of the surveyed households fell below the poverty
line. Nearly 85% of the households occupied thatched homes.
Nearly all houses had no access to electricity. Though all houses
had access to public tap for drinking water the availability of
water for collection was very scarce. Predominant causes of death
am..ng children was chicken pox, measles, diarrhoea and fever of
unknown crigin. Frequent illnesses were diarrhoea, cold and cough
and viral fevers. None of the houses had any sanitation facility
for defecation and more than 50% resorted to open disposal of
garbage and sewage water. Nearly all households had no separate
kitchen, that means, no proper vent for outlet of smoke. Some
a
of the common diseases among the adults were - cardiovascular,
"
diabetes, cancer, asthma, leprosy and tuberculosis. The survey
also showed that 80% of more of the income goes for purchase of food
and predominantly cereals, with little scope for additi n of any
variety or quality to food. The average family size was not less
than 5 and some times upto 10 members. The above descriptions
drawn from the mini survey, more than adequately, support the
fact that rural urban differences in mortality, morbidity data
mask the reality of the situation.
In another study done by the Department of Geography, Bangalore
University, the families surveyed in the slums, have on an
average 5 to 6 members who live in one room kutcha huts with
little, or, no ventilation.
The majority were employed as coolies.
86% of the surveyed had Rs,500 or less as montly income, dirty
surroundings, lack of public ameneties and water scarcity is
prevalent.
37% of the' families do not get even two full meals a day, the
consumption of tobacco and arrack is fairly high.
40% of the surveyed households were affected by air borne diseases
and 21% by water borne diseases.
57% of the respndents suffered a loss of 30 working.days or more
and consequent loss of income due tth illness.
Urban Nutrition
Just as in the mortality and morbidity situation, the health .
statistics hide the-appaling nutritional status, both in terms
of consumption and anthropometry as indicators of health condition.
Except for stray studies, no concerted efforts were made in
studying the Urban nutrition. One such study from the National
Institute of Nutrition on a vary small sample showed the nutritional
status and dietary intake of pre schoolers (T.MV. Prasad Rao,
J.G. Shastry and K. Vijayaraghavan). The study showed that 81%
of the rural children, as against the urban, showed current long
duration malnutrition. An intensive study of infant feeding
practices in three major cities of India, Calcutta, Madras and
Bombay - and their immediate environments by the Nutrition
Foundation of India has revealed the growing dimension of the
problem of use of commercial infant foods by the Urban poor and the
deleterious impact thereof on infant nutrition (Kamala Jaya Rao).
The National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau undertook surveys all over
the country asd as part of their sample covered the urban areas in
each of the states. The cities being covered' by NNMB are Ahmedabad,
Calcutta, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Lucknow, Madras, Nagpur, Pune,
Bangalore, Mysore, Bhopal, Bhuvaneshwar, Cuttack, Cochin and
Trivandrum . Of these, the first nine metropolitan cities, each
with a population of over a million and along with greater Bombay,
Delhi and Jaipur, account for a quarter of the country's total urban
population (B.S. Padmanabhan planning for growth).
The results of the study show that the consumption of cereals and
millets increased with decreasing socio-economic status, while
pulses, vegetabl-s, fruits and milk showed the reverse trend. The
survey showed that the slum dwellers are no better off than the
rural landless labour as far as their energy intakes are concerned.
The findings of the NNME survey on Urban population indicates that
the diets and nutrition status of even the urban groups in India
are by and large very unstatisfactory. Of all the urban groups,
the slum population is the worst off in dietary and nutritional
profiles. A review of various studies show that the averages for
the slum population, be it energy intakes, prevalence of infections
diseases or mortality rates, areg adversely different fron the overall
city averages. The eneggy intake of the urban slum dwellers was
similar to that of the landless and lower than the rural averages.
It is expected with increasing urban migration in the years ahead
the problem of malnutrition in urban slums will acquire increasing
dimension unless special efforts are initiated to mitigate the
health and nutrition problems of the urban poor.
The Responses _to_ the Needs
The response of the health planners to the appalling health
conditions finds expression in the various services delivered by
the different Departments like, the Health & Family Welfare,
Corporation, Social Welfare and the NGO's. For example, the
Corporation runs 29 dispensaries in the 12 blocks and 13 creches.
Table 1’ gives the pattern of expenditure of the Corporation for
two consecutive years and it is observed that 24.3% is spent on
- 4 -
Health and 10.2% on the water supply (1986 - 87). More than.6O to
70% of the amount on Health expenditure goes towards sanitation
□nd environmental cleanliness. Despite this considerable allotment
towards sanitation, the garbage heap' mounting in the slum areas
which is a potential health hazard. According to the Corporation
authorities, it was reported that an occasional effort is made
to clear the garbage from the slums. As for the water supply, the
Corporation pays the Water Supply Board towards maintenance of
some of the public taps. Otherwise, the water supply maintenance
comes under a different Board altogether.
In the case of the Directorate of Health & Family Welfare, the
thrust of their programme is towards family planning. Unfortunately
the entire approach is target based (as it is anywhere else) and
not with health orientation.
It is relevant to mention that family
planning-services can affect people's health positively and
negatively. Most often, the positive effects have never been
emphasised and the negative effects been ignored. The consciousness
towards particular methods of birth control leading to certain
diseases is conveniently lacking. For example, the pill and the
side effects on the circulatory system. The IUD and pelvic
inflammatory diseases, Depo-prova and the cancer of cervix.
On the other hand, if Family Planning can help in Birth Spacing,
aviding pregnancy wastages, education in family life, reducing
maternal mortality and focussing on improving child health through
reducing infant and chil-d mortality, increasing birth weights of
children through-ante-natal care, the outcome of.such a programme
w uld have a far reaching effect on the containment of population.
As one of the preventive programmes, universal immunisation
programme■and the expanded programme of immunisation have gained
importance of late in maj r cities like Bombay Madras and Bangalore.
The target gr-up these programmes address arc- the lower socio
economic status since the better off have access to these Services
in any case. The consequences of incomplete 'coverage, poor
cold chain facilities and unsatisfactory sterile conditions have not
bean thought out carefully and as a result, there is more publicity
ti its. benefits. It has been observed by such efforts t_ cover t^
city. Unless there is concerted effort to follow-up the new boras
every year, there can be the risk of an epidemic of a condition
such as polio-mylotis. The permanent disability caused by poliomyletis leaves the individual crippled for life, and with poor
rehabilitation. The individual is a burden on the. family's source
of poor income of the country.
The programme carried out in spirits, can result in under coverage,
incomplete coverage and consequently making no change in the
■morbidity and mortality rates in children.
The urban poor are at an advantage when compared to the rural
poor as far as accessibility of medical institutions in the city
in the s<jnse of distances. But the kind of services within their
reach are questionable.
It has again been demonstrated that
75 to 80% of the reasons for crowding in the OPD of the general
hospitals is du. to minor ailments and preventabl • illnesses.
In the overcrowded hospital outpatient wards, doctors or nurses have
very little time for imparting any messages on preventive care.
5 ...
Yet, another component of health care in the form of supplementary
nutrition comes to the urban poor in the package of ICDS services.
This input, when delivered under unfavourable circumstances, can
make little or no difference in the nutritional status of the
children.
Consistently, it has be n bsc-rved that children
belonging to households in the slums have poorer nutritional status
(i.e.) lower weight for age when c rnpared to the standard, An
additional supplementary nutrition aimed at filling the energy gap,
does n:t yield the expected benefits due to frequent attacks of
diarrhoea caused by helminthic infections like am:-biasis, giardia
and hookworm. Some of the commonest -deficiency diseases are iron
deficiency, anemia, vitamin A deficiency, leading to preventable
blin.lhess and night blindness and vitamin B dificiency. Therefore
the close linkage betwo.-.n nutrition and infection cannot be ignored.
Lastly, the decreasing water supply in the urban areas and its
impact on the poor people has a direct bearing on their health
situation. The diseases relnt- 1 to water supply are many. The
P-or are largely aff-cteol by the particular diseas.s due to the
lack of water for personal hygiene, i.e., waterwashed infections
and infections spread by insects. That depends on water and water
related insect vectors. Some of the water washed infections affect
skin and eyes and also cause diarrhoeal diseases. Waterborne
infections like typhoid' cholera and infective hepatitis are common
because of the chances of infection from the time of. water
collection to storage to use, are higher. Thus, it is obvious that
the risks of infection thr .ugh c'ntairninated water availability are
greater for the urban- poor.
The paper has attempted to touch upon the nature of health problems
of the urban poor and the inqdequacy of the services to meet the
needs.
It is just not the inqdequacy alone that is of concern, but
also, the apathy and lack of concerted efforts to meet the
challenge.
REFERENCES
1. UNICEF (1984) - An analysis of the situation of children in
India.
2. Ramachandran H (1985) - slumming of Metropolis Reprinted from Essays on Bangalore.
3. Department of Geography (1987) - Field Report on Environment
and Health. A study ..f Bangalore slums. •
4. Prasada Rao, T.Pi.V. , J.G. Shstry and K. Vijayaraghavan (1974) Indian J urnal of Medical Research 62t P 1492.
5. Kamala S. Jaya Rao- - ‘'Urban Nutrition in India" - in combating
undcrnutrition - basis issues and practical appro-aches Edited by C. Gopalan, NFI.
6. Padmanabhan B.S. - "Planning for Urban Growth'1 - The Hindu,
July 12, 1985.
CORPORATION OF CITY OF BANGALORE
PROGRAMMES
Council
1986 ~ 87
1987 - 88
24,81,000
18,65,000
General A linn.
3,69,67,300
.3,25,24,000
Revenue
1,85,92,200
2,01,79,600
Markets
31,18,500
32,92,600
ASSUMING TOTAL
B'L'ORE POPULATION
COVERED BY CORPN &
BDA AT 30,000,000
AS ON 1.1.1986.
Per Capita expenses
far Health &
Sanitat ion facility:
86 - 87 = Rs.45.9^
87 - 88 = Rs. 50.30
Public works
19,08,76,100
16,69,38,000
Health
13,76,75,300
15,09,24,500
Education
2,62,40,900
2,81,38,300
Horticulture
1,01,71,500
1,03,54,700
Water supply
5,78,00,000
4,66,00,000
Lighting
Percentage of total
■expenses set aside
for Health &
Sanitation 'facility;
86 - 87 = 24.3%
2,86,25,000
2,70,04,700
87 - 88 = 27.3%
For water supply;
86 - 87 = 10.2%
87 - 88 = 8.4%
Physical Educa
tion
15,06,000
15,05,000
Pension
2,34,00,000
4,06,00,000
Programme for SC/
ST
2,78,66,000
2,23,20,500
Welfare for women
10,00,000
10,00,000
56,63,18,800
55,32,46,300
b
U
itw.
H' ■-Ui’,
Gvteid-
Dr, Vanaja Rara 'Prasad
839, 23rd Main J.P Nagar
II Phase
BANGALORE - 560 078.
ISSUES RELATED TO HEALTH IN THE, .CONTEXT OF URBAN POVERTY
Priest meets Haitian
"How are things” ?
Haitian? "it can be worse
*
’
Priest: "'How do you mean” ?
Haitian: "I used to say it could1nt
be worse now, I know I
was wrong”
An analysis of health conditions and health scenario as reflected by
indicators like life expectancy birth rates, crude death rates,
child mortality and infant mortality speak in favour of the urban
araas, So; also other indicators like the distribution of resources,
location if infrastructure, ratio of doctor to population and
concentration of private medical enterprises show a favourable
trend towards the urban areas. What is not so well revealed in
these st?’- J fcs in the class differentials within the urban areas and
who benefits the best of these investments, For any slum dweller
living in a metropolitan city the dice.is loaded against him.
It has been estimated that by the turn of the century a third of
India's population is likely to be living in some three to four
thousand towns and cities. It is also possible that about half the
number of people will be defined as poor and therefore living
mostly in slums - unless effective and timely steps are taken to
prevent this concentration of poverty. We may recall that less
than 1% os the total sixth plan outlay went for slum improvement.
Thera is a constant budgetary deficit to cope with the unabated
migration from village to the town.
The typical picture of growing pressures on the Urban resources is
one of an unprecedented pressure on urban land, a steady
deterioration of the overstretched urban services, and mushrooming
of the slum settlements, over crowding, chaotic traffic hazards,
inadequate water supply and sanitation and low civic standards.
During 1971-81, India’s population grew by 25%. Over these years
the urban population grew by 46%. It is roughly estimated that the
growth rate of slum population is probably faster than any other
segment of the urban population. A recent study estimated that
25 million people live in Urban slums in various parts of the
country. Another projects the 1985 figure at 33 million (UNICEF).
The focus of this paper being health situation in the context of
Urban poverty with reference to the Bangalore Metropolis, the
paper attempts to look at not merely the morbidity, mortality
patterns, but also the corporations allocation of financial
resources, needs of the slums as against the services by the
health and medical infrastructure. There is great paucity of
data hence the report presents some of the facts at a broad
conceptual level.
The administration of the affairs of Bangalore slums come under
the Corporation of Bangalore, the BDA and the Karnataka Slum
Clearance Board. The Bangalore City Corporation contained 159
slums in 1971 - 72 with a population of about 1.3 lakhs accounting
for about 10% of the City's population. The figure pertains to
declared slums. The number has increased from 159 in ’74 to
287 in '82.
It has also be.n pointed out that the location of the
slums is generally relegated to sites that are least desirable for
inhabltion (Ramachandran H). While on the one hand we attribute
... 2 . . .
2 industrialisation to the growth of slums, it has to be recognised
that slums also- gain in size due to migration. It has been
reported that 62% of the slum population in Bangalore are migrants
from the nieghbouring states.
It is a well known fact that poverty perpetuates ill-health.
Poverty means poor housing, poor nutrition, poor environmental
sanitation and drinking water; in other words, severe lack of
basic needs. The pattern of morbidity resulting from lack of basic
needs is typical to all areas. High incidence of gastro-enteritis,
upper respiratory infections, chronic skin infections, otitis media,
viral infections, hepatitis, bacillary infections like typhoid.
In other words, they are either largely water borne, or, induced by
the poor environmental sanitation. Several studies point to two
inferences: On the one hand, most common illness among slum
dwellers are respiratory diseases, gastro-intestinal disorders, skin
diseases, fewer, worm infestations, ear nose and throat ailments
and not the. least, tuberculosis. In some endemic areas, leprosy
as well. The provision of safe wat-.-r supply, proper drainage and
latrines were found to reduce Gastro-intestinal disorders to a le^X
equivalent to those in near by non-slum areas,although, viral
w'infections, skin diseases remained significantly higher in the slum
populations. This is further illustrated by a sample survey
conducted in one of the slums in Bangalore.
Health situation in the slums (Bangalore)
The survey very clearly demonstrates the linkages in the' chain
leading to some of the illnesses. The income analysis point to the
fact around 60% of the surveyed households full below the poverty
line. Nearly 85% of the households occupied thatched homes.
Nearly all houses had no access to electricity. Though all houses
had access to public tap for drinking water the availability of
water for collection was very scarce. Predominant causes of death
am..ng children was chicken pox, measles, diarrhoea and fever of
unknown nrigin. Frequent illnesses were diarrhoea, cold and cough
and viral fevers. None of the houses had any sanitation facility
for defecation and more than 50% resorted to open disposal of
garbage and sewage water. Nearly all households had no separate
kitchen, that means, no proper vent for outlet of smoke. Some
of the common diseases among the adults were - cardiovascular,
diabetes, cancer, asthma, leprosy and tuberculosis. The survey
also showed that 80% of more of the income goes for purchase of food
and predominantly cereals, with little iscope for additi n of any
variety or quality to food. The average family size was not less
than 5 and some times upto 10 members. The above descriptions
drawn from the mini survey, more than adequately, support the
fact that rural urban differences in mortality, morbidity data
mask the reality of the situation.
In another study done by the Department of Geography, Bangalore
University, the families surveyed in the slums, have on an
average 5 to 6 members who live in one room kutcha huts with
little, or, no ventilation.
The majority were employed as coolies.
86% of the surveyed had Rs. 500 or less as montly income, dirty
surroundings, lack of public ameneties and water scarcity is
*
prevalent,
37% of the families do not get even two full meals a day, the
consumption of tobacco and arrack is fairly high.
40% of the surveyed household's were affected by air borne diseases
and 21% by water borne diseases.
57% of the respndents suffered a loss of 30 working days or more
and consequent loss of income due tth illness.
Urban Nutrition
Just as in the mortality and morbidity situation, the health
statistics hide the appaling nutritional status, both in terms
of consumption and anthropometry as indicators of health condition.
Except for stray studies, no concerted efforts were made in
studying the Urban nutrition. One such study from the National
Institute of Nutrition on a very small sample showed the nutritional
status and dietary intake of pre schoolers (T.MV. Prasad Rao,
J.G. Shastry and K. Vijayaraghavan). The study showed that 81%
of the rural children, as against the urban, showed current long
duration malnutrition. An intensive study of infant feeding
practices in three major cities of India, Calcutta, Madras and
Bombay - and their immediate environments by the Nutrition
Foundation of India has revealed the growing dimension of the
problem of use' of commercial infant foods by the Urban poor and the
deleterious impact thereof on infant nutrition (Kamala Jaya Rao).
The National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau undertook surveys all over
the country asd as.part of their sample covered the urban areas in
each of the states. The cities being covered' by NNMB are Ahmedabad,
Calcutta, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Lucknow, Madras, .Nagpur, Pune,
Bangalore, Mysore, Bhopal, Bhuvaneshwar, Cuttack, Cochin and
Trivandrum . Of these, the first nine metropolitan cities, each
with a population of over a million and along with greater Bombay,
Delhi and Jaipur, account for a quarter of the country's total ijirban
population (B.S. Padmanabhan planning for growth).
The results of the study show that the consumption of cereals and
millets increased with decreasing socio-economic status, while ’
pulses, vegetables, fruits and milk showed the reverse trend. The
survey showed that the slum dwellers are no better off than the
rural landless labour as far as their energy intakes are cincerned.
The findings of the NNMB survey on Urban population indicates that
the diets and nutrition status of even the urban groups in India
are by and large very unstatisfactory. Of all the urban groups,
the slum population is the worst off in dietary and nutritional
profiles. A review of various studies show that the averages for
the slum population, be it energy intakes, prevalence of infections
diseases or mortality rates, arej adversely different fron the overall
city averages. The eneggy intake of the urban slum dwellers was
similar to that of the landless and lower than the rural averages.
It is expected with increasing urban migration in the years ahead
the problem of malnutrition in urban slums will acquire increasing
dimension unless special efforts are initiated to mitigate the
health and nutrition problems of the urban poor.
The Responses to the Needs
T-he response of the health planners to' the appalling health
conditions finds expression in the various services delivered by
the different Departments like, the Health & Family Welfare,
Corporation, Social Welfare and the NGO’s. For example, the
Corporation runs 29 dispensaries in the 12 blocks and 13 creches.
Table 1 gives the pattern of expenditure of the Corporation for
two consecutive- years and it is o-bserved that 24.3% is spent on
.
...
.
2
Health and 10.2% on the water supply (1986 - 87). More than 60 to
70% of the amount on Health expenditure goes towards sanitation
and environmental cleanliness. Despite this considerable allotment
towards sanitation, the garbage heap' mounting in the slum areas
which is a potential health hazard. According to the Corporation
authorities, it was reported that an occasional effort is made
to- clear the garbage from the slums. As for the water supply, the
Corporation pays the Water Supply Board towards maintenance of
some of the public taps. Otherwise, the water supply maintenance
comes under a different Board altogether.
In the case of the Directorate of Health & Family Welfare, the
thrust of their programme is towards family planning. Unfortunately
the entire approach is target based (as it is anywhere else) and
not with health orientation.
It is relevant to mention that family
planning services can affect people's health positively.and
negatively. Most often, the positive effects have never been
emphasised and the negative effects.; been ignored. The consciousness
towards particular methods of birth c ntrol lending to certain A
diseases is conveniently lacking. For example, the pill and the
side effects on the circulatory system. The IUD and pelvic
inflammatory diseases, Depo-prova and the cancer of cervix.
On the other hand, if Family Planning can help in Birth Spacing,
av-iding pregnancy wastages, education in family life, reducing
maternal mortality and focussing on improving child health through
reducing infant and child mortality, increasing birth weights of
children through ante-natal care, the. outcome of such a programme
would have a far reaching effect on the containment of population.
As one of the.preventive programmes, universal immunisation
programme and the expanded programme of immunisation have gained
importance of late in major cities like Bombay Madras and Bangalore.
The target gr up these programmes address are. the lower socioec'nomic status since the better off have access to these services
in any case. The consequences of incomplete coverage, poor
cold chain flacilities and unsatisfactory sterile conditions have not
been thought out carefully and as a result, there is more public!^.
ti its benefits. It has been observed by such efforts t_ cover
city. Unless there is concerted effort to- follow-up the new barns
every year, there can be the risk of an epidemic of a condition
such, as polio-myletis. The permanent disability caused by poliomyletis leaves the individual crippled for life, and with poor
rehabilitation. -T/ie individual is a burden on the family's source
of poor income of the country.
The programme carried cut in spirits, can result in under coverage,
incomplete coverage and consequently making no change in the
morbidity and mortality rates in children.
The urban poor are at an advantage when compared to the rural
poor as far as accessibility of medical institutions in the city
in the sense of distances. But the kind of services within their
reach are questionable.
It has again been demonstrated that
75 to 80% of the reasons for crowding in the OPD of the general
hospitals is du. to minor ailments and preventable illnesses.
In the overcrowded hospital outpatient words, doctors or nurses have
very little time for imparting any messages on preventive care.
... 5 ..
■»
- 5 Yet, another component of-health care-in the form of supplementary
nutrition comes to the urban poor in the package of ICDS services.
This input, when delivered, under unfavourable circumstances, can
make little or no difference in the nutritional status of the
children. Consistently, it has be n observed that children
belonging to households in the slums have poorer nutritional status
(i.e.) lower weight for- age when empanel to the standard.- An
additional supplementary nutrition aimed at filling the energy gap,
does not yield the expected benefits due to frequent attacks of
diarrhoea caused by helminthic infections like am.'ebiasis, giar-dia
and hookworm. Some of the commonest deficiency diseases are iron
deficiency, anemia, vitamin A’deficiency, leading to preventable
blinlAess and night blindness anl vitamin B dificiency. Therefore
the close linkage betw.-.n nutrition and infection cannot be ignored.
Lastly, the decreasing water .supply, in the urban areas anol its
impact on the poor people has a direct bearing on their health
situation. The diseases relate I to.. water supply are many. The
P-or are largely affected by the particular diseas.,s due to the
lack of water for personal hygiene, i.e., waterwashed infections
and infections spread by insects. That depends on water and water
related insect vect rs.
Some of the water washed infections affect
skin and eyes and also cause iliarrhoeal diseases. Waterborne
infections like typh.id, cholera and infective hepatitis are common
because of the chances of infection from the time of water
collection to- storage to use, are higher. Thus, it is obvious that
the risks of infection through contaiminated water availability are
greater for the urban poor.
T-he paper has attempted to touch upon the nature of health problems
of the urban po- r anl the inq.lequacy of the services to meet the
needs.
It is just not the inq.lequacy alone that is of concern, but
also, the apathy and lack of concerted efforts to meet the
challenge.
REFERENCES
1. UNICEF (1984) - An analysis of the situation of children in
India.
2. Ramachandran H (1985) - slumming of Metropolis Reprinted from Essays on Bangalore.
3. Department of Geography (1987) - Field Report on Environment
and Health. A study ..f Bangalore slums.
4. Prasada Rao, T.M’.V. , J.G. Shstry and K. Vijayaraghavan (1974) Indian J urnal of Medical Research 62: P 1492.
5. Kamala S. Jaya Rao - ''Urban Nutrition in India1' - in combating
undc.-rnutrit.icn - basis issues and practical approaches Edited by C. Gopalan, NFI.
6. Padmanabhan B.S. - ‘’Planning for Urban Growth'’ - The Hindu,
July 12, 1985.
Table 1
CORPORATION of city of bangalore
PROGRAMMES
Council
1986 - 87
1987 - 88
24,81,000
18,65,000
Genera1 A Iron.
3,69,67,300
3,25,24,000
Revenue
1,85,92,200
2,01,79,600
Markets
31,18,500
32,92,600
Public works
19,08,76,100
16,69,38,000
Health
13,76,75,300
15,09,24,500
Education
’ 2,62,40,900
2,81,38,300
Horticulture
1,01,71,500
1,03,54,700
Water supply
5,78,00,000
4,66,00,000
Lighting
Physical Educa
tion
2,86,25,000
ASSUMING- TOTAL
B’LORE, POPULATION
COVERED'. BY CORPN &
•BOA AT 30,000,000
AS -ON 1.1.1986.
Per Capita- expenses
for Health &
Sanitation faci^sy;
86 - 87 = fc.45.90
87 - 88 = Rs. 50.30
Percentage of total
expenses set aside
for Health &
Sanitat ioiTTacility:
86 - 87 = 24.3%
2,70,04,700
87 - 88 = 27.3%
For water supply;
86 - 87 = 10.2%
87 - 88 = 8.4%
15,06,000
15,05,000
Pension
2,34,00,000
4,06,00,000
Pr ogramme f or SC/
ST
.2 ,78,66,000
2,23,20,500
Welfare for women
10,00,000
10,00,000
56,63,18,800
55,32,46,300
Yet, another component of health care in the form of supplementary
nutrition comes to the urban poor in the package of ICDS services.
This input, when delivered under unfavourable circumstances, can
make little or no difference in the nutritional status of the
children. Consistently,, it has be n observed that children
belonging to households in the slums have poorer nutritional status
(i.e.) lower weight for- age when compared to the standard. An
additional supplementary nutrition aim-.-l at filling the energy gap,
does not yield the expected benefits due to frequent attacks of
diarrhoea caused by helminthic infections like amoebiasis, giardia
and hookworm. Some of the commonest deficiency diseases are iron
deficiency, anemia, vitamin A deficiency, leading to preventable
blindness and night blindness and vitamin B dificiency. Therefore
the close linkage bctwo.n nutrition and infection cannot be ignored.
Lastly, the decreasing water .supply in the urban areas and its
impact on the poor people has a direct bearing on their health
situation. The diseases relate I to. water supply are many. The
poor are largely affected by the particular diseases due to the
lack of water for personal hygiene, i.e., waterwashed infections
and infections spread by insects. That depends on water and water
related insect vect rs, Somae of the water washed infections affect
skin and eyes and also cause’ diarrhoeal diseases. Waterborne
infections like typhoid, cholera and infective hepatitis are common
because of the chances of infection from the time of water
collection to storage to use, are higher. Thus, it is obvious that
the risks of infection through c-.ntaiminated water availability are
great er for the urban poor.
Tbe paper has attempted to touch upon the nature of health problems
of the urban p'„r and the inq.dequacy of the services to imet the
needs.
It is just not the inqdequacy alone that is of concern, but
also, the apathy and lack of concerted efforts to meet the
challenge.
REFERENCES
1. UNICEF (1984) - An analysis of the situation of children in
India.
2. Ramachandran H (1985) - slumming of Metropolis Reprinted from Essays on Bangalore.
3. Department of Geography (1987) - Field Report on Environment
and Health. A study f Bangalore slums.
4. Prasada Rao, T.M.V., J.G. Shstry and K. Vijayaraghavan (1974) Indian J urnal of Medical Research 62: P 1492.
5. Kamala S. Jaya Rao - ''Urban Nutrition in India" - in combating
undernutrition - basis issues and practical approaches Edited by C. Gopalan, NFI.
6. Padmanabhan B.S. - ''Planning for Urban Growth'1 - The Hindu,
July 12, 1985.
Table 1
CORPORATION OF CITY OF BANGALORE
PROGRAMMES
Council
1986 - 87
1987 - 88
24,81,000
18,65,000
General Admn,
3,69,67,300
3,25,24,000
Revenue
1,85,92,200
2,01 ,79,600
Markets
31,18,500
32,92,600
Public works
19,08,76,100
16,69,38,000
Health
13,76,75,300
15,09,24,500
Education
' 2,62,40,900
2,81 ,38,300
Horticulture
1,01,71,500
1,03,54,700
Water supply
5,78,00,000
4,66,00,000
Light ing
Physical Educatian
2,86,25,000
ASSUMING'TOTAL
B’LORE.POPULATION
COVERED- BY CORPN &
BOA.AT 30,000,000
AS ON 1. 1.1986.
Per Capita expenses
for Health &
Sanitat ion faci^^y:
. 86 - 87 = Rs.45.90
87 - 88 = Rs. 50.30
.Percentage of total
expenses set aside
for Health &
Sanit at ion 'facility:
86 - 87 = 24.3%
2,70,04,700
87 - 88 = 27.3%
For wot r supply:
86 - 87 = 10.2%
87 - 88 = 8.4%
15,06,000
15,05,000
Pens ion
2,34,00,000
4,06,00,000
Programme for SC/
ST
2,78,66,000
2,23,20,500
W e If ar e for w a men
10,00,000
10,00,000
56,63,18,800
55,32,46,300
D&V- 3 .1 &
□raft of a Study proposal titled
’An Overview of the Health Problems
of and existing Health facilities for the Slum dwellers of Bangalore.
INTRODUCTION
Bangalore has an estimated 3 lalih people living in over 300 slums
located all over the city.
City planning and planners tended not
to take into account the slum duellers.
Over the years the
attitude of the average city official has improved in this regard
possibly influenced by the organising together andstruggles of the
slum duellers.
Slums are not viewed merely as illegal encroachments
on the city landscape,,
but as people for whom facilities need to be
planned and dynamics need to be understood.
Yet the planningp
resources allofiated or the efforts put in by the government
departments are not adequate response to the large problem existing.
This is especially true in the health sector where the corporation
health department or Primary Health Centre set up do not include
ths
slum duellers in their planning - the general health facilities
planned for the city-duellers are not uhat is required for the
slum-duellers5as their problems are somewhat different.
In addition
these facilitss tend to be inaccessible to the slum-duellers due to
various blocks existing.
It is my understanding that such a lacuna
in the government’s perception and planning is not confined to
Bangalore metropolis but to all urban areas of the country.
I
would like to do a study lasting about 6 months on the
theme of
the health problems of and existing health facilities for the
slum duellers of Bangalore.
with the
During my 3j years of involvement
'Women’s Voice’ health programme,,! have
developed some
understanding of the health problems of seven slums.
I feel the
need to develop a perspective about the whole city and hence want
to do the study.
GENERAL ASPECTS OF THE STUDY
These can be looked at under the following categories -
a.
Efforts needed to develop a framework for the study
- collecting relevant reading materials from documentations of
'Women's Voice’, Community Health Cell,
Indian Social Institute
and Indian Institute of Management and any other Bangalore sources
- Requesting for materials from groups working in other urban
Voluntary Health
situations eg. Streehitkarini, Bombay,
Association-Belhi, Urban group working at Hyderabad.
- Visiting some projects working among slum duellers at Dolhi and
Mysore.
b.
/
Efforts at developing contacts and exploring views of various
groups,
institutions or governmental agencies involved with
slum duellers in Bangalore.
- Institutions - St Martha’s Hospital,
Hospital,
C.S.I. Hospital,
St Bohn’s Hospital,
Sindhi
Indian Institute
of Management
- NGO groups
- Women’s Voice, Boint Women’s programme,
Deena Seva sangha,
- Government
Vimochana,
Sova Action etc.
- Health Department, Social Welfare Department,
Social Work Department of University, Slum
clearance Soard and BDA„
- Officials of political parties
c.
Writing out a paper containing the view points and informations.
d.
Bringing together some of the involved people from the above
categories fora discussion and to react to the paper on the
health problems and
facilities of slum dwellers.
tentative chapter headings of the study
1. General introduction to the health situation in the slum areas,,
2. The health problems of slum dwellers of Bangalore
(based on
interviews under the following headings)
-Malnutrition
a.
- Poor environmental hygiene
-
Inadequate protected water
- Poor health awareness
- Inadequate health facilities
b.
problems of poor self-image, dependency, poor organisation and
ineffective voice.,
y
Co Governmental planning •= aspects and reflections
d« General public - awareness, attitudes,
involvement with regard tc
health problems of slum duellerso
3o Promoting better health of slum dwellers,
Actions from this decade
Government
Non-governmental agencies
General Public
Political parties
State and National level actions
4o List of organisations and persons involved in health activities of
slum duellers of Bangalore - brief note about their perspective,
5.
Conclusion
TENTATIVE QUESTIONNAIRE FOR INTERVIEU
1 . Uhat in your experience are the health problems of slum duellers?
2.
and cause of malnutrition from your
Uhat is the extent of
experience?
3» What is the situation regarding environmental sanitation - causes
and consequences,
4, Uhat is the situation of protected drinking water ~ causes and
consequences
5, What is the situation of health awareness - causes and consequences
6.
Uhat is the accessibility and utilization of health services - your
suggestions
7.
Uhat is the situation regarding - self-image,
8.
Uhat are the goals,
9,
What re the policies,
dependency,
organisation and ability to be heard of the slum duellers
achievements and failures of your gruop (NGO)
planning,and organisational structure of
government departments regarding slum duellers (addressed to
government agencies)
- your problems^ successes and failures,,
10.
Uhat are the attitudes,
involvements of general public regarding
promoting health of slum duellers - uhat uay can they
contribute (to NGOs)
11.
Uhat are the actions,
thought currents happening on this theme?
Tint SEQUENCE DE THE STUDY
i•
Upto end of January 1990
collecting reading materials, visiting projects at Delhi, Bombay
ii.
Upto flid-February
drawing up a list of individuals, institutions'to"cehtabt and
interview in Bangalore.
iii.
Upto Rid-May
date, collection
iv.
End of Hay/early June
Urite-up of study
v.
Group discussion
□raft of a Study proposal titled
'An Overview of the Health Problems
of and existing Health facilities for the Slum dwdllers of Bangalore.
INTRODUCTION
Bangalore has an estimated 3 lalkh people living in over 300 slums
City planning and planners tended not
located all over the city.
to take into account the slum duellers.
Over the years the
attitude of the average city official has improved in this regard
possibly influenced by the organising together andstruggles of the
slum duellers.
Slums are not viewed merely as illegal encroachments
on the city landscape.,
but as people for whom facilities need to be
planned and dynamics need to be understood.
Yet theplannings
resources allocated or the efforts put in by the government
departments arc not adequate response to the
large problem existing.
This is especially true in the health sector where the corporation
health department or Primary Health Centre set up do not include
the
slum dwellers in their planning - the general health facilities
planned for the city-dwellers are not what is required for the
slum-duellers,as their problems are somewhat different.
In addition
these facilities tend to be inaccessible to the slum-dwellers due to
various blocks existing.
It is my understanding that such a lacuna
in the government's perception and planning is not confined to
Bangalore metropolis but to all urban areas of the country.
I
would like to do a study lasting about 6 months on the theme of
the health problems of and existing health facilities for the
slum dwellers of Bangalore.
with the
During my 3; years of involvement
'Women's Voice' health programme,! have
developed some
understanding of the health problems of seven slums.
I feel
the
need to develop a perspective about the whole city and hence want
to do the study.
general aspects of the study
lhese can be looked at under the Following categories -
a.
Efforts needed to develop a framework for the study
- collecting relevant reading materials from documentations of
Community Health Cell,
'Women's Voice',
Indian Social Institute
and Indian Institute of Management and any other Bangalore sources.
- Requesting for materials from groups working in other urban
situations eg.
Streehitkarini, Bombay,
ftssociation-Belhi,
Voluntary Health
Urban group working at Hyderabad.
- Visiting some projects working among slum duellers at Delhi and
Mysore.
b.
Efforts at developing contacts and exploring views of various
groups,
institutions or governmental agencies involved with
slum dwellers in Bangalore.
•= Institutions - St Martha's Hospital,
C.S.I. Hospital,
Hospital, St Sohn's Hospital,
Sindhi
Indian Institute
of Management
- NGO groups
- Women’s Voice, Joint Women's programme,
Desna Seva sangha,
<=■ Government
- Health Department,
Vimochana,
Seva Action etc.
Social Welfare Department,
Social Work Department of University, Slum
clearance Board and BDA.
- Officials of political parties
c.
Writing out a paper containing the view points and informations.
d.
Bringing together some of the involved people from the above
categories fora discussion and to react to the paper on the
health problems and
facilities of
slum dwellers.
tentative chapter headings of the study
1.
General introduction to the health situation in the slum araas,
2.
ihe health problems of slum duellers of Bangalore
(based on
interviews under the following headings)
a.-Malnutrition
- Poor environmental hygiene
-
Inadequate protected water
- Poor health awareness
- Inadequate health facilities
b.
problems of poor self-image,
dependency;, poor organisation and
ineffective voice.,
c.
Governmental planning - aspects and reflections
d.
General public - awareness, attitudes,
involvement with regard tc
health problems of slum dwellers.
3.
Promoting better health of slum dwellers,
Actions from this decade
Government
Non-governmental agencies
General Public
Political parties
State and National
4.
level actions
List of organisations and persons involved in health activities of
slum dwellers of Bangalore - brief note about their perspective.
5.
Conclusion
TENTATIVE QUESTIONNAIRE FDR INTERVIEW
1. What in your experience are the health problems of slum dwellers?
and cause of malnutrition from your
2. What is the extent of
experience?
3.
What is the
situation rejarding environmental sanitation - causes
and consequences.
4.
What is the situation of protected drinking water - causes and
consequences
r^-S. What is the situation of health awareness - causes and consequences
6.
What is the accessibility and utilization of health services - your
7.
What is the
suggestions
situation regarding - self-image,,
dependency,
organisation and ability to be heard of the slum dwellers
achievements and failures of your gruop (NGO)
8.
What are the goals,
9.
What re the policies,
planning,and organisational structure of
government departments regarding slum dwellers (addressed to
government agencies)
- your problems,
10.
successes and failures.
What are the attitudes,
involvements of general public regarding
promoting health of slum duellers - what way can they
contribute (to NGOs)
11.
What are the actions,
thought currents happening on this theme?
A GLIMPSE AT THE HEALTH CARE SITUATION IN BANGALORE
Ten years ago Government of Karnataka came out with slogans such
as:
"bring beauty back to Bangalore", and also made the plans to
do a super-ficial clean up of the City.
In 1985,
over three
month period they demolished about 65 slums with about twentyfive
thousand people living in them,
rendering them homeless.
This
was done without planning for or providing adequate alternative
infrastructure.
What in infrastructure was provided in the
outskirts of the City was too far away and too little.
Apart from
the tragedy of this action affecting tens of thousands of people,
this event brought to light some insights - that the Government
had lack of understanding, their planning and allocating of
resources was inadequate and that there existed a heart-less
insensitivity towards the situation of slums and slum dwellers.
The population of slum dwellers in Bangalore has been rapidly
increasing.
It is said to be around 9 to 10 lakhs, constituting
close twenty five percent of the city’s population.
Accurate
statistics are not available with me.
The Government health care machinery has evolved over the decades.
This has not kept pace with the unchecked and unplann&d
growth of the city and the slum dwellings.
for
The Government agencies
providing health care and related services in Bangalore are many.
Of these those whose services are available to slum dwellers are
have some components planned for slum dwellers are tha following
*
Mobile dispensary of the Corporation - there are three mobile
dispensaries each one visiting about twenty slums in rotation on
once a week basis.
These cater only to about seventy slums that
are in the corporation’s jurisdiction out of a total of over
six hundred slums in Bangalore.
The mobile team made up of a
2
2
medical officer, a staff nurse along with an ayah and driver,
offers services of outpatient care free of cost or under low
cost.
In conjunction with the sub health office they are
supposed to undertake mass epidemic immunization.
Corporation dispensaries - there are fourteen corporation
dispensaries
(including an Ayurvedic and Unani one).
Twentyfive
local fund dispensaries aided by the Corporation, with the
usual staffing pattern of a medical officer, compounder and
a peon.
They offer out-patient care and immunizations supposedly
free of charge,
in addition there are twelve sub-health offices
which mainly have the function of keeping population registers
and issuing certificates.
P.H.C. Sub-centres - those slums situated in the periphery of the
city have access to the subcentres of the primary health centres.
There are twenty two such subcentres located around Bangalore
each one staffed by an A.fM.n.,
a male health worker and an ayah.
They .have community extension work as part of their activities
which includes mainly family planning work,
immunization programme
and M.C.H. work though their work defenition have other functions
too.
Maternity Homes - there are twenty nine maternity homes run by
the corporation of Bangalore each staffed by a lady medical officer,
a staff nurse and three A.N.Ms and other supporting staff.
They
don't offer extension services but within their centre offer
antenatal care, delivery
care (except caesarean section), post
natal care and family planning services.
I ,C ,D.S. Projects -
There are two I.C.D.S. Projects functioning
in Bangalore covering about two lakh population, primarily serving
slums and economically backward areas.
six years are enrolled.
check ups,
About 15,000 children below
They have in their plans,
growth monitoring
nutrition
quartely medical
supplementation,
immunization in addition to literacy training and health education
The anganwadi teacher has a first aid box with a few drugs for
symptomatic treatment.
3
3
Urban Family UelfareGentres (U.F.U.C)
U.F.U.C.,
- there are thirty seven
nineteen of which are directly run by the corporation
each one with a coverage of fifty thousand population,
as can
be seen their coverage can extend only to about half the
population of Bangalore.
Slums coming under their geographical
area are covered by them.
Each centre is staffed by one medical
officer, a lady health visitor, three A.N.fls and other supporting
staff.
They are planned primarily for extension work such as
house to house visit and health education, antenatal and postnatal
domiciliary care,
immunization,
F.P. motivation and household
survey.
Tertiary health care centres - tertiary and secondary health care
are provided by the big hospitals in Bangalore .
However there are
Questions as to how much service is available to slum dwellers
in terms of their accessibility.
The impact of the Government health care system on the health
□f the slum duellers is very little.
As can be seen these efforts
arts under severql agencies of differing quality without proper
coverage or coordination.
What they have to offer is too little
and irrelevant in the context of the health problems of the slum
dwellers.
The team is not well prepared in the understanding of
the situation,
their ability to elicit participation of slum
dwellers and handicapped by prejudices.
They dont have the
backup of the secondary and tertiary services to give them stature
and relevancy.
There is a sense of futility and indifference
among the staff.
This perhaps reflects the reality of the
situation as the solution to the primary causes of the health
problems come under the purview of other departments such as
protected water supply,
sanitation, supplementary nutrition,
housing, etc.
Looking at the private sector the city is dotted with several
medical colleges,
institutions,
several premier quasi Government health
several large hospitals,
N.R.I. ventures, hospitals
run by charitable bodies and private nursing homes in addition to
4
4
the innumerable general practitioners.
A large number of
practitioners belonging to the systems of Allopathy, Ayurveda,
Unani and Homeopathy Practice,in Bangalore apart from the less
common practitioners of naturopathy,
Yoga and Acupuncture.
The G.P.s are more accessible to slum duellers, houever the
combination of businees motive and ignorance of the recipients
oftfen produce in unhealthy mix.
The bigger institutions are
ualled in by the choice of their priorities and have very little
effect on the health of the slum duellers.
The priorities are
influenced by lack of exposure to the realities outside their
walls and the inherent logic of the predominant allopathic
system which tend to push towards high cost, capital intensive
technology needed for a few.
Complicating this further are the
prejudices of the staff who make up the institution.
Plany times
caught within feuch logic the functionaries remain blind and deaf
and silly to the point of being ludicrous!
- except that the
tragic context in which it is being played demands some reflective
action.
An event that happened in one of the slums of Bangalord about
three years ago would illustrate this.
Reports came to the NGO
group I was working with from slum, that several deaths are
happening due to a measles epidemic.
Me want to verify and by
interviewing the community found that indeed about thirty children
had died in the past two to three months ranging in age from
below one year to seven years in this community of two fifty
families.
Ue approached the corporation health office bordering
the area and were disappointed and angered to meet a rude and
arrogant medical officer who was prepared to do nothing.
Next
step took us to the range health office under whose jurisdiction
the health office lies.
The range health officer was courteus but
disbeliving the truth of this report.
Under shouted orders to
his staff and over a confused collection of registers he proved
his point that their register pertaining to the area showed only
one death and that too of an old man.
He said that it could not
have happened and the slum dwellers are making up a stoy^
5
5
However he
far monetary benefit.
matter.
accepted to investigate the
Next day having verified the situation the Government
machinery moved into gear, with their epidemic control team.
However they did not have sufficient dosage of measles vaccine.
Within one and a half kilometres away from the slum as the crow
flies is located a prestigious medical college, which had in
their concerned department safely under refrigeration for several
months thousands of doses of UNICEF measles vaccine.
When
approached the department head stated her constraints - yes they
were willing to be involved in the immunization and only then
could measles be taken up which would mean several weeks time.
Eventually the immunization got done as there were people in each
set up who could surmount the institutional regidities,
added ludicrous events.
but with
Another government functionary informed
of the epidemic visited the slum, threatened the dwellers with
fines as,
did they not know it was an offense not to report deaths.
They professed ignorance and asked for TV sets in their slums so
that they can learn such rules.
As stated earlier the disease situation in the slums is
predominantly due to lack of basic amenities and needs.
These
included lack of balanced diet, protected water supply, toilet and
other sanitation facilities, shelter and healthy environment.
As
a result their are high occurance of waterborne diseases like
dirrrhoea, dysentry,
typhoid, cholera,
jaundice and worm infestation,
high levels of malnutrition among children and mothers, widespread
skin infections and respiratory infections including tuberculosis.
The next level of needs are not met either namely education,
security - physical and emotional, assured employment, belongingness
to a community and recognition.
One can see ill health resulting
form such factor such as psychosomatic illnesses especially body
ache,
back ache,
stomach pain,
alcoholism,
antisocial behaviours
such as violence, violence on women, keeping many wives, depression,
suicides, delinquency of children and the phenomena of street
children.
It is considered difficult working with slum dwellers towards L
improving their situation.
Many blocks are present, the nearness
..6
6
to power centres, the politicization of their lives and influences
of powerful mass media have built up expectations that are defeating
The violent and destructive dynamics in the community is a big
hurdle in the way of channelizing peoples energy constructively.
The slum pwople deprived even of basic needs have very little energy
to overcome the negative forces.
Women are oppressed doubly, both
by their marginalized situation and the male domination.
The
government puts many blocks due to their lack of clarity in planning
grossly inadequate allocation of funds and lack of political will
to counter the vested interests.
Hence there are no easy solutions
but problems and questions that confront us each day.
» * *
* * **
- Dr. fflani Kalliath
THESE PHOTOGRAPHS SHOW THE PLIGHT OF SLUMDWELLERS
IN BANGALORE (India) wherein they are evicted
Here in they protest against these acts under
KARNATAKA SLUMDWELLERS FEDERATION.
These
photographs are taken by the Federation
as paert of documentation.
Contazct/
NP Samy, Secretary
Karnataka Slumdwellers Federation
28 SR Nagar, Bannerghatta Road, BanTgalore 560030 India
i
I
THESE PHOTOGRAPHS SHOW THE PLIGHT OF SLUMDWELLERS
IN BANGALORE (India) wherein they are evicted
Here in they protest against these acts under
KARNATAKA SLUMDWELLERS FEDERATION.
These
photographs are taken by the Federation
as pa6rt of docufinentation.
Conta^ct/
NP Samy, Secreta^ry
Karnataka Slumdwellers Federation
28 SR Nagar, Bannerghatta Road, BanTgalore 560030 India
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