TRAFFIC IN THIRD WORLD
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- TRAFFIC IN THIRD WORLD
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FEATURES
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COMMUNITY HEALTH CEtl
326, V Main, I Block
Koranwngala
B«ngalQre-5<0034
TRAFFIC IN THIRD WORLD JVQ^N
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The trade in Asian and Latin American women
to stock the brothels and bars of Western
Europe has become a big international business.
largely because of the decline of the world
economy and the increasing desperation of the
Third World poor. Despite attempts by some
European governments to put a stop to this
traffic, many Third World women continue to
be lured to Europe, where they are forced
into prostitution and held in bondage.
By Halinah Todd
Malaysia^ Gloria was earning just enough in Columbia to scratch
along from one day to the next when a Columbian man asked if
she would like to earn big money working in a factory in the
Netherlands o
Although the deal included a 'dummy* marriage to a Dutch man
to qualify for a work permit she agreed and with her sister
and two friends flew to Brussels.
Gloria and her sister were met at the airport by two Dutch
men who took them to Denmark and married them. They were then
brought back to Den Haag and delivered to a 'boss* to work
as prostitutes. The boss was armed. Both sisters were forbidden
to talk to Spanish—speaking people, and threatened with
violence if they did not work or did not earn enough.
The boss told Gloria that after she had earned US $25,000
she could work for herself. But she paid US $200 a week for
the two rooms in which she worked and lived and every three
days paid half her earnings to the 'boss*, if he had not
been arrested on a drug charge, which gave her a chance to
escape, Gloria would still be sitting in her window, a Third
World slave in a system of exploitation which stretches
across the globe.
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The trade in Asian and Latin American women to stock the
brothels and bars of Western Europe has become a big inter
national business since 1980, according to a report on its
28th Congress published last year by the International
Abolitionist Federation (IAF), entitled Prostitutions
Survival of Slavery. The IAF is a non-governmental body in
consultative status with the United Nations, which fights
the exploitation of prostitutes and the traffic in women
and children
©
The decline in the world economy and the increasing despera
tion of the Third World poor lie behind this growing human
traffic between the industrial ’north’ and the developing
’south‘z
a United Nations official quoted in the Report
pointed out.
Many of the Third World prostitutes in Europe have been
lured there by promises of legitimate work, forced into
prostitution and held in bondage by fear of physical
violence, by debt to their producer, pimps and bar owners,
by lack of travel documents and ignorance of the language,
the Report reveals.
Take Christina, from northern Thailand. She was approached
by a nicely-behaved Swiss gentleman and offered a job as a
hotel receptionist in Zurich. (The Swiss are amongst the
world's most active sex tourists. In 1982 more Swiss men per
head of population bought tickets to Bangkok, a . major
centre for 'sex tourism', than any other Europeans.)
Together with two other girls - one only 15 ~ and the nice
gentleman, she flew to Europe. From the airport they were
driven directly to a private house, locked into separate
rooms, given catfood to eat and ’broken-in' by their first
clients. They all signed papers written in German.
Although Christina escaped, got herself a respectable job
and married a Swiss, she is still being pursued through the
courts by her procurer, who has suffered no legal penalty
himself but is claiming a large sum as debt on the basis of
those papers. The Berne Declaration group, a non-governmental
. Swiss organisation of solidarity with the Third World,
is helping fight her case.
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In 1982 German police uncovered an operation trafficking in
Thai women through marriages of convenience with German
nationals organised in Denmark. Frankfurt police broke a
ring of procurers which had brought several dozen South
American women to Italy, where they married Italian men in
order to get Italian citizenship. They were then brought
to Frankfurt and forced into prostitution.
These cases illustrate the slick international organisations
which profit from this trade in Third World women. In the
Third World, poor rural women migrants with little education
and few skills form an easily exploited supply. In wealthy
industrialised Europe, there is a high demand for prostitutes.
It is no wonder that procurers in Europe, who are often
wealthy businessmen with international criminal connections,
have used fraud and violence to recruit Asian women to
satisfy this demand.
Not all Third World prostitutes in Europe, of course, are
enslaved. Many are
technically in prostitution from free
choice. But as the Report points out, the social and economic
conditions which surround their recruitment and the agencies
turning such women into mass market commodities, challenge
the very meaning of ’free choice’ for such women.
Third World Network Features
end
About the writers Ms Halinah Todd is a freelance journalist,
formerly Features Editor of the New Straits
Times (Malaysia) and voted Malaysia’s
Journalist of the Year in 1982.
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"rr HrzUYH CELL
l»</ I EJIock
Ban.
re-560034
India
THIRD WORLD SCHOOL MASTER CONQUERS DANGEROUS WEED THE NATURAL WAY
Single-handedly and in the face of great
odds, a barefoot scientist set out to seek
a biological solution to a pest problem.
He found an insect to control the weed
'lantana camara'. Not only that, by means
of painstaking experimentation, he was
able to prove that this insect destroyed
only lantana and did not harm other forms
of vegetation.
By Bharat Dogra and Vir Singh
India? School master, social worker, entomologist and above all
a man of incredible dedication to the work he knew would benefit
his fellow villagers. This, briefly, was Chandrasekhar Lohumi,
who became a legend for his discovery of a biological control
of a dangerous weed.
Born in the Panthgram Satrali village of Almora district in the
Western Himalayas, Chandrasekhar Lohumi could study only up to
the eighth standard because of poverty at home.
He became a primary school teacher in 1923, a profession which
he served with distinction for 47 years. During the sixties he
became involved in fighting a weed called 'lantana camara',
whose rapid spread was posing a serious threat to the agriculture
and animal husbandry of the Himalayan villages.
Axing the weed only led to its spreading even more rapidly, and
chemical weedicides, though recommended by some ’experts', would
have been not only too expensive but also ecologically disastrous.
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Searching for an alternative strategy to curb the spread of
this weed,
Lohumi remembered an article he had read some
where regarding the use of an insect, which preys on a
particular form of weed, to control the spread of this weed
in Australia. He decided to devote his time and energy to
finding a similar biological way to control lantana.
Armed with a stick, torch and a cloth bag, Lohumi started
collecting different insects and examining them under an
old microscope that he had managed to obtain from a wellwisher.
After years of tireless work, he managed to find an insect
which proved, on the basis of extensive trials, to be a
powerful destroyer of lantana.
The next step was to examine whether this insect also proved
harmful for other forms of vegetation. If this were so, then
large-scale release of this insect in fields and forests
could not be permitted for fear of damaging various crops,
trees, grasses and other vegetation.
By means of painstaking experimentation conducted on 276
different forms of vegetation, Lohumi was able to prove that
this insect destroyed only lantana and did not harm other
forms of vegetation.
As the news of his success spread, the government appointed
a committee of experts to examine his work. The committee
praised his hard work, the scientific compilation of his
notes and field observations.
He was honoured with the prestigious Rafi Ahmed Kidwai
Award, given to distinguished agricultural scientists.
Some other awards followed and he was invited to participate
in the gatherings of prominent scientists.
Lohumi, however, was more interested in seeing that the
villagers actually benefited from his work. Unfortunately,
large-scale biological control of lantana could not become
a reality in his lifetime. At least one of the reasons which
retarded this work was the pressure put up by the resourceful
manufacturers of weedicides, and the scientists in collusion
with them, to give a bad name to this research and its
practical applicability.
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Undeterred, however, Lohumi continued his work on other forms
of cheap and ecologically safe control of pests. He found the
cob of the maize plant particularly useful in this.
One kilogram of cob (which is generally wasted after the
grain has been separated) yields 15 grams of pure ash which
is very useful in destroying several harmful pests while not
harming human beings and other animals. This ash becomes more
useful if it is mixed with water, boiled and then sprayed.
Lohumi ' s research revealed that this home-made pesticide was
especially useful in killing pests which harmed several
vegetable plants and fruit trees, This mixture also had some
curative properties for cattle, and the ash was very effective
in washing clothes and cleaning utensils, thereby displacing
detergents.
Before his death in 1983, Lohumi also did some work in
identifying and destroying bacteria which damage old
buildings. This research opened
up fresh possibilities of
cheap means of protecting India’s crumbling historical
monuments.
Lohumi continued to work till the very end amidst highly
adverse circumstances. While some technocrats tried to under
mine his work, the students at the Pant Agriculture University
where he spent his last days loved him from their heart.
- Third World Network Features’
end
About the writerss
Mr Bharat Dogrd is a fiuc-.lanre journalist
based in New DeJ.hio He has written for
most of the leading newspapers and
magazines in India. He has received the
Sanskrit! Award for Journalism and the
Sachin Chaudhari Award for Financial
Reporting. He has also twice received
the Statesman Award for Rural Reporting.
Dr Vir Singh obtained his doctorate
from G B Pant University of Agriculture
and Technology7 Pantnagar (Nainital),India.
He has written more than 300 articles
for newspapers and magazines, mostly on
agricultural sciences, rural development
and human rights, and has had 14 research
papers published in scientific journals.
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The Stanley Adams Cases
SHOWS NEED FOR MORE CONTROL QVExR MULTIN7.TIONALS
In 1973, a top executive of Hoffman-La Roche,
the giant Swiss drugs company, revealed the
company’s illicit trade practices to the
European Commission. The executive's act of
conscience and the Commission's failure to
protect his anonymity turned his life into a
waking nightmare which lasted; 12 years.
On 7 November 1985, the European Court ordered
the Commission to pay him £500,000 for their
breach of confidentiality.
This is the sitory of Stanley /Adams, the man who
.dared to fight multinationals and governments,
a story which deserves to be told again and
again so that more will follow his example to
ensure that big business does not prosper at
the expense of ordinary people around the world.
By Teh Poh Ai
Penang, Malaysia? Stanley Adams, the world's most famous
'whistleblower* finally won a victory for the small man when
the European Court of Justice granted his claims for compensa
tion against the European Commission.
On 7 November 1985, the European Court in Luxembourg ordered
the Commission to pay Adams £500,000 for failing to protect his
identity as the man who had revealed the illicit trade practices
of Hoffman-La Roche, the giant Swiss pharmaceutical company.
In 1973, /Adams had written to the Commission with documents
detailing the price-fixing breaches of EEC fair trading laws by
Roche, for which he was then working as a top executive.
more.../
The Coordinator
Third World Network
M-139 Goa Housing Board Colony
Alto.Betim 403 112, Goa, INDIA
The Coordinator
Third World Network
Consumers' Association of Penang,
§7 Cantonment Road, Penang, MALAYSIA
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He later learnt that the Commission during their investigations
had shown the documents to Roche personnel thus revealing his
identity as their informant.
Adams was subsequently arrested by the Swiss Government and
suffered repercussions that almost destroyed his lifes his wife
committed suicide, banks refused him loans and his business
collapsed, leaving him penniless.
In 1981 he fled to Britain where he started proceedings against
the European Commission for breach of confidentiality leading
to his 10-year ordeal.
In September 1985 the Court ruled that the Commission had
indeed committed a breach of duty of care, for which Ad.ams was
entitled to damages and costs. Adams claimed damages of £1
million from the Commission to compensate for the mental
anguish and loss of earnings he suffered.
However in the 7 November hearing, the European Court halved the
Commission's liability on the grounds that Adams did not warn
the Commission that ho could bo identified from the photocopy
documents he gave them.
But as Adams told Third World Network in an interview following
his court victory, 1 ’i’he money is really secondary. My fight
was carried through so that little men and women will not be
afraid of money, power and governments, The mouse has finally
triumphed over the elephant.
'I hope I have cleared the road so that everybody should feel
that he can do what I did and that no one can touch him,
because I have been vindicated by the highest court in Europe.
Adams' triumph is also a significant one for Third World
countries Roche’s price fixing practices very much affected
the vitamin market'in these countries, ‘One doesn’t need to
spell out that excessive prices bit the poor more than the
rich,’ said Adamso
’If those giant companies can beat us - advanced, rich people how much more can they play with and kick, not on their backs
but on their heads. Third World people?*
During his business career ^dams had travelled extensively,
particularly to poor countries - Africa, South America and
the Philippines. ’I had seen the effects of the drug companies’
policies. I had seen so much poverty in the world and seen
people unable to buy medicines and vitamins because of the
price,' he said.
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'I had also seen that within Roche, when news came of an
influenza epidemic in for instance, India, instead of putting
vitamin C out in greater quantities and reducing the prices,
we would control the quantities going out to the market and
usually increase the price.’
After a long tussle with his conscience, in February 1973,
Adams who was then a £32,000 a year World Product Manager of
Roche bulk vitamins division in Basle, wrote to the European
Commission with details of Roche’s involvement in price fixing
and market sharing arrangements with its competitors :• that
enabled them to control the international vitamin market.
At the end of October 1973, Zkdams left Roche and moved to
Latina, Italy, with his family to start a farm and meat
business.
On New Year's Eve 1974 he was arrested when he crossed the
.Swiss - Italian border with his family to visit a relative.
The next day, he was charged under Swiss law for industrial
espionage and treasoh.
While in detention, Adams was not allowed to sec his family
and friends. No one knew why he had been arrested. His wife,
Marilene, was subjected to interrogation by the police several
times and was even told that Ad<ams would be jailed for 20 years.
Unable to take the strain, Marilene hanged herself 10 days after
Adams' arrest. Nathalie, their eldest daughter, was nearly seven
then, Alexandra was under five and Stephanie was not yet three
years old.
Three months later zAdams was released on bail. But his business
troubles had just started. Banks refused him loans and he had
difficulty starting his farm.
In the meantime, in June 1976, the European Commission found
Roche guilty of infringing on the trade agreement between
Switzerland and the Commission. Roche was fined £150,000,
described by Adams as 'a tiny drop in its ocean of profits1.
Less than a month later Adams was found guilty by the Swiss
court of economic espionage and sentenced to one year impri—
• sonment, suspended for three years. He was also banisheo. x.rom
Switzerland for five years and ordered to pay costs.
Says Adams, 'We were both guilty in the eyes of the law, Roche
of breaking competition law, I of reporting that Roche had
broken competition law. .The logic seemed a little faulty,
but logic apparently didn't enter into it'.
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goes unchecked*'
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COMMUNITY HEALTH CElt
326, V Main, I Block
Korarrungala
Bangalore-560034
India
WHAT FUTURE FOR THIRD WORLD RURAL MASSES?
by
M Iqbal Asaria
"To burden the people with big loans, the
repayment of which will be beyond their means,
is not to help them but to make them suffer.
It is even worse when the loans they are asked to
repay have not benefited the majority of the
people but have only benefited a small minority."
Arusha Declaration
1967
Given the state of local, regional and international
dependencies built into the present global economic order,
the fate of the rural masses of the world is predictable
with precision.
The economic dimensions of this destiny
have already been outlined by various speakers, both in the
local Malaysian context and on the broader economic scene
as well.
Short of autarchy, any level of participation in the
international system leads to a build up of an increasing
level of dependence and ultimately threatens any form of
’’survival with dignity". The fall-out is all the more
damaging to the rural populations (who still constitute
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a majority of the globe’s populations who not only subsidise
the urban population but also provide the bulk of the
foreign exchange needed to pay the high servicing costs of
spiralling debt.
Thus a spiral of povertification is set
into motion, the end result of which is the emergence of
a greatly reduced and vastly impoverished rural population.
The other side of this coin is a large army of urban poor
living in conditions of abject poverty and degradation.
Indeed, so daunting is the scenario, that most
analysts shudder to take their studies to their logical
conclusions, lest they reach a point where solutions have
to be proffered.
A sense of fatalistic resignation has
emerged about the inevitability and finality of the fate
of the rural masses of the Third World. Coming from
development economists of every hue and cry this is an
ironic verdict - the very people who were advancing the
alleged sense of fatalism in tribal/traditional/religious
societies as a primary cause of underdevelopment, accept
with fatalistic disdain the fate of rural masses of the
globe!
It is clear then that this fatalistic impasse and
its advocates have to be jetissoned in toto, if any fresh
insights into devising a meaningful destiny for the rural
masses are to be gained.
Before we move to the arena of 'solutions’, however,
there is a great need for the cultural patterns accompanying
this dismal scenario to be studied in depth. For we believe
that "survival with dignity" will only be realised when
that dignity is firmly rooted in the culture and history
of people concerned.
The continued onward march of western
cultural patterns seeking to homogenise human behaviour
for effortless milking by the Trans-National Corporations
(TNCs) and the resultant inferiority complexes generated
in the people of the Third World are now becoming legion.
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Indeed, the sixties and seventies saw the generation of a
developmental mania in which everything was considered worth
sacrificing to reach - to use that banal designation "take off”.
Today we are wiser. Take off there has been but into the
unfathomable depths of spiralling debt and frightening
povertification. The cultural and social patterns which had
to be force-moulded to accommodate the requirements of
Rostowian ‘'take-off” have yet to recover from the disaster
and take cognizance of the more menacing take-off into the
never threatening the global rural population.
Any solution will require the regeneration of this
cultural/moral dignity. Only this will enable man to rise
above the fearsome dimensions of the imminent impasse
threatening his survival, and contemplate solutions freed
from the fetters of thought patterns which are the direct
result of his present predicament.
The spirit was expressed in the Marrakesh Declaration
(1977) thus 2 "The concept of self-reliance covers a very
vast field, which is very difficult to delimit.
But, it is
vague only to those who have never had to tackle the problems
of survival with dignity or to undergo the effect of
political, economic and cultural blackmail."
Nearly ten years on, and with clearer vision of the
kind of fate awaiting if no fundamental response to avert it
materialises, it is amazing to find economists - who pride
themselves on having mastered the art of the rational
allocation of scarce resources - advancing the view that if
only we could share the growth in the world economy more
equitably, the explosive tensions now building up with
unnerving rapidity, can be diffused.
These strategies -
epitomised in the North-South Dialogue and its concomittant
paraphernelia, - are no solutions; they are strategems for
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buying time in the hope that somehow the problems will fade
away. It should be categorically stated that allocative
limitations of scarcity have reached such a point that
choices we have to make are not between having a full loaf
or only half a loaf - nay the choices are stark ones between
life and death and in some cases 'between “survival with
dignity" and “existence as zombified slaves”. To get out
of the rut of the present impasse needs the mounting of a
r
comprehensive challenge to the moral/political/economic
order.
This cannot be a bloodless feud for it is no zero
sum game, rather it is “a winner take all" situation with
extinction threatening th^, loser.
How- then are we to regenerate this cultural/moral
heritage and let it in turn throw up political/economic
solutions which can overcome the crippling pace of our
present race against time to avert the doom that has been
so precisely guantified? We
.believe that a starting
point has to be by asking what we want to be. The present
“ideology" of the Third World, in our view is a major
contributor to the situation. If, as far as it can be
discerned, the Third World is geared to an incessant
struggle to attain First or Second World status, than we
can rest assured that we will at best end up as very poor
and in all likelihood very impoverished copies of the
original.
if, indeed this is the desire, then conventional
economic analysis so far applied to the problem, is
adeguate to give us a fair idea of our fate. But it will
not be survival with dignity, rather it will be survival
under TNG controlled oligarchies, perpetuating a world
order in which a small proportion of the world’s population
continues to consume the bulk of its resources, to exhaustion.
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It becomes clear that a new vision of the future is needed
which steers us clear of the present patterns of existence
in the First and Second worlds.
In effect we need an
extrapolation of the life patterns as they would have
evolved, had the colonial menace not been visited upon us.
This in turn leads to an examination of technology and
values; health care patterns; educational imperatives; and
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patterns of political economic and social organisation.
The fundamental re-evaluation of these factors - and the
very task of questioning of everything held sacred by even
the most ardent critics of the present impasse - often
leads to charges and taunts of idealism,
But is idealism
not an advance on fatalistic resignation?
The key is not
to shun idealism but device strategies for transforming
the ideals into realities, The major effort, once having
delineated the kind of life we want, needs thus to be
devoted to the “transition phase. ti
The "transition phase” to our minds is the prime
area where work needs to be done.
The process we are
dealing with is a dynamic one - to take us from our
present state to our desired state.
The very actions of
the participants will generate reactions and these need to
be anticipated and responded to.
Again starting points
and priorities need to be studied and strategies adopted
should always be evaluated on the basis of their
contribution to the achievement of the final goal.
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The ufailure" of the Tanzanian experimentt or the
Mozambican experience, or the Algerian model, and the
U-Turn of the Indian and Chinese leaderships is cited
with satisfaction in western establishment parlours.
Any new adventurers are cautioned with these tales of
catastropee, and the inevitability of the present
prescription dispensation brought home
, to them.
In reality these are no failures, but bold and imaginative
leaps, which through failure of adaptive capacities built
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into them, have run out of steam. They do, however,
start us off on a vital learning curve upon which
the experiences of more and more countries can be built
and modelled.
Finally, the basic premise for any solution must be
conception of man as primodially a co-operative creature
and not one of a glorified animal given to selfishness and
unrestrained greed. This
would be the primary starting
point on a path that will increasingly diverge from the
presently unviable pattern of existence, based on a
deviated concept of man's very nature.
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COM l.’ST
CCMWUWIT/ HEALTH CEIL
C7/1«(First Floor)St. Marks Hoad
BANGALORE - 560 0.01
Third world Network
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
326, V Main, I BlocK
Koramangala
Bangalore-560034
India
SPEECH BY
ENCIK S.M. MOHAMED IDRIS, U.P.
Coordinator
Third World Network, Penang (Malaysia)
Third World Press Meetings: April 3-18, 1986
New Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore, Bombay
■i
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
47/1, (First Floor)SL. Marks Hood
BANGALORE - 660 001
SPEECH BY ENCIK S.M. MOHAMED IDRIS, J.P., COORDINATOR, THIRD
WORLD NETWORK, PENANG (MALAYSIA) AT THE OPENING CEREMONY OF THE
INTEBNATIONAL THIRD WORLD PRESS MEETING, INDIA, APRIL 3-18, 1936.
con i-
I am very happy to welcome all of you here at the Opening of our
International Third World Press Meeting, and most of all I am
very happy to be back in India after a long absence. I would
like to bid a very hearty welcome to all our participants
and friends present here. Now that we are all here, I hope that
we will all have stimulating sessions of discussions and that we
will leave this meeting with pleasant memories of a fruitful experience.
This meeting of the Press organised by Third World Network India,
in collaboration with Third World Network, Malaysia, here in India
is our biggest undertaking todate. Indeed it is most timely that
India has been chosen. Why is this so ?
Apart from being the largest democracy in the Third World, it is
also the centre for the Non Aligned Movement, More important, I
believe that Indian journalism is also undergoing an exciting
period in its history. Indeed it has taken the lead in many
aspects to give a new direction, to inform and educate the public
on the existing realities of Indian society today. However, more
needs to be done especially at the level of the Third World.
This is important because all of us who come from the Third World
share similar realities. We cannot forget our colonial past, and
we still have not escaped neocolonial domination.
Today, after many years of political independence; after so-called
’’Development Decades”; after all the efforts of United Nations
agencies; after the hundreds of pious declarations on aid, trade
and development; and after the millions and millions of pages
printed and published on development; after all these phenomena,
most of the people in the Third World continue to be poor, unemployed,
homeless; and at this very moment, millions of children are starving
to death.
Given this situation, it is not possible for an organization of the
Third World, such as the Third World Network to avoid -thinking or
acting on the problems affecting the majority of people., As a
Third^World organization, the Third World Network is concerned
about the need and welfare of the majority of people. Are their
basic and human needs satisfied ? Is the working and home environment
safe and clean ? Are people able to have a secure source" ofclivelihood?
In our years of experience and activities, we have come to realise
that the individual consumer’s problems and welfare are linked to
the conditions of his or her community. For instance, a housewife
finds that fish prices have shot up and there is a shortage of
fish in the market. This is linked to the plight of the poor
fishing community whose fish stocks are being depleted by trawler
boats.
2
We have also come to the conclusion that the problems of local
communities are related to problems and policies at national level.
For instance, problems of shortage of housing, shortage of land,
the rising cost of living, the lack of proper sanitation, are all
experienced and suffered at the local community level. But their
roots lie in the absence of proper national planning, or worse,
the presence of wrong national planning, leading to top-heavy
elite-oriented development of the nation.
And finally, we have to come to realise that problems at national level
cannot be discussed separately from the conditions at the international
level. For instance, in the past 3 years, a large segment of our
society has been adversely affected by world recession and falling
commodity prices. More than a quarter of the workforce in Malaysian
tin industry has been retrenched due to the collapse of the tin price,
and three million people depending on rubber for a source of income
have suffered a drop in real income due to the declining price of
rubber. The needs and welfare of the individual consumer, the economic
and social situation of his and her community, and of the nation
as a whole, are all tied up with and influenced by events and develop
ment at the world level.
And this is true, whether we are talking of economics, or social
issues, or cultural ways of life-
Although most of the Third World countries have attained political
Independence, yet in many ways we are being subjected to more control
by our former colonial masters and the industrialised countries.
4
In the economic sphere, Third World countries have become even more
dependent on the rich countries in the post-World War Two period.
Our Third World countries have been sucked even more into the world
market, with more of our resources and labour force being used
for the purposes of export to the rich countries. Yet the terms
of trade of Third World countries have by and large deteriorated
vis-a-vis the industrial countries, thus causing hundreds of billions
of dollars of real resources to be transferred from the poor to
the rich countries.
In the Third World, the best quality lands are planted with crops
exported to the rich countries. The richest of our forest, mineral
and metal resources are exported to the rich countries. Our best
brains and a very substantial part of our labour force are used
in the service of transnational corporations owned by the rich
countries. Almost all our traded goods are carried on ships owned
by rich countries. The international chain of commodity traders,
wholesalers and retailers are controlled by these rich countries.
And finally, our top researchers spend their long hours conducting
research for institutions ultimately controlled by the administration
of the rich countries, and large numbers of our academics, doctors
and scientists migrate in search of greener pastures to the shores
of the rich countries.
3
All these indisputable facts have led to the continuing and continuous
drain of money and resources from the Third World. During the
colonial era, the wealth taken out of the colonial territories helped
to develop the colonial master countries. Today, this is even more
true. The belief that rich countries are giving ’’development aid”
to poor countries is only a myth propagated by these rich countries.
In reality, the Third World is channelling resources and funds
to the industrial countries, in the form of profits on investment,
interest on loans, royalties paid for technology, management and
consultancy fees, losses due to terms-of-trade decline, and taxes
lost on account of transfer pricing by transnational corporations.
In the social and cultural spheres, the industrial world’s control
over the Third World can be said to be even greater. The Third
World countries have consciously or unconsciously imported models
of education, communications, health care system, housing and trans
portation from the industrial countries. Most of these models
are profoundly unsuitable and inappropriate for solving the basic
and human needs problems of the majority of people in the Third
World. Instead, these models have mainly benefitted a small elite.
For instance, billions of dollars are spent on imported motor cars
and billions of dollars more on building the roads and bridges to
carry and park the cars, but public transport system remains
inadequate in most Third World countries.
The minds and motivations of Third World people are also increasingly
being taken over by the mass communications and fashion industries of
the industrial countries. As television programmes, films, videos,
records, books and magazine produced in the industrial countries
invade every nook and comer of the Third World, the culture and
ways of life of the people and the community are disrupted. Traditional
community dances give way to the disco and to breakdance and traditional
musical forms surrender to the beat of Madonna or local imitations
of Madonna. A large section of Third world society from business
and middle class right down to worker and farmer, excitedly watch
the latest antics In Dallas and Dynasty, or the dozens of Hong Kong
versions of these American programmes. Coffee-shop conversation
in many Third World countries is now often dominated by latest
developments in the Hollywood film-star circuit or the newest contest
between sportsmen and sportswomen in Wimbledon or Wembly.
And when Third World governments try to break away from the economic
or social chains that bind them to the industrial nations, they are often
blocked. For instance, when Bangladesh recently decided to ban thousands
of dangerous or worthless pharmaceutical drugs, the US government
intervened on behalf of the drugs industry. And when Third World
countries do not follow policies that please the major powers, they
can be threatened with invasion, as happened when the US invaded
Grenada and the USSR invaded Afghanistan. Or when international
agencies like the UNESCO or the ILO or UNCTAD endeavour to take up
issues on behalf of the Third World, they can be threatened with
a pullout of funds, as the Uiited States has done.
4
are
These three areas - economics, culture and international relations that
this
Seminar
will
be
able
to
closely inter-related, We hope
cover some of the more critical issues under these areas.
We believe that change in the Third World can only come about if
those of us who are conscious of the problems of development are
ready to go forw. rd in serious hard work. In this spirit, and
solidarity can be built up.
working together, we believe that a lasting
—
Given the enormous control which the major powers exert on the
Third World, it is important for concerned individuals and groups
in the Third World to get together to discuss the problems and try
to work out some common conclusions.
On behalf of the Third World Network, I must say how pleased we are
that the participants gathered here represent some of the leading
editors, journalists, and writers in India. I am personally subscri
bing to a number of Indian journals and magazines, and I must say
that Indian journalism is far ahead than journalism in many Third
World countries, in terms of its investigative reporting and its
exposure of development issues.
Nonetheless, I feel that more can be done and needs to be done,
especially in the way the Indian media covers events and develop
ments in the outside world, both in the developed countries and
the Third World.
There is an urgent need for a strong Third World perspective. As we
all know, the international media and its channels are mainly controlled
by persons and companies in the industrialized countries. Knowing
or unknwingly, our views of the world and world events are “variab y
shaped by these multinational agencies. There is much evidence that
very often the interpretation of events that these agencies present
to us are ethnocentric and geared towards their own interests. For
example the Western media portrays Palestinian freedom fighters as
terrorists, wher as the Contras armed, and supported by American
aid and CIA funds, to terrorize the legitimately elected g^nment
of Nicaragua and its people are seen and termed as freedom fighters,
although they are the real terrorists.
It is a shame that many of us in the Third World have swallowed this
interpretation of world events due to the sheer overwhelming force
of the international news agencies. Many Third World writers and
intellectuals run the danger of imbibing and believing the outlook
of these agencies so that our own minds are shaped to project the
line of thinking of Western interests in the industrial countries
against the interests of the people in the Third World themselves.
Of how our societies are still subjugated by the superpowers, and of
how our people are increasingly struggling to get out of this
identities.
control. And in so doing, to forge their own identities.
5
‘
In this regard, journalists like
you 'have• a most important role to
■
play, because you have the power to shape the minds and thinking of
is said that the pen is mightier than the
millions of people, It —
This
is
very
true
because it is the pen that has the power to
sword
'
•
'
"
shape minds and ideologies,. Whereas people who wield the sword are
often nearly under the influence of people who wield the pen.
very t
Therefore, I feel it is the responsibility of Third World journalists
to take up the challenge of projecting the realities in the world
particularly of our own society; so that we can fulfill the task of
spreading the truth to our people and thereby 1help
\ them to achieve
genuine freedom and liberation. It is my earnest hope that this seminar
would contribute to this nobel objective.
More important still, we hope that the dialogue at this seminar, will
lead to some concrete follow-up action, so that the relationships built
up here among the participants can be strengthened in the future, for
the benefit of the majority of people in the Third World and the
world as a whole.
I look forward very much to the seminar proceedings and I hope all of
you will also participate fully and benefit from the sharing of
experience.
Thank you.
Tfiird world Network
si
COMMUNITY HEALTH
CELL
326, V Main, | Block
^oramtngala
bangalore-560034
inci'ia
THE THIRD WORLD AND INTERNATIONAL LAW
by
CHEE YOKE LING
Third World Press Meetings:
April 3-18, 1986
New Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore, Bombay
INTERNATIONAL
LAW AMD
THIRD WORLD domination
By
- CHEE YOKE LING
Introduction
The concept of the world as a caie to be divided
strong established Western powers can be traced bacK tor
lenSfiel! Thus in 1^93 a remarkably W^usyPcpe-gava to
Rnain all 1 and discovered or to be discovered west of a Im
100 miles west of the Azores and Cape Verde not in the
iossSssitn of a^y Christian King. T This was the period when
Spain and Portugal were the two major
SSce '
ial superiority. The subsequent expansion of England, trance
and Holland in the 18th century saw an unprecedented carving
Tof iZ America,Africa, the middle East and Asia. Since
thp nost-World War IT ascendency of the United States of
SeriXt WeXn^nvolvement In the Third World has taken a
more igorous and insidious form.
Colonialism and Orientalism:
"The East is a career . wrote Benjamin Disraeli. Indeed
traq
rne
iaue
century Orientalism has been
it
was, for
for from
from
the corporate
late 18thinstitution
thntlhSle
M tte
for dealing With
identifiable
the corporate
ihe ®leS - as
dealing
with it Py making statements about it,
authOTising
authorising views
views of
of it,
it describing it, by teaching it, settiVne it ruling over it. Orientalism was a Western style for
doSinatinS“Lecturing, and having authority over the
re structuring
Orient.3
Being a way of coming to terms with the Orient that _is
Orientalism identifies
based on ^oPe^ ye^e™ e^P^||T^n-Wropeans. The manor
nusn Europeans against an unobe
-0 £
comnonent in European culture is thus arguah y hg idea of
SXS superiority over Oriental backwardness.
Consequently, it is not surprising that in
Vatte!,
Rtriq'i Prussian authority on international law, invited
b“ and°Mills
The
on British
2
rule was considerable: utilitarianism stressed the rational
importance of a strong executive armed with various legal and
penal codes, a system of doctrines on such matters as frontiers
and land rents, and everywhere an irreducible supervisory im
perial authority.!? Theories unacceptable in British.society
were tested and applied in the colonies, especially in India.
Malaya, when colonised later, provided further ground for such_
practices. As a result, now in 198^ we are bound by many laws
which embody 19th century English precepts and values. The co
lonisers believed their presence was required in the East more
or less forever. That presence is indeed still, very much alive.
While British imperialism flourishedi, the French were also
the French thinker.
caught in its own expansionist fervour. As
.
Leroy-Beulieu9 put it:
nA society colonises9 when itself having reached a high
degree of maturity and of s trength, it procreates, it
protects, it places in good conditions of development,
and it Brings to virility a new society to which it
has given birth...colonisation is the expansive force
of a people; it is its power of reproduction; it is
its enlargement and its multiplication through space;
it is the subjection of the universe or a vast part
of it to that people’s language, customs, ideas, and
laws. ”6
Such national perceptions vzere naturally argued at the
international level. Thus in the Nationality Decrees in
Tunis and Morocco Case. M.A. de La Pradelle, arguing for
France before the Permanent Court of International Justices,
stated:
.territory is neither an object nor a substance; it
is a framework. What sort of framework? The framework within
which the public power is exercised ... territory as such must
not be considered, it must be regarded as the external, osten
sible sign of the sphere within which the public power of the
state is exercised”• - P.C.I.J. Rep., Series B, NoA (1923 ')•
In his book ’’Chapters on the Principles of International
Law” (1891+), John Westlake argued that regions of the.earth
which were ’’uncivilised” ought to be annexed or occupied by
advanced powers.
In their quest for territorial acquisition, in the ful
filment of their ’’imperial obligations”, the European powers
swept through (and often away) the peoples, culture and civili
zation of the violated territories. By the end of World War
I Europe had colonised 85% of the earth.
Empire-building was also given a pedagogical dimension.
England’s Lord Curzon regarded the Empire not as an ’’object
3
niSLoncax and
ana
of ambition" but "first and foremost, a great historical
In
1909
he
remarked
that
and political and sociological fact".
"We train here and we send out to you your governors and administ
rators and judges, your teachers and preachers and lawyers".
He was member of a committee formed in that year to press for
.
'
the creation of a School of_ Oriental
Studies.. Such
S_„_ studies were
no :intellectual luxury, but rather "a great Imperial obligation.
...the creation of a school (of Oriental Studies ) like this in
y
, Those of
London is part of the necessary furnitureof—
Empire,
of years in
who, in one way or another, have spent a number oi
us, who
•
I
East,
who
regard
that
as
the
happiest
portion
of
our lives,
the ■__
small,
and who think that the work we did there, be it great or small
be
placed
upon
the
;
the
highest
responsibility
that
can
’
was
shoulders of Englishmen, feel that there is a gap in our
national equipment which ought emphatically to be^filled
support
or
that those in the City of London who, by
by financial
financial s"
—'~
_
' .
>, take their
by any other form of active and practical
assistance
a patriotic duty
part in filling that gap, will
•..ill "be rendering
‘
to the Empire and promoting the cause and goodwill
among mankind".?.
"
'
"
~
-- '
■UT-.-r,
'■»
and
The present London University School of Oriental and Africa
Studies is a legacy of the British Empire.
It is therefore
clear that Orientalism has a strong academic tradition; its
doctrines and thesis live on even though it may not take its
original form as the rationale, justification and philosophy
of empire-building.
The Development of International Law; General
As a result of the power structure up until the early 20th
Century, International relations were a question of Western
superpower relationships. This was reflected in the develop
ment of international law. Brierly wrote:
"The law of nations had its origin among a few kindred
nations of Western Europe which, despite their frequent quar
rels and even despite their religious schism of the 16th century,
all had and were all conscious of having a commong background
in the Christian religion and the civilization of Greece and
Rome. They were in a real sense a society of nations .
It is the law created to govern the diplomatic? commercial
military and other relations of the European Christian States
of the 16th and 1?th Centuries that provides the basis for the
present1 l“e“atlAal lav. It was first. axtendei Wond
at the end of the 18th and at the beginning of the 19th cen
turies to the ex-European colonies of North and South America.
By the mid-19th century Turkey had been accepted as the first
non-Christian subject of international law. By 191k, increas
ing European penetration into Asia had led to the "admission ,
though on grossly unequal terms, of Persia,
•
A system of capitulations was commonly applied whereby European
nationals present in the ^^^^t^it^locK^law o/courts,
(a telling term)
subaect not t
t^
administered
ln^the1"territory S tSVa^itSating state
by
their
national
state loy
consular courts.8
of Nations in 1920, memWith the formation of the League open to any state, Howbership of this internationalbeing
body was
mere appendages to western
ever« colonised territories, ''states’1 in that international
powers, were not regarded as
community •
the United Nations in 19^ with
The League was Replaced by With the independence since then
an original membership of 5' •
. the number of states m
of colonies and similar ■te£ri$°U®®»
the U.N. was U8 as of 31 September 1982.
developing nations to
’ ' ; had j oined with
other
The new states
discussion in this paper will
World. The d--emerge as the Third
the following
proceed to examine
c--
now
under the present
From conquest to the use of armed force
U.K. Charter.^,Hatoal Besources.
II. State sovereignty over
n the Law of the Sea: The Deep Sea-Bed.
III .A Note on
I.
IV. Sources of International law
of Third World Elites
V. Education
---VI. Conclusion and some Recommendations.
' ! Use of Armed Forces under the Charter
From
Conquest
to
I.
Unit ed Nations.
of the 1---- Conquest was a
acquiring legal title over territory
Lad iron
this century. Th? concept of "just
jectivlty of
the times of Grotius and Mattel.
i(ientifying legality,
what is "just” defeated a y
-the actual conduct of war:
emphasis drifted ‘o laws regulating the aot^
;
War was condoned. W.E.
W.B. Hall
nan, in
"“r^SeSVS ?laiuSio?of JtU-fn^ .
S
“ r-Xt-
ing the effects of the relation1’.
r.n state riWarfare had been a feature.of inter-European
dominant
valry for generations.
^The two were related too.~
instrument in ^^JJgio^ench rivalry in Europe extended
nfor SfiXETinXlo^ Snr being.«
-“-L i^strucarriod their conflict
mmt of national policy, superpowers c —
to foreign lands.
With regard to the process of colonization, if a particular
territory refused to cooperate or accept advisors or assistance
from Western powers, if a territory showed dissent or if there
were any internal conflicts, the colonising states would move?
in using gunboats (actual or threatened). Since the use of
armed force served the colonial purpose, its legality was defend
ed.
However, as the means and methods of warfare became more
sophisticated and destructive, war soon became a questionable
state of affairs. The devastation of World War I evoked an
urgent desire to abolish war as an instrument of national policy.
The league of Nations Covenant imposed some limitations upon
’’resort to war” but these were inadequate and unenforceable.
Moreover, the ISA were not a member of the League. It was only
in 1928 rhat war was abolished as an instrument of national
policy under the General Treaty for the Renunciation of War,
sometimes known as the Brland-Kellogg Pact (unsurprisingly
after the French Foreign Minister and U.S.A. Secretary of State
respectively). However, the fact that nearly the whole of the
international community at that time were parties to the Treaty
did not prevent the starting of World War II in 1939* Powerful
states were evidently unwilling to give up an instrument which
enabled them to deploy their armed forces in dominating terri
tories spread across the world.
Tn the aftermath of the defeat of Germany and Jap an 7 the
victorious Allied Powers were drawn together in the face of a
common enemy: fascism. Thus in San Francisco in 19^; the
international community drafted and accepted the Charter of
the United Nations.
(i)
The Use of Force in International Relations since 19^
The U.N. Charter prohibits the threat or use of force
against the territorial integrity and political independence
of any state. In order to give more precise meaning to the
extent of this prohibition as well as other provisions of the
Charter 9 the General Assembly by resolution made a Declaration
on Principles of International law Concerning Friendly Rela
tions and Co-operation among States in accordance with the
Charter in 1970 (to be referred to as the 1970 Declaration).
One vital question was the meaning of "force”. Does it
include political pressure (ego the refusal to ratify a treaty
or the severance of diplomatic relations )? Is economic pres
sure prohibited^ too, as in a trade boycott or the blocking of
a bank account? During the drafting of the prohibition, Brazil
proposed that states should be required to refrain from ’’eco
nomic measures”.
Tn the context of Third World welfare, any
potential threat to their economy would leave them in an extre
mely vulnerable position. This proposal was rejected.9 Western
jurists continue to support the view that only armed force is
6
prohibited..
This matter was purposely not clarified in the ^O^Declarefers’to^force^becauseo* ^inly Western*
X? ’ The
Se^StS^A^t
Claimed thlt ” all forms of pressure, including those of a
political and economic character, which have the ef
en_
threatening the territorial integrity or politic
P
dence of any State" were prohibited.10
subseauent to the Arab oil boycot of 1973A, the
Western States were prepared to admit
^JJhiS?th?eatenthat all forms of economic and Political pressr^re wni
ed the territorial integrity or political indepenc
ther state was permissible; they mig
wie Arab oil-producing
intervention". The concerted effort
caries *
?oao£nSm?hlr
plioles shook the hither-to oomplacency of* the First World«’l’1»
Although there is a general prohib
armed, force« states may still d.
de fence® o^Shen they
^4.3
tTip Chert er
£S=ipate’ln Vl^rXlAolS£££□££ oSorSEnt
provides that only the Security oounci y
t 6f
action involving the use of armed force. Even in u e
self-defence, a state may only take such action a
y v
?£nate to the armed attack launched upon at^ All “tasures
The exercise
individual on collective.
Although the Charter is an ^empt^o^nsure taternaj
tional peace and. security^ 1 c .
rpr-t-ain concessions were
superpower
CyoFinstanceC regional organisations
given to smaller states. For
are safeguarded, largely JV®. t° 1 dpt® detain a right of acI
t on of American States which, wanted, to
p-ffnirs
£0?
foAar the U.S.A. Would otherwise dominate -f-inp
the^affairs
of that region. They are also subject to b®®"u
Comcii and
control. However, they v|ry ir,4."nonce of international peace
S sSSrSlwSS £rl£“«- to order the use of
Smed force remains with the superpowers.
(ii)
The Security Council - Crippled, by the ^etQj
When the Charter was ?ra^ed and adopted^ the then^nter
national community was dominated by “e ’ict°r
^“t^SeclSrcoSSlay take enforcement ae-
7
tion to maintain international peace and security, the five
Permanent Members were the Republic of China, France, the
U.S.S.R., the United Kingdom and the U.S.A. The other six
members (increased to ten in 1965) serve a term of two years.
Non-permanent membership is by election at the General Assembly
whereby due regard is to be specially paid "to the contribu* tion of Members to the maintenance of international peace and
security and to the other purposes of the Organisation, and also
to equitable geographical distribution”. A retiring member is
not eligible for re-election.
On the other hand, the Permanent Members also have the
power of Veto. While these States recognised the need for col
lective measures under an international organisation, they were
at the ••same time determined to have an ultimate power* in safe
guarding1- their individual interest’s• However, this legal regime
was built upon the assumption* ef a consensus among th© states.
The subsequent Cold war between the West and the U.S.S.R.
split the international community into) different ideological
components. The immediate post-war consensus disintegrated, and
hegemony of states became prevalent. The “IT.S .S .R. surrounded
itself with satellite states while- the U.S'»A. and Western E
Europe co nsolidated their fronts in the- Pacific, the Middle
East and Asia.
It was originally intended that Security Council action
involving the use of'armed force would be effected by armed
forces provided by member states in accordance with bilateral
agreements between each of them and the Security Council. The
Permanent Members could not reach an agreement: the U.S.S.R.
was inevitably on one side' while the remaining four states
were on the other. After that initial failure to reach an
agreement? no further attempt at implementing these provisions
has occurred.
As a result? the Security Council is left with the power
to make recommendations 9 either involving the use of armed
force or otherwise (eg. complete or paf'tial interruption of
economic relations and the s everance of diplomatic relations).
These recommendations maybe made only after the Security
Council has decided that there is a threat to the peace9 breach
of the peace? or act of aggression. As an immediate measure
par-
before making any recommendations, they may call upon the par
ties in conflict to comply with "provisional measures’1 (eg
a cease fire).
Two points may be noted. Measures not involving the use
of armed force may be required of members by a binding decision
as when economic sanctions were imposed on Southern Rhodesia
(1965) and South Africa (1977). However, the failure to reach
an agreement regarding thited Nations armed forces means that
only non-binding recommendations may be made involving the
8
use of armed force.
Secondly, the Veto, frustrates any power left to the Securi
ty Council. Before any recoomendations may be made, there must
be a determination of the existence of a threat to "the peace,
breach of the peace, or act of aggression. There have been
only two occasions when a "breach of the peace" has, despite the
evidence of much world conflict since
been found to have
occured. These are the Korean Case and the Falkland Islands
Case*
The Korean Case (19^0L When Wo^ld War II ended, the
Allied Powers agreed that Korea, (which had been part of Japan
since 1910) would become independent. In 19^9 Japanese troops
in Korea surrendered to the U.S.S.R. North of the Soth Parallel
and to the U.S.A, south of it. A Joint Commission of U.S.S.R.
and U.S.A, representatives was established to form a provisional
Korean Government and a Korean State. The Joint Commission soon
found itself at loggerheads. The question of Korea was submit
ted to the General Assembly of the U.N. in 19^7* Despite pro
tests from the U.S.S.R., the General Assembly resolved that,
elections be held under U.N. supervision. The U.N, .Commission
was not allowed to enter North Korean but it supervised, and. ap-...
proved elections held in the South. A South Korean Government
was established and approved by the General Assembly.
In 1950 North Korean armed forces crossed the 38th.Paral
lel into South Korea and fighting broke out. The Security
Council decided that this action constituted a breach of .the
peaoe.12 When calls for the immediate cessation of hostili-^
ties were ignored, the Security Council recommended that mem
bers militarily assist in repelling the attack. Sixteen mem
ber states finally sent armed forces to Korea.
All this while, the U.S.S.R. representative had been ab
sent from the Security Council. When <he resumed his seat on
1 August 1950, the Security Council ceased to play an active
part in the conduct of the conflict. By late October, troops
from mainland China had entered the war. The.U.S .S .R. vetoed
a draft resolution condemning the Chinese action, following
which the General Assembly was forced to take over the problem. 13
It is clear that the initial steps taken to deal with the
Korean case were possible because the U.S.S.R. was not present
to Veto the Anglo-American bloc which monopolised the Securi
ty Council. It is unlikely that any of the Permanent Members
will risk being absent when highly political resolutions affect
ing their particular interests are submitted - the Korean case
was a lesson well-learnt.
The Falkland Islands cases These islands are a British
Crown Colony. Argentina also claims sovereignty over them.
The islands exclusive economic zone is important for.fishing
purposes and could contain commercially viable deposits of
oil and gas. The British had taken over the islands by force
■:
9
in 1833«■ Argentina has always protested against that conquest,
though the dispute has never been submitted to any international
tribune by either state. Argentina claims the islands through
Spain.
On 2 April 1982 Argentina forces landed on the Falkland
Islands, taking possession by force of South Georgia, 800 miles
east of the Falklands, on 3 April. On the following day, the
Security Council by resolution determined that there existed
a breach of the peace and called for an immediate cessation
of hostilities as well as withdrawal of all Argentina forces.
The resolution was adopted by 10 votes (France, Guyana, Ireland,
Japan, Jordan. Togo, Uganda, U.K., U.S.A., Zaire) to 1 (Panama)
with.lA abstentions (China, Poland, Spain, U.S.S.R.) There is a
well-established practice accepted by all the permanent members
by which abstention by a permanent member does not Veto a
resolution. The resolution was drafted by the U.K.
On 5 April, the British Task Force sailed for the South
Atlantic. Economic sanctions were imposed against Argentina
by the U.K. and the European Communities. The U.S. gave the
U.K. logistical assistance. The Organisation of American States
resolved that its members should support Argentina. The British
recovered South Georgia by force and after diplomatic efforts "
to achieve a.peaceful solution had failed, the Task Force landed on the Falklands on 2i May. The Argenr ina surrendered, on
1^ June 1982.
Argentina, which happened not to be a member of the Secu
rity Council at the time, was allowed, in accordance with
normal practice, to participate in the debates concerning the
legality of the Argentinian action and the British response, but
it* did not have a vote. As a permanent member, the U.K. had
not only the right to vote, but also had the advantage of the
power of veto. This power was exercised on b- June 1 982 to veto
a draft resolution calling for a cease-fire in the fighting
then occuring in the Falklands. The vote was 9 to 2 (U.K. and
U.S.A.), with h- abstentions (France, Guyana, Jordan, Togo).
In this case, the resolution of April 1982 was passed*
because this was not a conflict directly involving the AngloAmerican bloc and the "U.S.S.R." China and the U.S.S.R. chose
to abstain so as not to positively affirm that the Argentina
attack was a breach of the peace. This may perhaps be seen
by the cynic as a non-committal response necessitated by these
same states’ own past record.
The Veto was however effectively used by the U.K. in the
"ceasefire" resolution of U- June 1982. Self-defence was the
justification argued by the U.K., but the Charter of the U.N.
provides that this is temporary; the Security Council takes
over once measures are implemented. Yet, with the U.K. deter
mined to handle the matter in its own way, the Security Council
machinery was crippled. U.S. support by voting against that
10
resolution consolidated this stand. Whereas Argentina was the
"culprit" on U April, by U June the U.K. was using its perma
nent membership at the Security Council to serve its own mili
tary ends. The "Empire" was out to vindicate itself, and tne
international peacekeeping machinery was subverted for their
purp ose®
The same tactic has been used over and again over the past
few decades by the permanent members. Tn. 19% demonstrations
took place in Budapest against the Hungarian Government calling
for Mr. Nagy to be brought into the Government. Fighting broke
out. At 2 a.m. on the following morning, Russian tanks appear
ed in Budapest. At 8.13 a.m. it was announced that a new Govern
ment was to be formed under Mr. Nagy. At 9 a.m. it was announ
ced that "the Government had applied for help to the Soviet
formations stationed in Hungary (under the Warsaw>PactJ . io
this day it is not clear when and by whom the application was
made. It is not known when Mr. Nagy’s Government actuaU-y took
ice. A week later, Hungary denounced the Warsaw Pact alter
office
unsuccessful
demand for withdrawal of new Soviet troops,
ClXl
—
called
for assistance from other states. Three.days
Mr. Nagy
new
Soviet
troops again entered Budapest, overcoming
later. i_
On
that
same day, M?'. Kadar announced that he had
resisrance.
formed a new Government , and that he had requested the second
intervention of Soviet troops.
troops. The
The U.N.
U.N Special Committee on
wlilvh
wad
not
allowed into Hungary.to
the problem of Hungary, which was :
j-nvesLlfcate,
investigate- found it'
it :impossible to reach any firm conclusion.
The Soviet Veto also defeated any Security Council action.
In July of that same year, Egypt nationalised the Suez
Canal Company (which had considerable British and French inte-^
rests). This was followed by an Israeli invasion in October.
A.U.S. draft resolution calling for a cease-fire and calling
upon member states not to assist Israel was vetoed by France
and the U.K. During the debate, these 2 states issued a12hour ultimatum to Egypt & Israel demanding that they call a
cease-fire, withdraw their forces from the Suez Canal area anci
allow British and French troops to be stationed along the Canal.
This ultimatum was clearly a "threat of force" prohibited by the
U<N. Charter® It reflected the 2 states’ intention to keep the
matter within their own control. When the ultimatum was not
complied with, British and French troops invaded the Suez Canal
area. On the following day, the British action was justifie
in Parliament as an act in self-defence. This was argued to
include intervention in another State's territory to.save the
lives of British nationals and property in that territory.
Even the British jurists have to admit that the Anglo-French
action was indefensible in law.
Tn January 197% following the independence agreement
between Portugal and Angola's three independence parties -_
MPLA. FNLA and UNITA - disagreement between these parties lea
to the establishment of rival governments. The MPLA was on
one side while the FNLA and UNITA were on the other. Civil
r;
11
war broke out with the MPIA being supported by Cuban troops
and U.S.S.R. military advisers and equipment, and the other 2
parties having the assistance of South African troops and other
forms of aid from the U.S. The latter was stopped when the U.S.
Senate forbade further aid. China and Zaire also aided the
FNIA and UNITA. By 197 5 the MPLA was in strategic control
while the other side retreated into fighting a guerilla war.
At that point, the Security Council condemned "South Africa’s
aggression against the People's Republic of Angola." The vote
was 9 to 0. France, Italy, Japan and the U.K. and the U.S.
abstained. China did not participate in the vote. Observers
suggest that the Western powers and China found unacceptable^
a resolution that did not also condemn the U.S.S.R. and Cuba
for their aid to the other side. Such a resolution would al
most certainly have been vetoed by the U.S.S.R. One may go
further to suggestthat had the U.S. Senate approved continued
aid,any attempt to condemn the U.S. would have been vetped, top.
When b-jOOO Soviet troops were airlifted into Afganistan
in 1979 following a Soviet-backed overthrow of the Amin Govern
ment, a Security Council draft resolution which deplored the
U.S.S.R. intervention and called for.the withdrawal of Soviet
troops was vetoed by the U.S .S.R. The vote was 13 to 2 (the
German Democratic Republic and the U.S.S.R.).
During the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983J, once again
the veto was exercised, this time by the U.S. . to defeat a
Security Council draft resolution condemning the military
action.
The above incidents are just a few among many whereby.
powerful states have used force directly themselves or.indirectly,
by giving military aid or advice to one faction in an internal conflict or revolution. It is obvious that since 19^5 world
events have shown a defiance by superpowers of any nation of
collective measures to secure international peace. Instead,
there is increasing resort to unilateral use of force. While
politicians and military personnel maneuver the rules.of the
power game, their respective national lawyers and .jurists
strive to justify overtly political acts with legal arguments.
Two areas will now be discussed to illustrate this point:
self-defence and the concept of intervention.
(ill)
Unilateral use of force in self-defence
' j ■ of■’ self-defence had always been recognised as
The right
a oustomary"international law right. The U.N. Charter.pre
serves this right. As mentioned earlier, there is a right
of individual and collective self-defence.... This arises only
if an armed attack occurs against the self-defending state.
Measures taken must be immeidately reported to the becurity^
Council. Once the Security Council has taken steps neces-.
sary to maintain international peace and security, the indi
vidual state or states concerned must cease their use of force.
12
States desiring to maintain a wide definition of "self-
defence" argue that the U*N. Charter provision does not rest
rict the customary rights For instance,* customary interna
tional law recognised anticipatory self-defence’ll while the
Charter refers to self-defence "if an armed attack occurs".
Louis Henkin argues against a right of anticipatory selfdefence as follows:
"Nothing in...its drafting.«.suggests that the farmes of
the Charter intended something broader than the language imp
lied...They recognised the exception of self-defence in emer
gency, but limited to actual armed attack, which is clear,
unambiguous, subject to proof, and not easily open to misinter
pretation or fabrication...It is precisely in the age of the
major deterent that nations should not be encouraged to strike
first under pretext of prevention or pre-emption.
The argument that anticipatory self-defence1 is essential
to the U.S. defence is fallacious. The U.S. relies’for its
security on its retaliatory power, and primarily on its second
strike capability. It does not expect that it would be able
to anticipate an attack and it could not afford to be mistaken,
to bring about total war by a pre-emptive strike, if the
Soviet Union were not in fact striking or preparing to strike.1^
Meanwhile, the right of collective self-defence has been
used as the basis for the North Atlantic Treaty and the Warsaw
Pact. The ideological differences between the superpower blocs
are thus manifested in law-based alliances.
Some writers take the view that collective self-defence
"requires each participating state to be exercising an indi
vidual right of self-defence, based upon a violation of its
own substantive rights."16 The opposing view is that the right
allows "onestate to come to the assistance of another state
that is exercising the right of self-defence, not on the basis
of a substantive interest, but rather on the basis of a gene
ral interest in peace and security"17 The U.S. takes the se
cond view, and relied upon the right of collective selfv
defence when they intervened in Vietnam. The North Atlantic
Treaty incorporates this stand: an a.-ned attack against one*
or more NATO states in Europe or North America shall be con
sidered as an attack against them. all. So, if an attack
takes.place against Turkey, a member of MTO, the U.S. may"
send in troops even though there is no substantive U.S. irit ere st being violated., The Warsaw Pact has a similar provision, With the U.S. dominating NATO and the UoS.S.R o
controlling the Warsaw Pact membership,t a large number of
states in the world is consequently in*direct military alliance
with the superpowers.
There are occasions when there is even no attempt to
adopt a legal Veneer. Thus, following the "Cuban Quarantine"
13
proclaimed by President Kennedy in 1962 when it was discovered
that the U.S.S.R. was sending missiles to Cuba, Dean Acheson
(a former U.S. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) commented:
"I must conclude that the propriety of the Cuban quaran
tine is not legal issue. The power, position and prestige of
the U.S. has been challenged by another state; and law simply
does not deal with such questions of ultimate power - power that
comes close to the source of sovereignty.
I cannot believe
that there are principles of law that say we must accept destruc
tion of our way of life... The survival of states is not a
matter of law".18.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the superpowers have
rejected any attempt to debate on the legality of nuclear wea
pons in international law. Their argument is that the issue is
one at a "superpower level" and therefore above the law. Such
is the blatant assumption that the rest of humanity has no part
to play in the survival of mankind, The third World, especially
is presented with a fait accompli.
(iv)
The Concept of Tntervention
The intervention of states at the request of other states
to help suppress internal uprisings has been a common feature
of international relations since World War IT. The legality of
such Intervention is debatable. There was no rule of interna
tional law forbidding one state from assisting the established
legitimate government of another state to suppress an insur
rection. However, there have been changes in attitude, es
pecially with the increase of new states in the post-World War
II period. The General Assembly has passed resolution in 196^
and 1970 to affirm the principle that states have a duty not
to intervene in internal matters of any other state:
"No state or group of states has the right to intervene,*
directly or indirectly, for any reason wheatsoever, in the in
ternal or external affairs of any other state. Consequently^
armed intervention and all other forms of interference or at
tempted threats against the personality of the state or against
its political, economic or cultural elements, are in violation
of international law.
"No State may use or encourage the use of economic,»
political or any other type of measures to coerce another
state in order to obtain from it the subordination of the'
exercise of its sovereign rights and to secure from it ad
vantages of any kind...
"Every state has an inalienable right to choose its own*
political, economic, social and cultural systems, without in
terference in any form by another state".
The shift in legality is the result of Third world agita
tion within the General Assembly of the U.N. However, the Wes
tern view which is accepted as international law regards such
resolu-
resolutions as mere evidence of state opinion. These resolu
tions do not have any force of law.
So, "requested intervention” has been used often as . a
justification for sending in troops. In the 1956 Hungarian
Uprising, the U.S.S.R, claimed that Mr. Nagy’s Government had_
- applied
applied. for help. Tn the 1965 revolution against the Cabral
/ Government in the Dominican Republic, it wasAinable to guaran
tee the safety of U.S. nationals who were in rhe Republic.
According to one U.S. source, the request was solicited by the
U.S. Government.19 In 1978 the U.S.S.R. justified its entry_
into Afghanistan on the ground of a request from the.Karmal
Government under a 1978 bilateral treaty of friendship to pro
tect Afghanistan from "armed incursions and provocations.from
outside". Karmal was brought back by the Soviets from virtual
exile in Eastern Europe.
"Request for intervention" is insupportable.because of the
difficulty in determining which is the constitutional government
(if any can be found in the middle of a revolution) and whether
it in fact made a request.
ha the U.S. intervention during the Dominican Republic re
volution, the justification on 28 April 1965 was a request from
the junta. On 2 May, President Johnson gave a different reason
for the U.S. involvement.
"•••what began as a popular democratic revolution.•.very
shortly was taken over...by a band of communist conspirators...
The American nation cannot.. .permit the establishment of another
Communist Government in the Western Hemisphere.. .This was the
unanimous view of all the American nations when in January 1962,
they declared...The principles of communion are incompactable
with the principles of the inter-American system”••.This is and
this will be the common action and common purpose of the democra
tic forces of the hemisphere”.
In the 1983 U.S. invasion of Grenada, the initial ground
was intervention to save the lives of U.S. nationals. , However
the actual number of Americans on the island did not justify
the massive scale of the attack. The rule of proportionality
was clearly violated. A subsequent reason was the Cuban pre
sence amounting to a security threat - a military airport was
alleged to be under construction. Finally, it was announced
that the Governor .General of Grenada had appealed for help.
The U.S..S.R. also has a corresponding doctrine. In 1968
the Communist Government of Czechoslovakia had new leaders who
introduced reforms resulting in increased freedom of speech.
This was a significant contrast to previous policies. In
alleged that the military junta had requested U.S. intervention
because it was
1?
August 1968 troops from the U.S.S.R. and other Eastern Euro
pean Communist. States entered. Czechoslovakia. Soviet advisers
were brought into change the policies and composition of the
Czech Government. The movement towards liberalisation was re
versed. The U.S.S.R. first claimed that the Czech Government
had requested the intervention, but this was strenuously de
nied by that Government. Later the intervention was explain
ed by Mr. Brezhnev, in a speech in Poland, as follows :-
"Socialist states stand for strict respect for the so
vereignty of all countries. We resolutely oppose, interference
in the affairs of any states and the violation of their so
vereignty.
"...the U.S.S.R. has always advocated that each socialist
country determine the concrete forms of its development.along
the path of socialism by taking into account the specific na
ture of its national conditions. But it is well.known, com
rades, that there are common natural laws of socialist construction, deviation from which could lead to deviation
socialism as such. And when external and internal forces hos
tile to socialism try to turn the development of a given
Socialist country in the direction of restoration of the capi
talistic system, when'a threat arises to the.cause of socia
lism in that country - a threat to the security of the Socialist Commonwealth as a whole * this is no longer merely a
problem for the country’s people, but a common problem, the
concern of all socialist countries•
nIt is quite clear that an action such as military assisistance to a fraternal country to end a.threat to the socialist
system is an extraordinary measure, dictated by necessity;
it can be called forth only by the overt actions of enemies
of socialism within the country and beyond its boundaries,
actions that create a threat to the common interests of the
Socialist Camp•"21•
Tn view of the declared determination accompanied by
forcible action of the superpowers to perpetuate.their spheres
of influence, the Third World will find that their territory
and political independence are extremely vulnerable..
International law thus operates within a highly-charged
political arena. As we have seen, certain issues are even .
declared as beyond the scope of international law.' An.argu
ment in response commonly takes the form: "But surely inte national law is wider than the regulation of the use of arm
ed force. The law works efficiently in so many areas ”
communication, health, economics and trade". Does it, really.
Law seeks to govern and regulate relationships. At the
national level, it regulates relationships between individuals
(human and corporate"), and also between the individual
16
his state. International law governs inter-state relations.
ely, ujust as the
Ideally, the basis is consensus. Unfortunat
Unfortunately,
equitable "meeting of minds" is a legal fiction in contracts
between individuals, Consensus is also a myth in the founda
tion of international law. States in the present system are
not equal and sovereign. Power has determined the law in
various forms for a long time. Yet it does not mean that
small states which a re newly independent or developing cannot
be effective. It is not within the scope of this paper to ana
lyse every area of international relations. The question of
state sovereignty over natural resources -will thus be high
lighted to illustrate the present point.
II.
State Sovereignty over Natural Resources
The era of colonisation was a wealthy period for the colo
nising states. Vast natural resources of the colonies were
exploited and utilised to serve the industrialisation process
of Europe. Commercial agriculture was extensively introduced
and these were owned by European interests. Agreements, if any,
which were made with rulers of small, undeveloped states or
newly independent states would include a contractual period
spanning decades, while the foreign investors would also receive
the greater share of the profits.
With the spread of socialism and the emergence of the post
colonial state, sovereignty and control over natural resources
became vitally essential. A move began whereby states would
nationalise property owned by foreigners in a concerted plan
to develop their own economies. The initial reaction of deve
loped states was that nationalisation or expropriation (the
compulsory taking of private property by a state) was illegal
in international law unless certain requirements were satisfied.
The political differences between capitalist and communist
or socialist or socialist states coupled with the economic
differences between developed and developing states have led
to a situation in which there is little agreement on the rules
on expropriation. Whereas it is now generally agreed that
expropriation may occur, developed states insist that must
occur in accordance with an "international minimum standard"
set by international law while developing states deny that this
is so. The Third World view is that the circumstances and
conditions of expropriation are matters to be left largely to
the expropriating states to regulate in its discretion under
its own land.
So,’'while overwhelming state practice makes it impossible
for developed states to deny the rights of the Third World over
their natural resources, they still seek to maintain control so
as to serve their own best interests. Hence the insistance
that international rules and standards be applied because
these are within their power to determine, to a large extent.
■■f. *:
1
•
•
-1
’■
17 In 1962 the U.N. General Assembly passed a Resolution on
Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources. It was adopted
by 87 votes to 2, with 12 abstentions. France and South Africa
voted against it; the Soviet bloc and some other States obtain
ed. The Resolution declared that:
"The right of peoples and nations to permanent sovereignty
over their natural wealth and resources must be exercised in
the interest of their national development and of the well
being of the people of the state concerned.
"Nationalization9 expropriation or requisitioning shall be
based on grounds or reasons of public utility, security or ihe
national interest which are recognised as overriding purely
individual or private interests, both domestic and foreign".
The law was tested in the seventies when Libya.nationalised
its oil assets which had been given away in concession contracts.
Britain Petroleum, in which the British Government.then,held
of the shares, challenged a 1971 decree.of nationalisationj
The British argument was that an act of nationalisation is law
ful in international law only if it is for a public purpose re
lated to the internal needs of the taking state, and it must
be followed by the payment of prompt, adequate and effective^
compensation. They protested that the Libyan nationalisation
of BP was arbitrary and discriminatory. It was therefore il
legal and invalid. The oil concession contract provided for
arbitration Libya refused to 'participate. The sole arbitra
tor on hearing the British argument decided that the nationali
sation was a breach of the contract. Since Libya had made no_
move to offer compensation even after two years had passed since
the nationalisation, the taking was also regarded as confisca
tory.
Tn a later arbitration, once again involving Libya but
this time the complainant was a U.S. Gil Company (LIAMCO), the
arbitrator held that there was no separate public purpose
requirement in international law. However, a purely dis
criminatory nationalisation would be illegal and wrongful.
This may be argued as a way to prevent an abusive exercise oi
the power of nationalisation. LIAMCO complained.that Libya s
act was one of political retaliation and discriminatory.
Libya did not participate in the proceedings, but after examin
ing Libyan policy and practice, the sole arbitrator, a loba-^
nese lawyer, concluded that the nationalization was not dis
criminatory because "Libya's .motive. • • was its desire to pre
serve the ownership of its oil".
Tn another arbitration involving TEXACO, another U.S. oil
company, allegations of political motivation for the natio
nalisations were not examined. The arbitrator thought it was
not necessary and in Libyan absence, it was inappropriate
to do so.
18 -
The 1962 Resolution does not ^t non-discrimination^as^
%hS«Slon against foreigners
makes expropriation illegal.
-jY, IQPk. another development took Place a^
General
Assembly.^The Charter of Economic Rights to 6, with 10 ahstenprepared by UNCTAD was adopted 120 votes to b,
arl the
tions. The states voting against were
d t^e p.S.
Federal Republic of Germany,
prance, Ireland.
Is Selr tha?’the Third World is in
which seeks to expand P^ticipa
in d
of the
cesses in the world economy. The same caiuiuu
developed states.
the Charter does not
Gn the question of expropriation, Developed states contispecify a public purpose requirement.
mention any
- ■ apoh it. The Charter also does notagainst
nue to insist
such
requirement of non-discrimination, Baade argues
requirement:
a requirement:
„,st
alliances, and ^e like; ethni^0£ °™ntly for present pur. aversions; retaliation,
,
-r-Z?! as in law. hidepenposes 9 d4°1®i"^?^^/^StiweWS1e?en1S
.
^'^T^HiaTpower for_nalionathe key; investaients__pffeasoh'for th^pro-
ggWaSifSSs
it&is discriminatory"22 (own emphasis )
The major area of
Mexilan^Selnmllt
and ■fche.TJrL^dIW2rldi1B?°teiests\n Mexico, the U.S. Secretary
expropriated U.S. oil int
f +-o expropriate property
of State Hull stated that "the right to ggop
f h ade_
is coupled with an conditional on the obliggi°5
of
requirement •23 ine r
x. fn-rmnlA
They favour this
compensation according P
iat.ionC gives them the right
view because an illeg
P
r^Ve ^us they can obtain
to obtain restitution of the p p
ynnpxrloited resources
recovery oflhe “J^l^Howver
compensation is separate
Sn^tVoehrS^galStrSl ^anLs pill .^e to
19
be satisfied with compensation. Failure to pay compensation
will not affect the legality of the expropriation.
The question then become: ”How much compensation” When
the 1962 Resolution on Permanent Sovereignty ever Natural
Resources was being debated? the U.S, repeatedly said that the
term ’’appropriate compensation” (paragraph M incorporates
the ’’international minimum standard” of the Hull.formula.
That amounts to claiming that the U.S. standard is an inter
national minimum standard. Critics take the view that the
use of such a general and Undefined phrase probably was an .
exercise in evasion.2bevasion.2U The U.S.S.R. proposed an amendment m
the following terms s
The question of compensation to the owners shall in such
cases be decided in accordance with the national law of the.
country taking these measures in the exercise of its sovereignty^ !!
2^ The proposal was defeated? the vote was 2o to 39? with 2j
abstentions 0 The final Resolution stated that ’’appropriate
compensation” would be in accordance with the law of the expro
priating state and international law. The arbitrator in the
LIAMCO case, applying the general principles of law? and re-,
lying on the principle of equity? concluded that.the appropriate
compensation would be ’’equitable compensation” with the classi
cal Hull formula remaining as a maximum and practical guide
for assessment. What, then, is ’’equitable?” The generality
of the term still leaves a great deal to be decided as a matter
of discretion. The amount would ultimately d epend, to a large
extent, upon the arbitrators. Since contractual parties select
their own arbitrators? they would naturally enlist persons
sympathetic to their cause. Once again we are back to the
confrontation of the First and Third World. In the Libyan cases,
only the Western view was presented because Libya declined to par.
ticipate in the proceedings. Extensive literature on these
cases exist? yet there is a significant absence of the Third
World’s position in a matter of such importance.
Tn 1973 the General Assembly passed a resolution affirming
that each nationalising state is ’’entitled to determine '^e
amount of possible compensation and t he mode of payment? ano.
any disputes which might arise should be settled in accordance
with the national legislation of (that) State.” The vote on
this paragraph relating to expropriation was 86 to 11 ? with
28 abstentions. The states voting against were, predictably 1
of the developed states that later voted against or abstained
in respect of Article 2(2)(c) of the 197^ Charter of Economic
Rights and Duties of States? including the U.K. and the U.S.
Article 2(2)(c) referred to the payment of ’^appropriate
compensation... adopting such measures9 taking into account
its relevant laws and regulations and all circumstances that
the (expropriating) state considers pertinent”. Subject to
other agreed arrangements9 any dispute on compensation should
20
be settled under the domestic law of the nationalising state
and its tribunals. The reference to ’’international law”
in the 1962 Resolution has thus been deleted. A group of
Western States proposed an amendment to include the require
ment of public purpose for expropriation, ”provided that
just compensation in the light of all the relevant circums
tances shall be paid”. They obviously wanted to maintain
the old formula, unwilling as they are to leave.the question
entirely with the expropriating state. This proposal was
defeated by 87 votes to 19, with 11 abstentions. The Third
World majority in the General Assembly won the day.
Industrialised countries of course criticise the absence
of any references to the applicability of international law,
arguing that the subjectivity of the Charter could lead to abuse.
They want the security of ’’international law”, the rules of
which are'wLthin their control. Arechaga, a former President
of the International Court of Justice and distinguished Uru
guayan international lawyer, argues that the Third world is"
not denying the existence of any obligation to pay compensa-_
tion. Factors which would be taken into account include:
Whether the profits obtained have been excessive* the contri
bution of the enterprise to the economic and social development
of the country its respect for labour laws and its reinvest
ment policies. Equitable considerations would operate when/
each nationalising State determines the ’’appropriate compen
sation”. Thus, although the obligation to pay compensation
arises from the termination of an agreement before the agreed
date, a foreign investor who, for instance, obtained excessive
profits at the expense of the state and who disregarded labour
welfare, would get less compensation.
Moreover, it is still open to the First World to challenge
the decision of the expropriating state. The state of nationa
lity of the dissatisfied expropriated party would become autho
rized under existing rules of international law to take up the
case of its national, on the ground that the expropriating
state had not complied with the international duty to pay
’’appropriate compensation”.26
Although the 1962 Resolution and 1971+ Charter were said to
be ’’evidence of the lecent dominant trend of international
opinion” in the LIAMCO case, the arbitrator in the TEXACO case
said that the 19^2 Resolution reflects the state of customary
international law but not so with the 197^- Charter. He con
sidered that the opposition to it was of a sufficient size
and significance to deny it the status of custom. The majo
rity in favour of the expropriation paragraph was 10*4- to 16,
with 6 abstentions. With such an overwhelming majority, the
arbitrator still regarded the opposition as of sufficient
size. Perhaps the truth of the matter is that the U.K. and
the U.S. voted against it.
21
Brownlie, whose book on the Principles of International
Law is the text on international law in British and Common
wealth law schools, states:
"It is fairly clear that the Charter does not purport to
be a declaration of pre-existing principles.and overall it
a strong programmatic, political and didactic flavour."
However, he has to admit that there is "little doubt that Ar
ticle 2(2) (c) isregarded by many states as an emergent
rules
principle, a statement of presently applicable rules"
The World Court has yet to decide on the merits, of a
case of expropriation at customary international law. All
concession agrements contain an arbitration clause for settr- i
ling disputes. When such disputes are settled by negotiations 5
states on both sides agree to compensation of a compromise
kind.
Various tactics have been attempted by the First World
in the face of growing assertion of Third World sovereignty
over natural resources. A-common practice is the inclusion
of a "stabilisation clause", i.e. the host state agrees not
to terminate or change any contractual term in a unilateral
manner, whether by legislation or executive order. A period
of a few decades would be laid down. Many such contracts
date back to the early days of a host state’s independence
when the pressures of "development" placed such a state in
a weak bargaining position as compared to transnational
conglomerates. When nationalization occurred^subsequently,
the foreign investor would invoke the stabilisation clause
to establish the illegality of the nationalization.
This issue was dealt with in the arbitration between
AMINCIL, a U.S. oil company, and Kuwait in 1982. Unlike the
libyan cases, the host state was present this time to aggue
its case. There were three arbitrators. They stated cate
gorically that each state has a right to nationalise its
assets. Since the sovereignty over a state’s natural resour
ces is inherent and permanent, a mere contract could not
take away such right. A state may, however, .agfee to suspend
or limit-that for a temporary period, but this must be stated
in clear and unambiguous terms. The state’s sovereignty
over its natural resources is too fundamental and important
to be impliedly curtailed. Stabilisation clauses were
consequently of no effect. The only question in an expro
priation or nationalisation caseowodldcbe thht of pocrpendtion.
It would be a separate question which had nothing to do with
the legality of-the nationalization,
i-
For a whhle western put forward the theory of international
contracts, i.e. the agreement between the investor and host
state would provide that the agreement be taken out of the
ddmain of municipal law to be governed instead by international
22
law. "Internationalisation" of a contract would thus defeat the
power of expropriation and the foreign investor could enforce his
contractual rights through international arbitration under the
contract. This was accepted by the arbitrator in the TEXACO case,
a Frenchman called Du Puy.
The Third World rejects this view.
As Arechaga puts it:
n...the countries of the Group of 77 (now more than 100)
would not classify investment agreements between states and pri
vate foreign companies as internationalagreements.•.
"The rights represented by a concession or a contract are no
•pTinvn n o 4* 4 r\-r\
Qro rfHYlOQ r'lT* ’f* 13 r* "E ClT’4 P ,CJ t e a t1<sO
more exempt from
expropriation
than are mines or factories
Since the increasing power of oil producing states, the ma
jority of oil contracts since 1970 are governed by the law of the
host state and subject to the local courts. This has lessened
the importance of the theory of international contracts espoused
by western international lawyers.
Yet another strategy which is currently adopted by the U.K.
and other First World States is the making of bilateral treaties
incorporating the "international minimum standard" approach. One
example is the U.K. - Sri Lanka 1980 Agreement for the.Promotion
and Protection of Investments (Article 5). So when things get
difficult for corporate investors, their states step in to make
treaties of investment. The final form‘the "law" takes will again
depend upon the general nature of inter-state relations. The
Third World may agree upon the principles they want to set as prac
tice, but pressures on individual states may well maintained First
World domination over the Third World.*
It has been 10 years since the Charter of Economic Rights
and Duties of states was accepted. The wave of optimism for the
Third World seems to have waned without any significant shift in
the relations between the First and Third Worlds. All the nonlegal aspects of international relations have reinforced Third
World subjugation. Even where slight inroads are made in the re
formulation of international law, these will come to naught if
the.power imbalance remains basically unchanged.
A Note on The Law of the Sea: The Deep Sea-Bed2^
III.
The law ef the sea was one of the first large segments
of international law to be placed on a multilater treaty basis.
The Geneva Conferences on the law of the Sea ef 1958 and 1960
produced four Conventions: on the Territorial Sea and the Conti
guous Zone; on the High Seas; on the Continental Shelf; and on
Fishing and Conservation of the living Resources of the High.
Seas. However, these Conventions left certain matters undecided,
eg. the basic question of territorial sea width or the question
of fishing rights beyond a coastal state's territorial sea. Scien
tific and political . ....events since i960 also required a re-appraisal of the law. New techniques for underwater exploitation of oil
and other mineral resources, concerned for the conservation of
fishing resources and the prevention of pollution, pressure from
landlocked states for better treatment and the fact that most, post
colonial states had no say in the drafting of the Geneva Conven
tions (only 86 states participated) led to the calling of a Third
U.N. Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLCS III). This time
over 150 states participated in the proceedings.
After nine years of negotiation, the Conference adopted the
1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea. Many of the provisions
are a repetition or
of tne
the 1i990
95"8 conventions.
Conventions. This paper will just
be concerned with the new deep sea-bed rigime.
With scientific and technological development, the exploita
tion of the mineral resources of the deep sea-bed is now practi
cable, though expensive. Manganese modules scattered over thou
sands of square-miles of the sea-bed, under 12,000 to 20,000 feet
of water, are the contention. These modules contain rich mine
rals including manganese, copper, nickel and cobalt. They are
found in the Pacific, Atlantic, and Indian Oceans and elsewhere
in the seas of the world. Presently, most attention is focussed
on an area between the U.S. mainland and Hawaii. A number of in
ternational consortia comprising companies from the First World
(U.S.A., Canada, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Japan 9
Netherlands and the U.K.) have made substantial investments in.
research and development. They will be ready to begin production
when this proves economically worthwhile, probably in the 1990s.
The U.N*. had discussed the question of the legal regime of
the deep sea-bed since 196?, advocating the principle of the re
sources of the deep sea-bed as "the common heritage of mankind".
The rationale would be progress towards a more equitable inter
national economic order rather than domination by states with
technology and capital . The 1982 Convention establishes such.an
international regime. While there was agreement to the principle,
.
controversy arose regarding the system for the exploitation of
resources. The Third World wanted an international body to con
duct exploitation, as reflected in the 1982 Convention provisio
for an International Sea-Bed Authority. The First World wanted^
exploitation by states or national undertakings subject to a sys
tem of registration or, at most, licensing. A compromise situa
tion leaning towards the Third World approach was reached.
Unlike previous Conventions in which each provision is voted
upon, the hope in UNCLCS III was an acceptance by.consensus. The
Convention was prepared as a package deal reflecting an intricate
and delicately balanced bargain between the different interests
of the participating states. At the eleventh hour, the newly
elected U.S. Government under President Reagan asked for time to
2^
review the draft text. When it was unable to obtain all of the
changes .{almost entirely in respect of the deep sea-bed) that it.
wanted, a vote was requested. The Convention was then adopted, in
accordance with traditional Conference practice, by a majority
vote of 130 to
with 17 abstentions. Israel, Turkey, the U.S.
and Venezuela vored against^ Seven West European states including
the U.K., eight East European States including the U.S.S.R.
abstained. The otherJ abstentions were from Mongolia and.Thailand Since the vote the U.S. has confirmed that it will not sign the
Convention and the U.S.S.R. has indicated that it will. Even
though 130 states have accepted the Convention^ the fact that the
U.S. and certain other maritime states abstained ”is not a go od
omen for its future, particularly the deep sea-bed regime”.^v
This is a testimony that all states are not equal in the inter-,
national community. If the U.S. had voted for the Convention, it
is unlikely that the other states ! abstentions would be a bad omen
As the situation stands, the list of U.S. objections makes a mock
ery of its claim to uphold the principle of the deep sea-bed as
’’the common heritage of mankind”.
Already, the U.K., the U.S., Federal Republic of Germany,
France, the U.S.S.R. and Uapan have passed temporary national le
gislation pending the establishment of an international regime for
deep sea mining. If these states do not become parties to the
1982 Convention and instead pass permanent unilateral national
legislation on the matter, will these be lawful? Accepting na
tional regimes together with an international regime would defeat
the principle of ’’the common heritage of mankind”. Declaring the
national regimes to be against international law raises the ques
tion of enforcement. The international legal system has a weak
enforcement machinery, if any at all. Powerful states are likely
to violate international law with impugn!ty. The likelihood would
seem to be an acceptance of national regimes. Since this would
result in capital and technology being concentrated in national.
undertakings9 the International Sea-Bed Authority5 if and when it
comes into operation, will not be effective. The Third World will
not be likely to have a share in that common heritage.
TV.
The Sources of International Law^^
The traditional approach in identifying the sources of in
ternational law is to refer to Article 38(1 ) of the Statute of the
International Court of Justice. It states that the Court, whose
function is to decide in accordance with international law such
disputes as are submitted to it, shall apply
(a) international conventions, whether general.or parti
cular, establishing rules expressly recognised by the
contesting states;
(b ) international custom, as evidence of a general practice accepted as law;
25
(c) the general principles of law
nations;
recognised by civilized
(d) judicial decisions and the teachings of the most high
ly qualified publicists of the various nations5 as
subsidiary means for the determination of rules of
law.
The international legal system, when compared to a municipal
legal system, is uncertain as regards its sources of law. .There
are no developed international legislative organs and the interna
tional court has restricted jurisdiction. This.is largely due to
the nature of the international community. It is essentially a.
society of "States", and the whole theory of international.law is
that states are the normal members of that community. Nationalism
is thus a strong operating force. State sovereignty underlines
all international relationships because each state jealously.
guards its identity, territory and power. So a more realistic
approach may be to study what are the sources of international law
for the state, and what the state considers them.to be instead of
the traditional approach of looking at what the international.
Court considers to be international law sources® State Practice
then becomes the centre of interest. But what is state practice?
(i)
Treaties
Treaties which are essentially transactions between states
exclusively in the context of international law are a voluntary
undertaking of obligations by states. Consensus forms the basis 5
and states may agree or disagree on the subject .matter of the
treaty. Once a treaty is signed and ratified, it becomes binding
on the party states® This binding force is, however, based on
a rule of customary international law to that effect. Treaties
are not necessarily therefore a source of law but often a source
of obligation. They do not bind a state which rejects them be
cause such a state has not accepted the obligations under these
treaties. However, treaties may sometimes reflect a customary
international legal rule, in which case states are bound not by
the treaties but by custom. If the majority of states adopt what
was initially a treaty rule, acceptance would make it a custom.
Thus treaties are but bargains of greater or lesser legal
content punctuating the continuous course of international rela
tions. They are transactions which are the result of a common
expression of view, contributing to the development of interna
tional law as one of the means of expression of the view of states.
Thus, although there was an agreement between the U.K. and
the Federation of Malaya when independence was effected whereby
the Federation took over all international agreements entered
into by the U.K. on behalf of the Federation before independence,
Malaysia.n state practice has yet to implement some of these trea-
2(5
c,?n“ among many new states. The First World has
araly challenged the non-imp!ementation of such treaties because
to do so may raise evidence that state practice does not recognise
ouccession to treaties signed on behalf of such states while they
were still colonies.
(ii)
Customary international law
Since the proportional contribution of treaties to the
whole content of the international legal system is relatively
small, the practice of states assumes major importance because
this forms the basis of the bulk of international law, i.e. cus
tomary international law.
’
•u
+ Generally, a principle of international law can be said to
be established if the following elements are present:
- concordant practice by a number of states with reference
to a type of situation falling within the domain of in
ternational relations;
- continuation or repetition of the practice over a period
of time;
- conception that the practice is required by, or consist
tent with, prevailing international law; and
— general acquiescence in the practice by other states 0
tn lnnk\trt^o
identity.the practice of states, we will
will need
to look at treaties, decisions of international and national
courts, parliamentary reports, national legislation , diplomatic
correspondence, opinions of national legal advisors 9 the practice of international organisations (especially the resolutions
Ge^eral Assembly), policy statements ? press releasesc
official manuals on legal questions, executive decisions and
practices.
,.The luestaons which follow ares what is the relation of Mio
a single state to that of states generally? Is the
Pfaetice of one state given equal weight as against another? Have
the U.S. and Malaysia equal rights in this regard?
The predominant Western view is that ’’many if not most of
the new-comers upon the scene are not only new-comers but have'
Way °f Routed international legal tradition. T1 uy
lnexPer=Lerioed... For a long-established system ir
which the customary element plays a great part is not easy to
grasp. _ Its frontiers cannot well be learned from books. It is
in0J36 learned in a day. It has in fact to be extracted
still t° a large extent from principle, tradition and histor}?- and
practice. For the long-established stares this has become a matter
oi instinct. Such for a very long time to come it cannot be for
new states ....
27
The attitude is predictably patronising. The rules have
been laid down, and new states must learn to play by them. The
westerners admit that the system of international law grew up in
Europe and was developed within the sphere of Europe and European
colonization proper, whereas almost all the new states have ari
sen outside that region and are founded upon distinct ethnic and
cultural societies. However, they regard the Third World’s dis
satisfaction as something on an "emotional plane". There is ad
mission, too, that the Third World is often oppressed by the ex
clusively European tradition of international law, and that a
wider basis is now needed. Yet the Third World cannot rely upon
sympathetic First World individuals. Tne fact remains that they
are convinced of the logic of the present system which has evol
ved through centuries. Modifications may be tolerated, but the
Third World must learn through experience that basically the pre
sent international legal system is a viable one.
In the light of this attitude, how will Third World state
practice stand as evidence of state practice in the determination
of a customary international legal .rule? Where do we look for
such evidence? At present cnly*the practice of the U.S. is avai
lable in a comprehensive and up-to-date form (Digests of Inter
national Law since 1887, and the annual volumes of Digest of U.S.
Practice in International Law from 1973, as well as the U.S.
Foreign Relations and official opinions of the Attorneys-General
of the U.S. series of documents').
There also digests, though as extensive, of French, Italian
and Swiss practice. A British Digest is being prepared which,
when*complets, will provide a full record of British practice from
I86O-I96O0 A large number of other European states have plans for
national digests. By contrast, the foreign office.in Ifelaysia.
has little idea‘of what goes on in the International Law Division
of the Attorney-General’s Chambers, and vice-versa. There is not
even a list of treaties to which Malaysian is a party. Evidence
of state practice is therefore still dominated by western state
practice.
The t Third World majority in the U.No General Assembly has
significantly increased the articulation of Third World views.
Resolutions passed by the General Assembly are evidence of state
practice, but as seen in the issue of expropriation, the 1974
Charter which is opposed by a small number of states is not re
garded as current state practice. The number of states opposing
was six but they included the U.K* and the U.S . . Contrary to de
nials that the power of a state gives its practice.more weighty
the reality shows otherwise. So long as this continues9 the role
of the Third World in evolving new customary international law
will be minimal*
(ill)
The remaining sources
"General principles of law recognised, hy civilized nations"
28
are again principles which are Euro-centred. Arbitrators and
international judges who seek these principles !ook to the com
mon law system which is of English origin and to continental ci
vil legal systems. The presupposition seems to be that civili
zed nations" would be European in nature.
Judicial decisions again reflect an aspect of state practice,
and available reports are American and European series.
Finally there are "the teachings of the most highly qualified
publicists" which comprise a subsidiary source of Internationalaw, as do judicial decisions. "To deny to.the literature the
title of a source of international law is simply not possiole .
according to an English international lawyer. Almost all tne .
available literature on international law comes from North AmeriCc
and Europe, reinforcing and perpetuating the existing system.
V.
Education of Third World Elites
The "old boys' network " survives, and is doing well.
glibly declare that the era of colonization is over and that the
Third World is a force to be reckoned with since the 19o0s. In
deed, to a certain degree, the increased membership of the Third
World in the U.K. has led to some articulation of Third World
the values and ideals of our
needs. Yet, how truly do we reflect
1-traditional cultures?
The post-independence leaders, judges, lawyers,.and other
professionals were trained in the lands of the colonisers.
des later, young people are still sent to First World universi
ties while those of the older generations frequently 'return to
Europe or North America.
Take any British university, and
a.lu. we will find a gathering~ of
students from the Commonwealth (the very concept of the Commonwealth" retains and perpetuates the link with the past colonial
their culpower) and other parts of the World, The diversity of
by
the end
ture and background cover a wide spectrum. However,
or
even more
of their stay which may be from one year to 7 years,
a process has taken place.
First, the personal aspect. Th Europe, especially the U.K.• 9
the foreign student is deposited in the centre of orientalism. He
..
encounters the full force and strength of Western cultural, dis
course which has had a long established tradition. ,
.
ted with a society which regards itself superior to f°^^i " 5
especially those from "under developed" states. While the colo
nizers had a duty to bring civilization.to the P^imitive^Crien,,
the 1980s westerners have a duty to assist new states which are
pursuing development. This is not a denial that . there are .
dividuals in that society who are in compiete
Third World. Rather, this is viewing the issue from tne impac
29
of an entire society with a long history of intellectual and cul
tural domination.
However, the young student is quickly assured that he is dif
ferent. He is one of the new from the Third World who.is above
his own people. That is why he is now in a British university,
developing himself to be a leader among his people on his return.
If he is really exceptional,he is ’’almost one of us”.
He lives in that Western society for a while, he makes friends
and gradually he feels more ”at home”. He has adapted.
While this is going on, the second aspect takes its place'the reason he went was to learn. In centres which are the bas
tion of Orientalism, such as Oxford, Cambridge and the London
University School of Oriental and Africa Studies, our Eiird World
student steps into the world of international law, politics, eco
nomics, history... Concessions are made to the acknowledgement of
a Third World view, but this is often brushed aside as didactic
and political. The tested principles of law are valid but the.
strident demands of the Third World (who are understandably ’’in
experienced”) are too biased to be objective rules of law. Yet
what are those ’’tested principles” but rules which have been
around longer and which are Euro-centred. The American student
‘ ‘
, drawing upon the vast
vehemently defends his country’s actions
literature built up by his countrymen, The English student cooly
supports his country's positions by citing even more jurists of
higher and longer standing repute, The Continental student quotes international civil lawyers.
The Third World student, if he is fortunate may find an article written by a Third World lawyer, There are some books availabut these are few and far between. A search for the Third
much. Western writers may
World perspective does not result in much,
esides 9z ^the tea.make brief references but they are just that. _B
Besides
cher who is often a distinguished international lawyer.
10 international lawyers are British, American and Western European) does not really want discourses on Third World international
law. So for a year or two, or more, the
— student
----- listens to international law from the First World, perspective,9 he spends hours
j, he
each day reading books written by.western writers,
. participates
The
fascination
of
in stimulating discussions with his friends. T—- ---the subject on a purely intellectual level begins to.grab him
the apparent logic of argument is soom accepted by him,i? and even
c
cannot ----o though he may still ultimately reject certain he
values,
coun
deny that he now has a ’better understanding” of
of his*western
his
terparts.
When the time comes for him to go home, he
. feels prepared, to
meet the challenges awaiting him, to lead his country forward in
development. He has learnt the rules of the system, and he is de
termined in good faith to serve the best interests of his country.
ble.
W V< U
X-VA X
A X.
x xx
x xx. *
---------
------------- --
.
30
He thinks about the friends he made, how they. too, are fulfilling their duties.
That same group of students will some day be representing
their state or private corporations with international interests.
Tn the U.N., in negotiations5 in arbitration, in.the Foreign
Office, in the Attorney-General’s advisory division, in the Uni
versity... The old boys’ network is indeed doing well.
VI.
Conclusion and some Recommendations
It is not denied that disagreement exists even.among the
Western jurists themselves. However, most of this disagreementis based on a legalistic approach. The fact remains that a sur
vey of international law literature would instantly reveal an
overwhelming imbalance in favour of Western views reflecting
First World ideology and values. The Third World’s needs and va
lues are insufficiently articulated. Fundamental, almost revolu
tionary, changes are needed but a system which is born of Western
values often cannot accomodate opposing demands. Couple that witn
an unwillingness on the part of superpowers to stay out
Third World, and we find a continuing domination of the iniru
World* It is not argued that the Third World should be isolatio
nist. ’What is demanded is an end to domination in the guise oi
’’interdependence’ and ’’international cooperation”.
An initial start could be made in understanding the formi
dable structure of western cultural domination and, specifical y
for formerly colonized peoples, the dangers and temptations of em■ploying this structure upon themselves or upon others. Closely
related to this is the need to undertake studies in contemporary
alternatives to Orientalism, to ask how one can study other cul
tures and peoples from a libertarian, or a non-repressive and
non-manipulation perspective.31
Knowledge and understanding of the values of the Third World
have to be followed by an identification of the basic needs .issues
and priorities in resources conservation/exploitation. It is oni}
upon searching inward that we are then able to state our terms in
our relationships with other states.
The hitherto monopoly by the superpowers has to be challen
ged and reduced. The present situation shows that mere maaority
by number is insufficient if the Third World wants to assert it
self. However, the need for concerted cooperation is undeni bl-.
The U.N. General Assembly stands witness to political solidar y
on certain issued. For instance, the ASEAN-led resolution on tn
Vietnamese presence in Kampuchea affirms that the Third
initiate and agitate. However, economic and cultural dominat
by the First World has not changed fundamentally. At the momenr,
the individual race to industrialise has made each Third w°rld
state vulnerable and subject to First World manipulation. Thus,
for example, concerted Third World efforts to prevent a theory
33
of internationalization of contracts will be defeated, if an indi
vidual state, desirous of attracting investments, enters into a
bilateral agreement, accepting the exclusion of the application
of its own national laws.
Any change in the international legal system is thus depen
dent on all the non-legal elements. International law throughout
its history has been employed much more as an instrument of diplo
macy than of formal confrontation in a court of law. It is more
of a law which provides the frameworks, procedures and standards
for international political decision. The primary target is
therefore the existing power structure.which manifests itself in
the unequal relationship between the First and Third World.
While it is hoped that Governments of the Third World will
utilise their access to the international plane for the above pur
poses, non-governmental groups also have an.essential role to play.
These groups and individuals who have experience in research and
activities in their respective countries are a wealthy source oi
feedback. They can articulate the needs of their people; they
can move their people to articulate their . own needs. Herein
lie the yet unwritten literature of the Third World, haterna
tional law cannot be left to a handful of --representatives’’ un
less they truly represent the needs of their people. If the
Third World can get together to confront its common opposition,
it will then be a worthy force. A Third World Network would
certainly be a start on'this journey.
The goal is that the Third World will no longer be regarded
as a career for the First World to pursue and attain. Instead
we would be in control of our own future.
4
<
32
Footnotes
1 . The Papal Bull Inter Cactera of 1^+93
Alexander VII.
during the reign of
2. The discussion on Orientalism is based on Edward Said’s
excellent book, ’’Orientalism”.
3. Said; p.3«
h. Ibid 3 P.7
?. Eric Stokes, ’r’The English Utilitarians and India”, cited in
Said, pp. 21 - 21?.
6. Agnes Murphy, The Ideology of French Imperialism”, quot ed
in Said, p. 219.
7* George Nathaniel Curzon, ’’Subjects of the Day: Being a
Selection of Speeches and Writings ”, quoted in said, p
21 k.
8. D. J. Harris, "Cases and Materials on International Law”9pd1«
9. 6 U.N.C.I.O., Documents 33?•
10. U*N. Doc. A/AC, 12?/SR. 11U (1970 X
11 . Further discussion may be obtained from Lillich, ed., ’’Economic Coercion and the New International Economic Order”(1976) 5
Paust and Blaustein, eds.,
eds., ’’The Arab Oil Weapon” (1977)
12. S.C.O.R., ?th Year, ’’Resolutions and Decisions !! J pp. >+-5.
13• The constitutionality or legality of the various resolutions
will not be considered here.
1^. The Caroline Case 29 B.F.S.P.
30 B.F.S.P.
1137-1138
19?-196
1?. Louis Henkin, ”How Nations Behave I! ? 2nd ed. pp. IM-I^.
16. D. Bowett
’’Self-Defence in International Law”, p. 2U?.
17. Goodrich, Hambro and Simons, ’’Charter of the United Nations”,
3rd ed., P. 3^8.
18. ?7 Proceedings of the A.S.I.L.
19. Thomas and Thomas
(1967), P. 7?.
’’The Dominican Republic Crisis 196?”
20. ?2 U.S. Department of State Bulletin, pp. 7^?-7^6.
>
33
21. 20 Current Digest of the Soviet Press, No. h-6 pp.
0+ December, 1 968) quoted in Harris, p. 6?2.
p. 21+.
22. Miller and Stanger, eds. "Essays on Expropriation",
23. 3 Hackworth 662, quoted in Harris, p. 1+28.
2h-. Harris, p. ^29.
25. U.N. Doc: . A/C 2/L670.
26
Jimerey de Arechaga, 11 N.Y.U.J.I.L.P., pp. 183-187
27. Brownlie, 162 Hague Recueil 255
28. Arechaga, pp. 189-192.
29. Harris, pp. 281+-286, 363-369
30. Ibid., P
286
Evidences of International
31. Clive Parry ? "The Sources and
Law" (296^).
32. Ibid.,p. 15
33. Said, P. 25-
*
-4
1
**
**
Tfiirtl World Network
COMMUNITY HEALTH
CELL
326, V Main, I Block
Kor among-|a
Bangalore-560034
India
WESTERN INTERVENTION IN THIRD WORLD TRADE UNIONS
by
R. FLETCHER
Third World Press Meetings: April 3-18, 1986
New Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore, Bombay
THE ORIGINS OF WESTERN INTERVENTION IN THIRD WORLD TRA.DE UNIONS.
by
R. J. Fletcher
This paper attempts to show that behind, the cloak and
dagger antics of the intelligence services of the Western powers
lies a less spectacular but probably more successful campaign to
influence and subvert democratic organisations, particularly
trade unions, in the countries of the Third World.
The origins of this campaign in the highest levels of
British and American governments are discussed, and some examples
are given of its implementation in the field.
Secret Intervention :
More than 20 years ago the first reports appeared in the
world press that the United States Government was secretly in- tervening in the internal politics of other countries. Rut des
pite the flood of press revelations from February 1967, - when
CIA control of the U.S. National Students Association was first
reported by Ramparts magazine, followed by exposure of CIA in
tervention in Greece, Cyprus, Chile, Angola, Portugal and a score
of other countries - the exact mechanism of this Intervention
became clear only with publication of the evidence and Reports
of the Pike and Church Committees 1 of the United States Cong
ress in 1979 and early 1976.
The world-wide 'covert action' of the CIA has been autho
ritatively summarised in a recent paper by Philip Agee whose
details will not be repeated here, except in so far as they
relate to our present study.
Covert action has been described by the Central Intel
ligence Agency as ’’any clandestine operation or activity de
signed to influence foreign governments, organisations, persons
2
n3
or events in support of U.S. foreign policy objectives a
Broadly it comprises propaganda, political action and paramilitary activities - only the first two, so far, being employed, in
'friendly' countries such as Britain.
’Financial support to individual candidates, subsidies to publications including newspapers and
magazines, involvement in local and national
labour unions - all of these interlocking elements
constituted the fundamentals of a typical politi-
cal action program, ELections, of course, were
key operations, and the Agency involved itself in
electoral politics on a continuing basis. Likewise, case of'icers groomed and cultivated indi
viduals who could provide strong pro-Western
Leadership.
Beyond the varying forms of political actions and liaison the Agency’s programm of clandestine acti
vities aimed at developing an international anti
Communist ideology• Within the Agency the Inter
national Organizations Division co-ordinated this
extensive organisational propaganda effort. The
Division’s activities included operations to assist
or to create international organizations for youth,
students, teachers, workers, veterans, journalists,
and jurists. This kind of activity was an-attempt
to lay an intellectual foundation for anti-commu
nism around the world. Ultimately, the organiza
tional under-pinnings could serve as a political
force in assuring the establishment or maintenance
of democratic governments.'
We now know in some detail how 'case officers ' (that
is, full-time paid agents of the CIA) ’groomed and cultivated
3
individuals who could provide strong pro-Western leadership’•
Covert Operations ;
In his evidence to the Church Committee, David A Phillips
a former CIA. Officer^ described what he called.
’two dimensions to covert operations,
The first is
the major political or paramilitary endeavor, such as an.
attempt to change a government - Guatemala for instance ••• There is a second level ••• I call this ’covert activity’
Little money, sometimes none, is spent on covert activity,
where co-operative friends are persuaded to influence a
foreign government or some element of it. When the friend
is met clandestinely by CIA, he is called an ’agent of
influence’. He might be a radio commentator or a local
Bernard Baruch whose park bench opinions carry political
weight
Most covert activities utilising the agent of
influence are useful to American ambassadors in achieving
low-key but important objectives of U.S. foreign policy.
These activities are known in intelligence jargon as
’’motherhood” • • •
The most successful operations have been those in which we_
were requested to intervene - the percentage of such opera
tions, when a foreign leader has asked for secret assis
tance, has been quite high.
(Mr Phillips is referring to Willy Brant amongst others.)
At a secret meeting of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations
in 1968, Richard M Bissell, former CIA head of covert opera
tions and responsible, amongst other things, for the CIA
assassination plots against foreign leaders and the Bay of
1^-
Pigs invasion of Cuba - explained how the Agency worked with trade
union and political leaders abroad. (Bissell was Special Assis
tant to Allen Dulles, Director of Central Intelligence, 195^;
Deputy Director Plans (covert operations) 1960-62; Economic
Director of Marshall Plan, 19^8-50, responsible for directing the
Economic policies of recipient countries - e.g. of the 19^5-50
Laboui? Government in Britain. (He set up the International
Department of the Ford Foundation in 1950, with ex-O.S.S.
Officer Sheperd Stone as Director).
"Changes in the balance of power are extremely diffi
cult to discern except through frequent contact with
power element. ...
The same problem applies to labour leaders, and others..
... Qn}y by knowing the principal players well do you
have a chance ;of careful prediction. There is real .
scope for action in this area; the technique is essen
tially that of ’penetration1, including ’penetrationsr
of the sort that horrify classicists of covert opera
tions, with a disregard for the ’standards’ and ’agent'
recruitment’ rules. Many ’penetrations’ don’t take the
form of ’hiring’ but of establishing a close or friend
ly relationship (which may or may not be furthered by
the provision of momeny from time to time).,
Tn some countries the CIA representative has served as
a close counsellor (and in at least one case a drink
ing companion) of the chief of state. These are si
tuations, of course, in which the tasks of intelli
gence collection and political action overlap to the
point of being almost indistinguishable.
The question was raised as to why ordinary diplomats
could!t maintain these relationships.
Mr. Bissell observed that often they could."
Bissell listed some of the advantages of covert} as
opposed to covert diplomatic relationships with politicians
overseas.
fl
... the CIA. representative can maintain a more
intimate and informal relationship the privacy of
which can be better preserved both within the govern
ment of the country in question and within the
United States Government.
The 'cover' may be to shield visibility from some
junior officials or in the case of a private ad
viser to a chief of state, to shield this fact
from politicians of the local government.
Covert intervention is usually designed to ope-
rate on the internal power balance , oft en with
fairly short-term objectives in view ... an
effort to weaken the local Communist party or to
win an election, and to achieve results within
at most two or three years, must obviously be
covert, it must pragmatically use the people
and the instrumentalities that are available
and the methods that seem likely to work ...
The essence of such intervention in the inter
nal power balance is the identification of
allies who can be rendered more effective,
more powerful, and perhaps wiser through
covert assistance ... On the whole the Agency
has been remarkably successful in finding in
dividuals and instrumentalities with which and
through which it could work in this fashion.
Diplomacy and Intelligence Liaison
For its first 15 years the Agency acquired most of its
6
clandestine information about friendly countries through liaison
arrangements with foreign governments.
nDulles cultivated relations with foreign intelli
gence officials and because of the United States r
predominant postwar- position, governments in
Western Europe, in particular, were very willing
to co-operate in information sharing, Liaison
provided the gagency with sources and contacts
that otherwise would hatre been denied them.
Ih-
formation on individuals, on political parties,
on labour movements, all derived in part from
liaison* 7
With Britain this liaison has always been extremely close.
During the War, ’’The British provided invaluable assistance to
OSS. British experts served as instructors to their American
counterparts in communications, counterespionage subversive
propaganda, and special, operations. In real terms the British
provided American intelligence with the essence of its ’trade
craft ’ - the techniques required to carry out intelligence
objectives t! 8
But whereas the British carried out paramilitary activities
through a separate organisation, the Special Operations Executive, the Americans combined Special Operations, inte in
gence collection and analysis, and psychological warfare media, propaganda and political action etc - in a single
organisation, the OSS. This principle of organisational unity
was carried over into the CIA, established in 19^+7 under the
National Security Act.^ The British covert action ’Department
of Plans’ became ’Directorate of Plans’ in U.S. terminology.
7
British-American liaison was particularly close during World
War II when nationals from both countries worked in a single
Psychological Warfare organisation.
Many of the contacts
and friendships made then have persisted to the present day
in intelligence diplomatic and political circles,5 greatly
blurring the boundaries between these areas•
From ’Sjrkewar’ to Cold War
U.S. Intervention in the World Labour Movement can be traced
back to D-Day in the Second World War when Allied !tradeunion commandos1 moved into Europe in the-rear of the ad
vancing armies attempting to install anti-communist trade
union leaders acceptable to the West in the liberated
10
territories•
British and American trade unionists were picked for this
work from intelligence and propaganda agencies - the
American CSS and Office of War Information (OWI), latermerged into the CIA & The British Political Warfare Exe
cutive (PWE) whose Political Intelligence Department (PID)
was the wartime embodiment of British Intelligence.
These and other bodies were also represented in the Psycho
logical Warfare De-oartment (PWD) - known as ’Sykewar! - of
the Allied Combined Chiefs of Staff 9 under Eisenhower and
his Chief of Staff, Walter Bedell Smithy which engaged in
political and trade union activities 11
Experienced trade unionists were also seconded through the
British TUC and the American Federation of Labour (AFL) and
its associated Free Trade Union Committee (FTUCX
In the liberated.territories there was little that the
Allies could do - at least initially - to prevent a major
share of the leadership in local government and the unions
8
going to the Communists who had formed the backbone of the
resistance.
On ex-enemy territory, however, the Allies had
complete cpntrol which they used to create a new trade union
structure - modelled on American industrial unionism - and to
install as leaders right-wing.social democrats who had spent
the war in Britain or the U.S. Prominent in rebuilding the
German unions were Allan Flanders of the British TUC and Irving
Brown, AFL representative in Europe. Brown was deputy to Jay
Lovestone who, early in the war, had helped set up the labour
league, from Human Rights with AFL backing to raise funds in
the States and to organise the rescue from the Nazis of
European Labour leaders. Many of these leaders were put back
into Europe'on liberation by the Allies, aided by the FTUC,
set up in 19W with Lovestone as Executive Secretary to
"help unions in Europe and Japan resist the new drives of
totalitarian forces" - that is, the Communists.
In Japan, where there had been no resistance movement, the
Americans were able to create a pattern of trade union organi
sations and political parties conforming to their concept of
democracy.
Politican Background
Lovestone - at one time a friend of Stalin - had been a founder
of the American Communist Party and was its General Secretary
until deposed by Stalin in 1929 for backing Bukharin. For
over a decade he ran his own party in opposition to the Com
munists, but until 1937 he still hoped for a rapproachment
with Mascow. Lovestone had an encyclopaedic knowledge of
world communism and socialism which he later put at the dis
posal of the U.S. Government, becoming one of its principal
advisers on overseas labour. He worked closely with Cord
Mayer
- who headed the CIA1 trade union operations in the
9
1950s.and 60s and later became Station Chief, London, until
1975 - and it was said that no U.S. Labour Attache was appointed
without Lovestone’s approval.
Lovestone’s patron was New York clothing workers’ leader, David
Dubinsky, who had been a lifelong socialist and enemy of the
Communists. In 1935 he led a split from the American Socialist
Party (ASP) in support of Roosevelt’s New Deal which ASP leader
Norman Thomas opposed. He and his right-wing followers launched
the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) taking with them the
ASP’s journal, the ’New Leader’, and its research organisation,
the Tamiment Institute.
In 19M he joined with Liberals in
forming the Union for Democratic Action (UDA). He helped found
the American Labour Party which he left as Communist-dominated
in I9M4-, then founding the Liberal Party and finally Americans
for Democratic Action (ADA),
in 19^6, with Eleaner Roosevelt,
J.K. Galbraith and Arthur Schlesinger.
Through this path Dubinsky was largely instrumental in deli
vering what was left of American socialism into the Democratic
Party, forestalling any move towards socialism by the unions.
This digression on the background of its principal labour
advisers is necessary to an understanding of the ideological
position of the CIA.
British Covert Action
As early as 19^6 the British Cabinet had receiving alarmist .
intelligence reports on the dangers of Soviet military inter
vention in Europe. Western public opinion began to be alerted
to the Soviet ’threat’ by leading politicians.
On 5 March
19^4-6, Winston Churchill made the famous speech at Fulton
10
Missouri, in which he spoke of an Iron Curtain across Europe.
A year later, the President of the U.S. announced the Truman
Doctrine: the U.S. would assist any nation to deal with inter
nal or external communist aggression, and would begin by giv
ing aid to Greece and Turkey.
Following this, Christopher Mayhew, Parliamentary Secretary in
the Labour Government, in the course of discussions within the
Foreign Office during the remainder of the year, drafted a
paper which, in its final form,
form was accepted by the Cabinet
in January I9U8. 15
Cabinet agreed that the ad hoc activities
of the previous two years would be combined within a secret
Communist Information Department 16, shortly to be given the
cover title of Information Research Department (IRD) funded
from the Secret Vote, the money voted by Parliament to the
Secret Service, 1 7
IRD's approach was summed up by a note to the Secretary of
State (Ernest Sevin) marked Secret, from Christopher Mayhew
as follows.
'One of the-problems which constantly faces
us in anti-Gomnnmist publicity work is to .
discover publicity media which are definite
ly non-official (so as to avoid undesirable
diplomatic and political repercussions when
certain issues are handled'). '
’Mutual assistance between the Foreign Office and the TUC_
was discussed, and secret arrangements were made for Jdissemination inside the Labour movement at home of anti
communist
propaganda', through Herbert Tracey, publicity
officer of the
TUC.
11
Thus it can be seen that right from the start the Foreign
Office though IRD was engaged in covert intervention in British
internal politics.
By the last 19^0s it vias clear that Western influence could
not be reestablished in Eastern Europe vzithout military inter
vention and while the propaganda battle was maintained in Europe,
IRD turned its attention increasingly to the Third World.
The Foreign Office had kept the U.S. Department of State
informed of IRD’s early development and suggested that the two
services should co-operate in the field.
Tn November 19^+8 the
State Department circulated its missions abroad empowering them
to cooperate with the British Information Services provided this
was kept secret.
It also asked missions to report on British
information activities locally, and to state what steps they
had taken towards joint liaison.
Loy Henderson, US Ambassador in New Delhi, 19
17 reported that
the British High Commission was ’about to launch (a) highly con
fidential anti-Communist propaganda program in India and has
been instructed by London to work closely with us ...!
’Tn the second place and much more importantly the UK office felt that a very carefully selec
ted group df completely reliable and trustworthy
contacts could be built up over a period of time.
These could be drawn from various groups, reliable
correspondents and editors, British and Indian
merchants, missionaries and others. Information
given to them could then be used at their dis
cretion and of course with full protection to
the Government•’
12
The report continues that considerable time and effort
had gone into planning the programme and that in addition
to New Delhi,? personnel had been selected in U.K. branch
offices in ’Madras, Calcutta and Bombay who will work with the
initial group of 2U- contacts.’
It was also suggested that contacts in All India Radio
were being developed. The Americans conceded that the British
programme went much further than anything they had started, and
rather naively they asked the British if they intended to tell
the Government of India what they were doing; to this they
received an ambiguous reply. 20
On receiving a copy of this report in London, U.S. Ambas
sador Lewis Douglas asked the Foreign Office for more informa
tion on IRD*
Under Secretary Dening, responsible for S.E. Asia,
told Douglas that IRD.
’originated last December when Bevin submitted British
Cabinet memo re effect on SEA of Communist successes
China ... recommended SEA countries should get toge
ther to combat Soviet menace ... View was expressed
that with due caution UK might usefully attempt be
co-ordinating factor in stimulating in each country
creation adequate police forces, intelligence agencies,
and legal powers to deal with Communists .
Dening said that there was nothing sinister about IRD
material which was purely factual but that it had
’proved surprisingly popular among western union govern
ments as anti-communist source material ... Idea using local
contacts is based on theory that only easterner can convince
easterner. Contacts selected are men of standing and influence
h
IIi'
I*
IS
13
known to be already well-disposed, towards west and anti-.
Communist, IRD material designed to give them more talking points.
Contact system also contemplated for Siam.2^
On 9 Lfey 19M3 U.S. Ambassador Loy Henderson in New Delhi
received the following personal cable from Geroge Kennan, the
State Department's Chief Cold War strategist and head of its
Policy Planning Staff (PPS):
'Top Secret. No Stencil - No Distribution. UR >+69
Apr 27, of deep interest. You will recall dis
cussion possible special projects you had shortly
before your departure with two AMER officials one
of whom saw you off Union Station. Most helpful
if you would pursue this matter with appropriate
BRIT REPS New Delhi with view obtaining complete
info and submit ... report addressed me indicat
ing how best US GOVT might tie in with BRIT plans
op
or arrange parallel program.
About a year earlier the U.S. National Security Council
had accepted a proposal from the Policy Planning Staff that tm-
vouchered funds from the Defence Department should be used by.
the State Department to support Tcovert utilization of native-
anti-communist elements in Eurasia, in countries still out
side the ’Iron Curtain’
This was an early step towards
the massive ’covert action’ which was so^n to be taken over,
expanded and funded by the CIA.
Tn May 19^9 P-alph lta*ray, head of IRD, gave the U.S.
London Embassy a more frank account of IRD than had Dening, .
his superior, a month earlieHe explained that two catego
ries of material were produced:
1
1U
’Category A is secret and confidential objective
studies re Soviet policies and machinations
which are designed for high-level consumption
by heads of states, Cabinet members, et cetera
••• none of this material publishable or quotable for obvious reasons#
Category B is less highly-classified informa
tion suitable for careful dissemination by staff
of British missions to suitable contacts (e»g.
editors, professors, scientists, labour leaders
et cetera) who can use it as factual background
material in their general work without attribu
tion# Success category B operations depends
upon activity British representatives in
various countries•
Category B campaigns were being started
’henceforth in India, Pakistan and Ceylon
on exactly same lines as used in non-Commonwealth countries without embarrassing GOI and
GOP by asking their permission# IRD has had no ’kickback’ from other countries where Cate
gory B programm working and is prepared assert
if question raised that dissemination factual
Category B material is normal function British
25
missions present world situation.
State Department records show that the British were
engaged in similar activities throughout Asia, the Middle
East and Latin America as illustrated by the following
example from Singapore•
’As you know we are proposing to set up a Regional Infc^
15
mation office there 9 covering all South,East Asia,
which will take care of our material re-writing it
for local consumption and putting it through the
various media such as the press broadcasting, etc.
The Commissioner General attaches considerable
importance to the project, which has become even
more necessary now that the Communists look like
becoming the masters of at least most of China*
Could you perhaps find out informally what sort of
Information Research Department work the United
States.authorities propose to do in Singapore?
We shall keep them in the picture locally about
our own activities and we shall hope to be able to arrange that our respective operations comple
ment one another* r
The report to Washington then adds a further
*
!
NOTE hy the British Embassy
The Information Research Department work done
in Singapore is very largely the collecting of
anti-communist material and such propaganda and
psychological warfare items as have bearing on
the communist effort•
(6 Jan ^9)
The above letter also makes it clear that IRD was working
through Donn-Byrne99 the British Information Officer in Singapore.
IRD became an important part of the organisation built up
by the British at Phoenix Park in Singapore to counter commu
nist insurgency in the area*
J.B. Smith,9 a CIA liaison
officer at Phoenix Park in the early 1950s, reports that
IRD was running a joint operation with Ml 6, represented at
16
that time by Maurice Oldfield, later to become Director of the
Secret Service (Smith, 1976).
Another CIA officer confirms
that IRD was represented at liaison meetings between CIA and
M16 in London for the greater part of its existence.^
Old
field's predecessor as Director of M16 was John Ogilvie Rennie who
was
whead of IRD 1953-58; this further confirms that close
links existed between the two organizations.
Similar liaison was maintained throughout the developing
world.
Media Operations
In 1939 a British Daily Mirror journalist, Leslie Sheridan,
was recruited to a newly formed section of the British Secret
Intelligence Service (SIS) to organize its press operations .
against the Nazis. Later he was transferred to the organiza
tion set up by Churchill to create havoc bphind enemy lines -
according to the former top SOE officials - Sheridan had by
♦
19U1 built up a network of agents in the principal neutral
capitals, including Stockholm, Lisbon, New York and Istanbul.
He used old Fleet Street contacts either given cover by British
newspapers or accredited to a bogus news agency, Britanova Ltd.
To cover the Middle
East and Central Europe Britanova
established the Arab News Agency (ANA) as a branch office in
Cairo which was later to grow into one of the largest and most
effective news organizations in the Middle East.
An Indian connection, Globe News Agency, was started according to a UNESCO survey - in 19M by Tom Clarke , a former
j
i
news Chronicle Editor who was then Deputy Director of News in
the wartime Ministry of Information, IThis network was not
dismantled at the end of World War II.
I:
17
Between I9I4-8 and 19^3 the news companies were reconstructed
and some news ones formed under the umbrella of Near and Far
31
East News Ltd,
which had Tom claj?ke as chairm£U1, Globe in
India and Britanova in Istanbul were taken into the NAFEN group
which set up the Star News Agency in Pakistan after the parti
tion of India in I9I+8.
Unlike Reuters, which was struggling to establish itself
in the Middle East, ANA expanded rapidly and by 195'3 the NAFEN
group had some 2^0 employees, the vast majority of them local
nationals with a handful of Britons in controlling positions.
ANA operated the most comprehensive service in England and
Arabic available in the Middle East with branch offices in
Damascus, Beirut, Baghdad, Jerusalem and Amman, and represen
tatives in some 1^ other cities, including Paris and New York.
It was taken by nearly every Arabic Newspaper, as well as
Sharq al Adna, All-India Radio and the
BBC.
NAFEN (Asia) had
about 100 employees, with central news office in Bombay, sub
office in Delhi, Calcutta and Madras and correspondents through
the Far East, while Star had similar coverage in Pakistan.
From 19?^ IRD paid a substantial subsidy to Reuters in
return for their co-operation with this network.
Sponsored. Publishing
.One of IRD's activities was the secret sponsoring of
anti-communist books by supposedly reputable publishers - as
the CIA had done with the American firm of Frederick A. Praege^32
They were published through a small firm, Ampersand Ltd ?
started by Leslie Sheridan, then Deputy Head of IRD.
Over a
dozen concise handbooks, each on a different anti-communist
18
theme appeared between 1955 and 1955 as Bellman Books.
One by
Denis Healey, entitled 'Neutralism' implied that neutralism was
akin to Communism.
Those were followed by nearly 100 titles in the Background
books series published finally by Bodley Head (1960-71
The publishers claimed rThese little books are designed
to •. <» fill (in g') in the background without which world affairs
today cannot be properly seen or judged♦
Authors were well known as writers or public figures in
trade unions9 politics or universities. The books were widely
distributed by IRD through Foreign Office Information Officers
in the Third World and also sold through the publishers f nor
mal channels at home.
British Information Officers
would
encourage publishers in Third World countries to produce local
editions fby buying up obscure language rights on the cheap
and passing them on for free in the country concerned f to the
local publishers 0 The U.S. Information Service also 'picked
up' language rights for Ampersand books -
countries.
in one case for
Arrangements were also made with Frederick Praeger
for publication of certain Bodley Head titles, some of them
written by Robert Conquest, a former IRD employee.
Ampersand was still operating in this way in 1978 when its
function as a government propaganda agency was revealed in the
press. Using Secret Service funds it seems to have been re
markably successful in providing the 'cheap, short publications
of a popular nature ... free from government lebels ' called
for Humphrey Trevelyan of the British Foreign Office in nagh—
dad 30 years earlier.
19
It is clear that, for over 30 years, through IRD and the
Secret Service, the British Government employed massive resour
ces and sophisticated propaganda techniques developed from its
covert operations of 'World War II in an attempt to influence
public opinion in its favour both at home and overseas.
IRD’s ideological roots lay in social democracy. Mayhew’s
early papers talked of creating a socialist ’third force’ in
Europe half way between Washinton and Moscow, but as the Cold_
War intensified this quickly succumbed to an extreme Atlanti—
cist view. As Healey argued in his Ampersand pamphlet,
’Neutralism’ the issues were clear cut - those.who did not ac
tively support the American alliance, whether they intended it
or not were actually aiding its enemies.
! Communi st themes ! came to include also anti-colonialism
and any movement for national independence. Thus, IRD’s work
in the Third World entailed making contact with and supporting
those hostile to such movements and prepared to work for the
continuation of Western influence.
Trade Union Internationals »
In the 1890s mining and printing unions in^ Europe formed
’internationals 1 to exchange information and co-ordinate action
against black-legging, By 19-114- twenty-seven of these ,interexisted,
national trade secretariats’ (TTS) tuLJ-o
ueu., to which British
and other trade unions affiliated directly. After the First
World War the British TUG and other Western national centres
set up the International Federation of Trade Unions5 soon the
Communist trade unions set up their own organisation.
After
the Second World War the two were united in the World Federa
tion of Trade Unions, but the Gold War reopened the split which
20
though probably inevitable,' was assisted by Trting Brown,
Lovestone and their associates, The Western unions formed
the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU)
to which national union confederations affiliated, and which
worked closely with the TTSs for different trades to which in
dividual unions affiliated directly.
Tn the late nineteen sixties it was revealed in American
newspapers, and subsequently confirmed in the U.S. Congresshearing following the Watergate affair, that the Central In
telligence Agency had for nearly 20 years been using many of
the ITSs and the ICFTU as cover for its operations.
Tn most cases the Agency's control was achieved by separat
ing off part of the organisation it wished to exploit and then
placing its own nominees in leading positions in the offshoot.
In other situations it was able to place its manat the top of
the organisation, as
as a
a senior official in head office, sometimes
even as general secretary.
Thus the ICFTU head office in
Brussels entirely lost control of its Inter-American Regional
Organisation (CRIT) which covered North and South America.
*
The CIA, through leaders of the North America unions and rep
resentatives of dummy unions which it had financed in Latin
America, was able to ensure that its own nominees were returned
to the GRIT executive at the supposedly representative congressess held periodically. The executive in turn would then con
done the appointment of CIA men or their contacts as officials
working in the field.
The Asian Regional Organisation of the
ICFTU was used in a similar way.
The same pattern enveloped in a number of trade secretariat
in the 1960s for example the General Secretary of the Food and
21
Drink Workers International, whose head office is in Geneva
discovered that the CIA had set up an office in the name of
his organisation in Panama which it was using as a base for its
activities in that country.
Elsewhere special programmes were set up - for trade union
education and training, exchange visits abroad, co-operative
development, 'international solidarity', and so on - funded by
seemingly innocent charitable foundations.
In all cases subversion of union organisations required
two ingredients. Firstly, provision of external funds. Second
ly, taking away control from any genuine membership that
existed.
While the Americans"took the lead in subverting Trade
Union organisations, they maintained close liaison with the.
British, who played an important role in former British ter
ritories such as Singapore and Guyana where they helped bring
about the Fall of Cheddi lagan's government.
But there was a 1jmi t to what could be achieved through
official union channels.
In 1961 the U.S. unions set up the
American Institute for Free Labour Development to operate in
South America and the Caribbean, funded by the CIA and other
U.S. government agencies.
By 1978 over 300,000 workers from
ther'.region had passed through its training programmes.
Its
'graduates' were active in the agitation against lagan in
British Guiana (now Guyana), the coups d'etat in Brazil and
Bolivia and events leading up to U.S. military intervention
in the Dominican Republic.
22
Subsequently
an Afro-American Labour Center was set up
followed by the America-Asia Free Labour
by Irving Brown,
Institute (AAFLI) in 1968. Its executive director, Morris
ORIT and the ICFTU. AAFLI opened
Paladino, formerly worked for
others followed in Manila,
its first regional office in Saigon;
Its first job was to
Indonesia, Bangkok, Jakarta and Seoul.
Confederation of Labour, and
build support for the Vietnamese
According to two
its leader Tran Quoc Buu, in South Vietman.
Japanese researchers 'Buu and the CTV were the labour func
tionaries of the Tholu regtae and the n.3. government and the
CTV purpose was effectively to break Worker strifes and resistancee1
The methods of the supposedly independent U.S. funding
General
bodies have been described by Jean Bruck, former
ex
, a federation of
Secretary of the World Council of Labour
dragged into the Cold War.
Christian unions which refused to be
■ They tried to buy trade union leaders who were- generally
poor and had no financial resources.
They tried to discover
the most influential loaders of the national organisations.
They tried to attract them by huge amounts of money ... They
offered aid with the objective to orientate the trade unions
along ’ the political line of the foundations ...
They did not take so much care for
really developing the
the people in the
organisation themselves and for educating
work of real independence ^d
and strong trade unionism.
countries, in many
They have helped to destroy in some
unionism created by the
countries, the real chance of trade
interests of the workers.
workers, led hy the workers for the
One such funding body was the Asia Foundation^ later re
vealed as a CIA conduit, headed by American publisher Barry
Bingham, former Marshall Plan director in France after the
War - which throughout the 1960s organised training programmes
for working journalists in many Asian capitals with members of
the American Newspaper Guild (ANG).
The ANG was the U.S.
journalists1 union; it was one of the most active supporters of
A IF ID in Latin America and played a leading part in the f all of
Jagan’s government in British Guiana.
Conclusion
It is not possible in the space available here to give
more than a few examples of U.S. intervention in Third World
Unions.
The subject is covered more comprehensively by Philip
Agee, Don Thomson and others cited below.
It is hoped that the
cases given illustrate how the strategic thinking of the im
mediate post-war period was turned into political action over
the following decades.
In the current state of the ■world it is inevitable that
great powers will seek to expand their influence and control
in what they perceive to be their* national interests^ using
whatever methods are available to them9 both open and covert.
The immense economic strength of the United States enabled it
to overshadow completely the efforts of its rivals? with total
disregard for those on whose territory the contest was fought
out.
Such power is not easily resisted, but a start can be made
if those most directly affected begin to seek out for themselves the facts behind the situation in their own countries.
2\
Noto on Sources
This paper is based, on a longer study written at the
request of UNESCO in 1980 for its International Commission for
the study of Communication Problems7 (Chairman Sean MacBride),
entitled ’The Free Flow of News’. Some of the information on^
Reuters and other news agencies is derived from an investiga
tion carried out for the British newspaper The Guardian^ publisn';
December 18, 1981 •
1 • Mayhew Papers s In 197$ Chritopher Mayhew released,
papers from his private office during his period, as
Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Foreign
Office.
These are cited, as TMayhew Papers1.
2. US Department of State. General Records of the
US Department of State, Record Group ^9? in the
National Archives Building, Washington, are
cited as RG 59; this is preceded by the approp
riate Decimal Record Code.
3. British Official Docuements. Documents in the
British Public Record Office are cited as FO
(Foreign Office) or CAB (CABINET) with the
appropriate number.
2? REFERENCES
1. U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental
Operations with Respect to Intelligence,
(Church
Committee) Final Report issued in 6 vols. April 1976.9
plus 8 vols. of evidence and other reports
Report
of House Select Committee on Intelligence, 9l+'th
Congress (Pike Committee).
Confidential, but publi
shed in Village Voice, New York City, 16 Feb. 1976.
2. Philip Agee,
’Covert Action - what next?' Agee/
Hoseriball Defence Committee, Jan. 1977.
3. Church Committee, Hearings, Vol.7 U.S.G.P.0
Washington 1976.
p.7
h-. Church Committee, Final Report, Book IV pp ^9? ^0
5. Church Committee, Hearings, vol.7 PP
6. Council on Foreign Relations,
Report of 3rd
meeting of Discussion Group on Intelligence and
Foreign Policy.
Washinton, 8 Jan. 1968.
7. Church Committee, Final Report, Book TV p. ^9
8. Church Committee, Final report, Book IV p. 5
9. Reprinted in Church Conmittee Hearings, vol. 7
pp 210 ff.
10. Sidney Lens. ’Lovestone Diplomacy'. The Nation,
Ronald Radosh, ’American Labour & US
July 1969.
foreign policy. ’ Vintage Books, NY.
26
11. Daniel Lerner, 'Sykewar'.
George W. Stewart, NY, 19^9.
12. At the end of the War, Meyer founded the United World
Federalists, an important element in launching the Euro
pean Movement in 19h-S.
13, Murray B
Seidler,
Syracuse UP,
1967-
'Norman Thomas - respectable rebel',
of t he Democratic Party.
I1)-. A ginger group on the left wing
15. Paper to Secretary of State from C.P. May now.
Force Propaganda'.
'Third
Mavhew
Mayhew Papers, 6 December 19^7•
16. CAB 129/23, 'Future foreign publicity policy' Memo by
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, CPA8)8, >+ January 19^0
17. Reports to this effect in The Guardian (2? January 1978).
and The Observer (29 January 1978) were subsequently confirm
ed by the Foreign office.
17 November 19^5, RG ^9.
18. Foreign Service Serial 932,
19. Henderson to Secretary of State.
No. h-69, 27 April 19^-9*
8M .202U5A-27l+9, RG59
'Co-opera20 Enclosure to despatch No.3^-7? 27 Ipril 191+9.
Anti-Communist Propaganda'.
tion with the United Kingdom on
8M .202l+5A-27l+9, RG 59.
21. From London to.Secretary of State. Top Secret. No.167>+.
30 April 19U9. 8M.20200A-301+9, RG 59.
22, Henderson from Kennan. No.S^S*
U-271+9, RG 59.
9 May 19^9. 8U1 .202b-9/
27 23. Humelsine to Souers, 1
March 19W axid PPs enclosure
861 .00/3-15^8, RG 5921+. i.e. intelligence appraisals 1 confirming the close
relation 'between IRD and Ml6.
2^. London to Secretary of State.
Top Secret. No.1993?
20 May ^9^9, 8M .20200/5-201+9? RG 59.
26. New Delhi to Secretary of State. Top Secret. No.737,
25 June I9I+9. 81+1.2021+5/6-221+9, RG 59«
27. See for example US reports of meetings of British
Defence Co-ordination Committee, Far East, at the time.
RC 81+1 .20. RG 59-
28. Personal interview with ex-CIA officer, Washington, 1979•
.given in
29. Full accounts of the formation of SOE are
Foot (1966) and Sweet-Escott (1965 : 125)*
CooktldgcC1966).
30. For a contemporary account of ANA see Intelligence
Report on Arab News Agency, Sec. & Intel. Div. HQ 2nd
Service Command, 23 January 19^5•
Records of CSS, RG 226,
Modern Military Records, National Archives, Washinton,
No.11301+5 •
31. Articles of Association NAFEN, WEN (Asia) Ltd &
ANA (Cairo) Ltd.
2^ January
32. Frederick A. Prager, interview with writer,
1978.
33. British National Bibliography (1951-71)
3I+, Background Books dust jackets, c. 1951.
35. The Quotations in this section are from Don Thomson &
Rodney Larson ’Where were you brother?’. War on Want, 19?8.
- 28 BIBLIOGRAPHY
COOKRIDGE, E.H. (1966).
FOOT, M.R .D.
(1966).
Inside DOE, London, Arthur Barker
SOE in France, HPSO.
smite; J£. (1976).
Portrait of a Cold Warrier,
New York,Putnam.
STEVENSON, W. (1976).
A Man Called Intrepid,
London, Book Club Associates.
SWEET - ISCOTT, B. (1969') Baker Street Irregular,
London, Mathuen.
I
||IH | I !
I .'8
Third World Network
COMMUNITY HEALTH
CELL
326, V Main, I Block
Korarnongala
Bangaiora-560034 iRdia
NEW APPROACHES TOWARDS A NEW INTERNATIONAL
INFORMATION ORDER
by
ROBERTO REMO BISSIO
(Editor of the Third World Guidez director of the
South American edition of Third World magazine)
Third World Press Meetings: April 3-18, 1986
New Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore, Bombay
NGOs
and
Communication
tiie
Gap
New approaches towards a
.NEW
INTERNATIONAL
INFORMATION
ORDER
■fr y
Roberto Remo Bissio
>!«
*
*
(Editor of the Third World Guide, director of the
South American edition of Third World magazine)
4—H-4-+
4-+4-
1
In the 1960's, the International Center for Graduate Studies
in Communications for Latin America (CIES—sponsored by UNESCO
and the Central University of Ecuador in that country's Capitalcarried out an in-depth study of latin America's press. Their
findings showed that 80 percent of international news is supplied
by the same two US agencies, AP and UPI. Th 197^ Chilean communi
cations expert Fernando Reyes Matta repeated the study at 'th®
Latin American Institute for the Study of Transnationals (ILET)
in Mexico. Although his research did not cover the same news
papers, the results differed little: 79 percent of all interna
tional news is drawn from just four agencies, the two North Ameri
can plus AFP of France and Reuters of England. While AP's and
UPI’s share fell to 60 percent, that did not imply openings for
any real alternatives. It simply reflected the growth of other
European agencies such as the Italian ANSA (7%) and- the Spanish
EFE (8%) which follow the same criteria as other transnational news
brokers.
As one analyst who could never be suspected of radicalism,
West German Secretary of State for Parliamentary Affairs Alwin
Bruck, put it in 1978, "90 percent of the news articles, radio
broadcasts, films and television programs which circulate in the
world come from the United States, Japan or a handful of European
countries".
The two-thirds of the world population who live in the Third
World are hardly considered by these producers and distributors of
news. According to UNESCO, as of March 1977, the largest four
news agencies had
of their correspondents in North America,
28% in Europe and 17% in Asia and the Pacific (including Japan
and Australia), leaving only 21% to cover all of Latin America,
Africa and the Middle East.
Tendentious Objectivity
Not only is little reported about poor countries;• what is
February
reported is done badly. The following cable, dispatched
.
27 ? I97L1- in the midst of the "oil crisis", is typical:
NEW YORK, 27 (UPI) — THERE IS UNDERSTANDABLE CONCERN IN
WASHINGTON REGARDING AN UPCOMING MEETING OF BAUXITE-PRODUCING
COUNTRIES, TOBE HELD ON MA.RCH 5 ™ CANAKRY, GUINEA.. SEVERAL
EXPERTS CONSIDER THAT THE CONFERENCE COULD MARK THE BIRTH OF A
SERIES OF INTERNATIONAL CARTELS WHICH WOULD CONTROL THE RAW MATE
RIALS ESSENTIAL TO INDUSTRIALIZED NATIONS, A STEP WHICH COULD SET
THE US ECONOMY BACK MORE THAN FORTY YEARS...
News like this is published daily in the Third World press.
An issue of certain interest to raw materials producing countries
is reported not from Conakry, where the meeting is to be held, but
from New York. In fact, nothing at all is said about the meeting,
only about the "concern in Washington" it caused. Abandoning all
2
objectivity, the despatch editorializes on the information with
the old journalist trick of introducing the author’s opinions as
if they.were from ’’generally well-informed sources”, ” experts on
the subject” or other anonymous observers. As Juan Somavia 5
director of ILET and member of UNESCO’s MacBride Commission,, commented, the
J_‘’
-- -’’carries
•
cable
the implicit message that it is legitimate for developed countries to defend themselves in this situation and to try to impede the Third World’s organizing capacity, Meanwhile, the wire warns that Washington’s worry is understandable , and thus it is logical that reprisals should be carried out”.
Such examples could fill a book. In fact several have been
written demonstrating the bias hidden in transnational agencies’
cables which have accustomed us to reading ’’the leftist govern• ment.of Nicaragua” or ’’Marxist President Samora Machel”, but to
consider that writing ’’the rightist administration of Ronald
Reagan” or ’’capitalist prime minister Margaret Thatcher”, shows
lack of objectivity.
The Customer is Always Right
This anti-Third World slant is not due to any conspiracy or
particular perverse attitude held by journalists who work at thesr
agencies. It is true that the CIA often uses US media in disin
formation and destabilization campaigns, ’’planting” stories writ
ten by the Agency as if they were the newspapers ’ own articles or
editorials, so that they later ’’rebound” when picked up in wires
and are republished throughout the world. But the issue is much
more complex. News agencies are commercial business enterprises
that sell news. And 90 percent of what AP sells, for example, is
sold in the United States. As any businessman will tell you, the
customer is always right. Not surprisingly therefore, the poli
tical orientation of what they write corresponds to the interna
tional viewpoint of that country’s mass media. AP, or any other
large news agency, is a major information source for the Third
World, but for AP’s sales, poor countries are just a residual
market, which, economically speaking, does not justify preparatio
of material suitable to their interests.
”We sell news”, says Gerald Long, executive director of
Reuters. ’’The kind of reporting the Third World would like to
have would be extremely costly, and probably no one would be
willing to pay the price”. Long recognizes that ”we do have a
moral responsibility to fulfill”, and, therefore, ’’the agency
could provide certain clients with news which was not requested
nor would be used. But that would be unacceptable, should it go
too far”.
Given such a confession, more evidence would be superfluous.
Perhaps some of the abuses could be corrected, but the normal
uses of transnational news agencies, with all their inherent
3
long^as information is considerbiases, will remain the same as what°led
the— Third
World in the
—__
ed to be merchandise. 11T~i~i s is 'wnu. w
International
Information
Order
? parallel
1970s to demand a New
New
International
Economic
Order.
to the struggle for a
The chickens and the fox
No
care,j Yet 9 public
No one
one would entrust chickens to a fox1 '’sOrder
debate
the New International Information Or — (NIIO) is in
debate on
on v
in opening up
the hands of media that have about -J
as much
i—— interest
—
a
carnivore
has
in
the
welfare
of a flock
that important issue as
of hens.
qfnries. Tn October 1980, the Council analyzed the coverage
given in the US press to the United Nations Education, Science an
Culture Organization's (UNESCO) Belgrade meeting where the MacBride Report on international communications was approve
Of the M+8 newspaper articles all oyer the country 80 per
cent came from one of two sources : Associated Press (AP) or
ted Press International (UPI). Not one of
say about UNESCO’s primary activities—such as fighting illiteSy, developing alternative energy sources and Promoting resear
ch on basic food production although these topics took up much
the six-week conference's time. .^the contrary, the big sc P
for 57 of the articles was the speech maae by one Afghan dele ate
X took advantage of his country-men's absence ^criticize his
government's policies and request asylum m the United States.
173 articles did report on the central issue—communications
policy--but, as the Council pointed out, "the presentation of al
ternative opinions on communications issues was poor, and t e
media were extremely critical of UNESCO's activity in tha a
"Indeed, the International Program.for Communications Developmen
(IPCD, see below) was "barely mentioned".
The Council also analyzed over 200 newspaper editorials, of
which it found 1^8 openly hostile. Without ^ing adequqt y^
formed readers on the subject, some even suggested that the
pull out of UNESCO should it persist in supporting the NHO. in ,
in fact, happened shortly afterwards.
Upon reading the Council's report, William Harley, who headed
the Carter administration's mission to UNESCO, <described
the atti
---tude of his country's press toward the inty^tion^ coim
"if
AP's
and
UPI's
myopia
is
tions issue as "near-sighted". If AP s
UPI s myopi
saster,
it'ss a ddisaster
problem for the United States, for the Third World it
The same sources which
which supply.the
supply'the bulk
bulk of
of international news in the
US press, practically monopolize it m poor countries.
Free Flow
In reality9 ’’the concept of a new order is stilly in the.process of being defined”, according to Bolivian researcher Mario
Arrieta. ”’ We know
1-- about
-- what should not be9 much more than we
know how it should be”.
The legal basis for the present information order was esta
blished by UNESCO at the Freedom of Information Conference.held
in Geneva in
There, the principle of ’’free flow of infor
mation” gained international acceptance.
Held in the midst of the pre-Cold War euphoria, while the
world celebrated the defeat of Nazi-fascism, the Conference determined that ’’free flow of information” was simply an extension of
the right to free speech, one of the Basic Human Rights establish
ed by the then recently created United Nations. As such, it was
a concept destined to aid the worldwide expansion of US private
corporations, which ever since the end of World War II had sought
to convert the planet’s economy into a ’’global village”.
’’Any obstacles to the free flow of capital, commodities or
information”, writes North American communications. expert Herbert
Schiller, ’’were denounced by the leaders of the United States as
reactionary and harmful to the international community”.
Today the right of every Third World country to.nationalize
foreign companies or to exert control over their activities by
regulating investments or repatriation of profits, is recognized
by international law. Yet the very same news agencies that admit
news is a commodity, scream holy hell whenever any government cri
ticizes their business practices, questions their statements or
imposes any regulation whatsoever on the process by which their
correspondents transform the raw material of local news into a
product for export.
In 1972, the foreign ministers of the Andean Pact expressed,
their concern that ’’the majority of international information which
circulates in our countries is processed outside the region”.
The following year at the historic Algiers Summit Conference,
the Nonaligned Countries declared that ’’developing. countries must
undertake concerted action in the communications field” in order
to ’’reorganize current information channels”, considered to be a
’’legacy of the colonial past”.
Soon after, the term New International Information Order was
coined, and the struggle for its realization was carried to
UNESCO, just as UNCTAD (United Nations Conference for Trade and
Development) became the principal forum of the fight for the New
International Economic Order.
Commodity or Social Good?
According to Somavia, one of the authors of the MacBride
tteeeDbasic'concepts will shape the information models
Report,
of the future sought by the Third World:
__v ? but
\
a right and
a)
a Information is not merely.a commodity,
information
is
not just a
a public good; the task of providing -----business, but a social duty.
the communications
——
b) Education is carried on through
■
inc Themedia
" schooling
■*
curin a way which is more effective than formal
and lack of concern
rent san between social concern for
Iva schooling
-o —
o^niai
for thePway the media educate, free from any framework of social
socia
responsibility, is enormous*
e’) Tust as the participation of the majority is necessary
off a
sidered.
While it is up to each country whether or not to adopt these
rrincinies the Third World as a whole has pursued several basic
£2 S’iXnXnal fo™ = respect for the rigM: to implement national communications policies; internetior\al financia
an2technologioal suppor^= for^l^tcres ^ou h
orrt
IKS£esfreoSr2 Glance the news flov
for
through the dissemination of information by and about the Third
World.
°fIf I had ?o XSe just ole principle for our foreign policy,
ITd stick to the free flow of information .
\ a nosture did not result from capricious choiClearly.such
attachment to liberal ideals, since.in the news
ce or■ remantic a.
■high,
’
Today, the concept of information en
game 9 the stakes are than
news flow. It includes the full
compasses much more i, from telegraph, telephone, radio and tele
of data transmission,
theVodern computer hookups which interconnect data
vision, to '— ----banks.
handful of transnational corporaAs is often pointed out ? a ; IBM in computers, RCA, General
tions
tions (ITT in telecommunications
■ firms in radios, tape recorders and
Electric and several
rod Japanese.
-in records, etc.) control all aspects of the
video recorders, CBS
ClJ m
1--^aterial infrastructure to
modern communications industry
8
information through contributions of wealthier nations. By 1980
the United States was defining it as a ’’mechanism” instead of a
fund5 a hint of greater distancing yet to come.
Achieving a balance in the North/South information flow
would not be easy. In one of the richest^regions of the Third
World, the Federation of Arab Agencies, with its Io members, has
a total of 130 foreign correspondents and transmits 200,000 words
daily. Meanwhile, AP has ^9 correspondents and more than 2,000
stringers in 62 international offices* With an annual budget of
$ 90 million, they crank out a daily 17 million words for 5,720^
subscribers. Despite the enthusiasm with which alternative sour
ces have proliferated in recent years, it would be naive to sugA
gest that the oligopoly of the transnational agencies is really
threatened, at least in the short run.
Who Pays the Piper Calls the Tune
As suddenly as it had appeared, even this limited accommoda
tion by the US government evaporated with the change of occupants
in the White House. In the United States, extreme-right groups
such as the Moral Majority censured TV programs, eliminated in
decent” books from public libraries and imposed the bible in some
schools as a ’’scientific text”. In Talloires, France? nearly 70
delegations representing the ’’leaders of free journalism to bor
row their own phrase, gathered in 1981 to give lessons on libera
lism to the rest of £he world. Among other positions, the ideo
logues of Talloires advocated the role of advertising as ”a con“
sumef service and in providing financial support for a strong and
self-sustaining press” since "without financial independence} the
press cannot he independent".
This was only a had joke, for what justified is precisely
the opposite to freedom of the press in the Third World. Despite
the fact that most developing countries prohibit foreigners from
being owners or directors of the means of communications, adver
tising in effect acts as in instrument of transnational control
over the press. Tn Mexico, of 270 popular radio ads in 197^,
.
were for transnational products; of &+7 TV ads, the figure was 7/% 1in Brazil, of the 10 major advertisers, only one is a natioanl
company; in 22 Latin American dailies surveyed in 19o0, transna
tional business took up 31%
advertising space (and m.some
cases as much as ^0%). And the situation is even more alarming
if one considers that national advertisers are either small and
dispersed (classified ads'), lacking any means of pressure, or
they channel their advertising through contracts with transnationa..
ad agencies such as J. Walter Thompson, Young Rubicam, NbCann
Ericson and others.* Regionally, close to.30 transnational corpo
rations control two-thirds of the ad earnings of the Latin Ameri
can press.
Tn most of the Third World the price that consumers pay. for
a newspaper does not even cover the cost of the paper itfc printed
9
on. As Mexican researcher Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, of the Center
of Economic and Social Studies of the Third World summarized,
"from the economic viewpoint, communication's media are business
that provide services. The service that they sell is space or
transmission time for advertising messages..."
So much for the old myth that it is the buying power of the
reader which determines the ultimate success or failure of news
papers. Rather, the transnational ad agencies determine their
fate by the direction in which they throw their contracts. Anyone
who has tried to publish an alternative paper knows that adver
tising is clearly conceded or denied on the basis of ideological
criteria, regardless of the public or the circulation that the
publication can offer as an advertising vehicle.
Tn the industrialized or semi-developed countries in which
this conception of information-merchandise reigns, economic laws
have imposed an increasing tendency toward monopolization. As
Sean MacBride noted, "Tn France the Hersant group owns 1>+ dailies,
the English-Rhodesian Lonrho group has (in 1980) many papers in
Africa, the Australian Murdoch not only monopolizes the press in
his country, but is also the owner of the New York Post and three
papers in England (and last year bought the Times of London).
This seems increasingly dangerous to me".
Tn Search of a Democratic Model
Freedom of the Press is thus converted into a restrictive
right for a few individuals or business concerns. Various attem
pts have been made to confront this situation. The Swedish state
subsidizes newspapers that almost anywhere else would be doomed
to disappear; in Mexico, the "right to information" has been in
corporated into the Constitution as a counterpart to the right of
expression, but for several years parliament has studied the ru
les without reaching any accord on practical application.
In Zimbabwe in 198I the foreign-owned dailies (South African
racists and businesses of the Lonrho group ) were expropriated,
creating the basis for a press that gives a voice to the black
majority of the contry for the first time. Undeniably, this has
restricted "freedom of expression" for those who preferred the
hateful apartheid.
Every Constitution in the world bears some sort of restric
tion on freedom of the press, in connection with the common in
terests of society or in defence of the state. Why, then,was
there such a scandal when Nicaragua, a month after the revolutio
nary triumph, passed a law expressly porhibiting "the transmission
of any advertisement, leaflet, photo, etc., which stimulates vice,
uses women as a sexual object, advertises liquor or cigarettes,
is an apology for law evasion or stimulates the tendency toward
laziness?" This same law, so attacked by the Inter-American Press
10
Association establishes that ’’freedom of information is one of
the fundamental principles of authentic democracy’’, and provides
mechanisms to assure that ’’there exists no objective possibility
of submitting them (the media) directly or indirectly to the
economic power of any social group”.
One of Latin America’s most ambitious efforts to democratize
information (a postulate of the new information order ) occurred
in Peru in 197^-, when the government of General Velasco Alvarado
expropriated the national daily papers and put them.in the hands
of organized social forces. The experience began with unusual
vigor, freeing enormous creative capacity among Peruvian journa
lists and, through, ferocious polemics between the newspapers,
contradicted in practice the accusation that a monolithic and
officialist press was being created. It ended the same as other
Velasco reforms, with the twisting of its contents imposed by the
Morales Bermudez government, and with its definitive liquidation
by Belau’nde Terry’s administration.
There are no perfect models to be imitated with.regard to
communications policy* The important thing, in.the judgment of_
UNESCO, is that each country define its own policy, in accord
with its own development programs, cultural traditions and aspi
rations .
In the regional meeting on communications in Costa Rica in
19765 the Latin American and Caribbean countries committed them
selves to plan and implement policies on this theme, with the.
help of UNESCO. In 1967, however, they had also agreed to this,
as well as to contemplate the development of complementary. infor
mation systems through the creation of national communications
councilso Unfortunately, as the Venezuela former minister of
information, Guido Groscoors, recalled last year, more than a de
cade had passed since then, and ’’save Cuba, no other country has
carried such accords into practice”.
Press Credibility and Alternative Media
Although the debate about the communications media only re
cently descended from the ivory tower of the experts down to the
masses9 its eruption is impressive.
Political and trade union organizations all over the world
comment on this subject in their programs. Mass movements analy
ze and criticize the hidden contents of printed press, film and.
television news. Women protest against their conversion into
sexual objects for commercial pruposes; ethnic minorities rail
against the stereotypes that reproduce prejudice against them;
consumer associations denounce deceptive or false advertising;
parties demand access to the electronic media*
• * , Tn
In the United States,9 press credibility is in crisis.
celebrated
anchorman
of
1981, upon retirement, Walter Cronkite, c-------
11
CBS News, said he was "perplexed" by polls showing that he was
the principal source of news for the majority of North Americans,
since his programs were "fundamentally entertainment".
Liberal ideology claims that full and pluralist information'
is what makes up the democratic foundations of society. Neverthe
less, recent studies show that decision-making in the transna
tional system is based less and less on the press.
For example, a French industrialist can obtain economic
data more easily by subscribing to . privately held specialized'
networks in the United States (which control 60-70% of the mar
ket for exporting information by computer and have a near mono
poly on scientific-technological information) than through na
tional institutions. "I don't need to read the newspaper or
watch television to know what is happening", confessed a top Ci
tibank executive to a researcher looking for data about the deci
sion-making process on Wall Street, "We have our own system of
information, both about here and the rest of the world".
At the same time, transnational banks such as his are ever
more interested in having stock control over'mass communications
corporations. They can calim it is a profit-making investment,
given the growing weight of his sector in post-industiral econo
mies. But one needn't be paranoid to realize that banks also
acquire enormous power to mold public opinion consistent with
their interests.
Growing European and US public mistrust of the'major media
has translated into a surprising accumulation of so-called alter
native media. In general, therse are small newspapers, radio
stations or sometimes short-range TV stations dedicated to com
munity themes or those of interest to a particular social sector,
or ethnic or cultural minority.
Many of these are sincere efforts in which such immediate
concern are converted into permanent political interests of a
broader nature. Alvin Toffler, author of The Third Wave, sees
this leading toward a "demassificati-n" of information, which he
greets enthusiastically. Tn the judgment of Fernando Reyes Matta
of ILET, on the other hand, such small newspapers or weak local
TV stations in the dominant countries are the result of market
expansion for the new technology of large corporations. He sees
them leading toward a "reduction of the horizon? relating to what
is immediate and local, while the vision of large
problems and
processes remains in few hands", coinciding with the "transna
tionals' dream of a world without borders".
Pulling the Rug Out From Under
Even such alternatives as these are unthinkable in the
majority of Third World countries, which have an average of one
12
newspaper copy for every 30 inhabitants (10 times fewer than the
industrialized world) and often lack even radio stations, not to
mention the sophisticated luxury of television.
Paper? ink and other equipment must be imported? at a cost
that is excessive for private national publications in countries
that do not have even minimal industrial development or a market
that would stimulate commercial advertising. Consequently? the
state has often taken responsibility for the communications sys
tem (press? radio, TV), allocating resources that are equally
indispensable for health? education? housing or transportation.
This means creating national news agencies? covering the
cost of technical training and paying for the services and tech
nology dispensed by the international agencies. Summing up? it
means creating from nothing, and without resources? a structure
of modern communications that was developed in the hegemonic
countries over the course of decades or even centuries? in ex
tremely propitious conditions. Not the least important among
those conditions was the extension and exploitation of the colo
nized world.
It is on the basis of this handicapping legacy that non-in-*
dustrialized countries legitimize their demands for help to deve
lop their communications structures. But it is also for that
reason that help was denied in a meeting of the International
Program for the Development of Communications (IPDC) held.in
Acapulco?9 Mexico? in January 1983 • Th Reaganfs eyes? it is as
absurd for the African country of Benin to ask the western coun
tries for sp 15 million to develop a radio and TV system as it
would be for the Salvadorean revolutionaries to request arms from
the Pentagon.
Thlr d World countries came to the IPDC meeting armed with^
„L which would required S 90 million.
some 50 projects proposals
the IPDC_ had --received
scarcily $ 6 milWhen the dust settled?? '-l.J
‘
it
was
able
to
approve
only
of the ini-_
lion. Consequently?
...
tiatives? baldly the "Marshall Plan” that had once been hoped
for. Th general, the African countries requested funds to deve
lop their communications infrastructures to incorporate the vast
marginal rural population. The countries of Asia and Latin
America emphasized the need to establish networks to connect the
already existing national systems.
Essentially9 the United States9 West Germaiy and Japan joi
ned efforts to push for bilateral aid to the private sector? with
the aim of marginalizing both UNESCO and state efforts to.develop
communications. Negotiations took on a decidedly ideological
character when? for example? US? Peruvian an Argentine delegates
oppossed a Mexican project to develop its trade union press and
technical training in campesino communication. The Peruvian dele
gate raised the specter of ”a phraseology used during the statization of the press in Peru” under Velasco.
13
US opposition to any democratization of the communications
process was revealed by the US delegate, Elkin Taylor, who re
fused to approve the following proposal unless the final clause
(here underlined) was eliminated: "The (IPDC) projects should
increase the capacity of individuals and groups in urban and ru
ral communities, their access to the media and the possibility
of active social participation"The sentence was removed.
In the end, a third of the $ 6 million came from France, and
another third from Arab countries of the Guld. The Netherlands 9
Canada,“Austria and Italy promised contributions , as did the
poverty-stricken nations of Bangladesh and Benin,, each of which
pledged a symbolic S ^,000« Including bilateral’contributions
for specific projects, $ ^0
50 million was colected in Acapulco,
Acapulco an
insignificant sum compared,
example,5 to
more than
llo for example
uu the
une muxe
biicLLJ. $ §6
million allocated by the US Agency for International Development
(AID) for communications, $ 30 million of which went to the Mid
die East alone.
Creativity and Real Alternatives
Once more this shows that to change the present communication
order the Third World can hardly count on anything more than its
own forces. A lot has been done, Most Third World countries have
a national news agency and these are grouped in the ’’pool” of
news agencies of Non-Aligned countries, as well as regional organizations like Africa’s PANA or Latin America’s AIASEI.
But this is clearly not enough.
Governments are not very efficient when it comes to handling
news , need a lot of time and difficult negotiations to reach ag
reements between them and very often they are tempted to practice
censorship at home and use their agencies as propaganda tools
abroad. The Third World Conference of NGOs (Penang, November
I98U) clearly identified these problems, demanding that "represen
tatives from the public, journalists and publishers should be al
lowed to participate in the management of government-owned news
agencies, radio and television stations".
It is, of course, a political demand that will not be satis
fied in most places without a strong mobilization of public opi
nion. The private sector, on the other hand, is deeply involved
with the same transnational-dominated communication order and can
not be considered an efficient agent of change.
The time has come to bring a new actor into scene s
vernmental Organizations.
Non Go-
NGOs have a major role to play in the development of new
communication alternatives, as they already have in exploring new
development alternatives.
The Third World Network is a splendid example of how fast
and efficiently a new idea can be put into work with a minimum
of resources. The experience of the Third World magazine and the
Third World Guide could also be produced as evidence of the po
tential of independent, non-profit oriented organizations in crea
ting new channels of international communication.
Proponents of the NIIO view information as a social function,
one of the fundamental rights, not as merchandise. A new Inter
national Information Order is not conceivable for many journa
lists without a genuinely democratic National information order.
Thus ? the social function of communication is not exercised withour risks when messages do not please the established power.
Evidence of this are a dozen journalists ii risoned and tortured"
in Uruguay during the 70’s and early 80’s, 9 ’’missing” in Argentina under military rule, 26 assassinated in Guatemala,y more than
100 attacks on the communications media in El Salvador'and
—1, nei—
ther last nor least, the unforgettable example of composer and
guitarist Victor Jara who,, in September 1973? continued singing
the hymn of Chile’s Popular Unity after had been cut off his
hands in the National Stadium in Santiago, and was finally quie
ted only with bullets.
The badly named ’’alternative press ” in the Third World is
almost always a power alternative9t that is to say, part of a political project that seeks to transform society and not only com
plement dominant information.
At times, the debate about the relation between the press
and the process of change is caught in a vicious circle. The
motto of the Latin American Journalists Federation, grouping the
press unions of the continent, is ’’For a free press in a free
country”. For some, that signifies that it is impossible to have
a liberated press until after a revolutionary transformation has
been achieved. The other extreme is the argument that such
transformation itself is unthinkable while the local oligopolies
and their transnational allies persit in monopolizing ideologi
cal control of the media. Which came first, the chicken or the
egg?
We should rather study how to defend chickens and eggs kick
ing the fox out of the coop.
Montevideo, February 1986
Co ah
i ,<=]
/
Third World, network
community health CELL
226, V Main, I Block
Koramangala
Bang a I ore-5 6 0034
India
THE THIRD WORLD TODAY : CRISIS OR DEVELOPMENT
BY
Khor Kok Peng
Research Director
CONSUMERS ASSOCIATION OF PENANG
Third World Press Meetings:
April 3-18, 1986
New Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore, Bombay
i
T4E__THIRD WORLD TODAY:
CRISIS OR DEVELOPMENT ?
BY
Khor Kok Peng
Research Director
Consumers Association of Penang
UNRESOLVED DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS
x.
Many Third World countries achieved political Independence
from colonialism two or more decades ago. The hopes and aspirations tiat
Independence brought are largely still unfulfilled. The old theories
prescriptions for development doled out by economists and implemented by
............. , Yet new and workable alternatives are
planners have lost credibility,
“2
, It is at this impasse, where the
still to emerge, take root and flower,
is
not
yet bom, that people talk of the
old world is dying but the new
development
fatigue” and ’’development
’’development problematique”, ”
crisis”.
According to the orthodox theory of development, developing
countries are poor because theyr lack modem technology and their economic
I
O
C4. X V-<-
b* V* **
W
----
J
be reduced and eventually eliminated.
In much of the Third World, this simplistic view of development
won wide acceptance and became the basis for development planning. But
in recent years it has also suffered from much disillusionment. The reasons
are not hard to find. Despite two Development Decades in the 1960s and
1970s, and relatively respectable rates of economic growth, the Third World
countries have been unable to solve the basic problems of poverty, unemploy
ment and indebtedness. There are many more starving, homeless, jobless and
sick people in the developing countries today than five or ten or a
hundred years ago.
By the 1970s, discontent with the orthodox development approaches
(i.e. economic growth based on western-style modernisation) had become
widespread among development theorists, international Third World group
ings, certain United Nations agencies and some Third World policy
makers.
The discontent with the traditional approach to development
to the fact that socio-economic problems did not fade away but in
was due
<
many cases increased, so that instead of ’’development” there was a situationl of crisis emerging. This crisis was manifested by :
a)
The persistence of poverty in the Third World despite economic
growth;
2
internationally and
Inequalities >of income becoming more acute
nationally as modernisation proceeded.
World trade did not benefit the Third World due to the poor and
declining terms of trade of their commodities,
b)
c)
Tie overall and increasing dependence of deveioping
S developed countries in the area of investment, trade,frnance
d)
and technology;
resources and rax^
The rapid depletion of the Third World’s the rich countries;
materials which were largely exported to
e)
A rapid deterioration of the
f)
social and physical environment;
A
w.reneB. that eapltal-lateaslve Imported tectaology
iat "Slttlns mainly a
alite »l>leh could aftoyd
g)
the facilities;
The current world economic crisis has adversely affected
Third World experts, causing balance of payments
rise in foreign debts, and forcing governments to mstit
austerity programmes.
h)
i)
■ L of western-type culture through the modern
The importation
media which disrupted indigenous ways of life.
mass i——— —
3)
The lack of genuine participation of the poor in decision
making processes nor in the benefits of development.
k)
The human
human rights
rights situation often did not progress
The
deteriorated.
a
--- line
with economic growth but in many cases <------
inter-related phenomena to be
-re these various but
How are
and systematically ? What are the roots of these
explained <coherently
-------the crisis ?
problems ? Wliat alternatives are there to
will briefly review the emerging
In the following sections, we
an outline of the causes of the
theories of under-development; present
alternative development model.
problems; and give suggestions for an
II.
THEORIES OF POVERTY ANU UNDERDEVELOPMENT^
Various paradigms or schools of thought have emerged in the
i offer competing theories explaining the
field of development studies to
Third
World countries.
persistence of poverty in the ’
-i 11 Modernisation Paradigm
internal to the poor
tra..s
Metoru <~d cuudUlons .f
.uupo.r, approSa “pSSSogl"; X-i -4 .otlyattoual orla»t.el»a. ar.
« ■>.
3
in the developing countries. A transfer or diffusion
missing or lacking
of these components from the developed countries to theJ®v^OP^eC°^7
tries is thus deemed
deemed to
to be
be necessary
necessary if
if poor
poor countries are to ta^e
into a period of ’’self-sustained
growth
’
use the phrase of W.W.Rostow,
self-sustained growth’ (to
(
one of the main architects of the paradigm).
This trac tional approach is criticised by adherents of the
are responsible for the lack of development in the third World. inese
structural elements arise from the relationship between the backward and
SZ eoX... one that
the colonial e~ !« >..= eon^.nooa
in its basic form to the present day. Due to this relationship, the
developing countries have been forced into a situation of lopsided
dependence on (not mutual inter-dependence with) the developed
Such dependence has shaped the socio-economic structures of the developing
countries in such a way as to place serious constraints on.their develop
ment efforts. Thus, far from agreeing with the Modernisation Paradigm
that the developing countries should inject missing factors and pr penalties' intc^the developing countries, the Dependency economists would
suggest that these poor countries should free themselves from the
institutional dependency constraints, build self-reliant nationa
economies, and create a 'new international economic order .
disillusionment with the trend of increasing poverty in the Jevelopi g
countries despite two United Nations Development Decades in the 1960s and
the 1970s. Connected to this is a swiftly increasing awareness that the
traditional development theories put forward by the economists of th
advanced countries might be i-suitable for explaining the poverty of the
advanced countries as the ccc^mlc institutions of the two groups of counformulation
tries differ radically. The realisation of this position and a L_
put forward
of the proper rol< of the Third World economist was eloquently
<
.
in the 1965 Declaration of Latin American Economises:
"It is we, the economists of the underdeveloped countries,
who have the duty to formulate a body of knowledge based on
observation and experience by arranging these facts m a logics .
order which will permit us to derive conclusions cf general .
validity
The constant subordination to advances in economics
in the Anglo-Saxon countries explains the apparent inabili y o
Latin American economists to formulate a rigorous and logical
body of knowledge applicable to the mechanics of growth, i^tea
of limiting themselves to the rather thankless task of pretending
that reality adapts itself to obsolete theoretical moulds ...
We must achieve a rational explanation of the fact that some
countries grow and others do not, and that development occurs
only at a particular historical juncture and not at another ...
We must determine which are the mechanisms that prevent the
international diffusion of economic development through trade
and why this latter has turned into the instrument that most
5
3.
The rapid depletion of natural resources, such as tropical
forest, fisheries and minerals, which will have serious
implications on income and balance of payments;
4.
A pattern of economic management and development planning
based primarily on Ljowth of output instead of emphasis on
satisfying basic needs of the poor.
1.
EXTERNAL DEPENDENCE AND UNEQUAL DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME
AT INTERNATIONAL LEVEL
In the post-Second World war period, the industrial countries
have tightened their grip over the world economy and increased tKir
economic control over developing countries. The Third World has by
and large become even more dependent, thus resulting in a massive
drain of funds and resources to the industrial countries.
In investments, transnational corporations still own substantial
shares in mining, agricultural and manufacturing processes in the third
World. In trade, the Third continues to suffer from an unequal rela
tionship since the industrial countries control tfte markets of both
raw materials and manufactured goods. The terms of.trade of most
developing countries have continued to decline in the past two to three
decades. In addition, corporations of the industrial countries control
the chain of trade intermediaries, including shipping, wholesaling and
distribution. In the sphere of finance, many Third World countries have
run up large balance-of-payments current account deficits, forcing them
to accumulate massive external debts which now total over US$800 billion
for the Third World as a whole. The problem of debt servicing and
conditions imposed for debt rescheduling have forced their governments
to implement ’’austerity programmes”. And in the area of technology,
the Third World countries have imported not only capital goods and
technical equipment but billion-dollar ’turnkey projects’ such as
hydro-dams and heavy industrial plants.
Due to these various foims of dependence, huge amounts of
funds are transferred from the Third World to the industrial countries
every year. Th following are examples of this transfer of surplus
from South to North :
(a)
In 1981-84, profit remittances out of developing countries
which had external debts averaged US$14-US$15 billion annually. For
the four years, the total profit outflow was US$57.3 billion. (UNCTAD
Trade and Development Report 1983, Tabic 5, p.20). This figure
excludes profits flowing out of countries which are not non-debtors.
(b)
Losses to Third World countries due to terms-of-trade decline
have been massive. In 1972, the non-oil developing countries were los.
ing US$10 billion (over 20% of the value of their aggregate exports)
due to the lower level of their terms of trade compared to the mid1950s (Clairmonte 1975:p.1186). In the 1970s and early 1980s the non
oil developing countries’ terms of trade tell further. According to
UNCTAD estimates, Third World commodity export earnings in 1978 were
US$45 billion lower than what they would have been if prices had
remained at their 1969 levels. Since prices were expected to fall
further in the 1980s, the shortfall could reach US$186 billion by
1990 (Khor Kok Peng 1983: p,21-23).
(c)
A massive outflow of funds from the Third World also takes
6
place as payment for trade services. In 1979, developing countries owned
only 9$ of world shipping; they had to pay freight charges for both their
vis" uW/ bMnW Co°f
°f
imports.
(UNCTAD, Review of Maritime Transport, 1979). Third World
countries also have to pay for insurance, packing and selling arrange
ments. They thus receive very little in net export earnings. In the
case of bananas, where three multinational companies control 70% of
total exports and retailing, the gross returns to growers in developing
countries constituted only 11.5% of the retail sales value in the
consuming countries in 1971 (Clairmonte 1975: p.136-140).
d)
Due to their rapid accumulation of foreign debts developing
countries have increased their annual interest payments tenfold from
US$2.5 billion in 1970 to US25.7 billion in 1979 and it doubled again to
US$51 billion in 1931. In the period 197n-1982, a total of US$239
billion was paid out by developing countries as interest for their
foreign debts.
(Khor Kok Peng 1983: p.26).
e)
Transnational companies extract technical payments from their
subsidiaries in the Third World in the form of management or technical
fees, royalties for patents, and transfer pricing. An UNCTAD report
estimates that direct payments by developing countries for use of patents,
licences and technical services were US$9-US$10 billion a year in the
1980s. If other "hidden" costs such as transfer pricing is included,
the total cost of technological dependence could be US$30-US$50 billion
a year (UNCTAD 1981: p.37).
f)
Due to the migration of professionals from the Third World to
U.S., U.K., and Canada, US$51 billion worth of "human capital" was lost to
the Third World in 1961-72. This was more than the US$46 billion of deve
lopment aid given by these three countries in the same period (Khor Kok
Peng 1983: p.29).
2.
LOPSIDED INTERNAL ECONOMIC STRUCTURES
Whilst external dependence reveals the mechanisms maintaining
inequalities between the rich and poor countries, there are also great
inequalities within Third World countries0
TABLE 1
Income Distribution in Southeast Asian Countries
PERCENTAGE SHARE OF HCUSEHO. D INCOME
Indonesia (1976)
Thailand (1975-76)
Philippines (1970-71)
Malaysia (1973)
Singapore (1973)
Highest
10%
Highest
20%
Lowest
20%
Lowest
60%
34.0
34.1
38.5
39.8
n. a.
49,4
49.8
54.0
56.1
42,4
6.6
27.0
29.1
27.0
23.6
34.7
5.6
5.2
3.5
5.0
= —^ = =5 -ssSSS=»S===aS=S=55S==S5=:=5S5SS====8==:==SS=8= = = S===5=5=SS== = = =!==S ==2 = = ==S= = SS=S5S:=:5S =S = 5==:5S==!==S= =
Source: For Singapore : John Wong (1979: p.196-197).
For the rest : World Bank, World Development Report, 1983,p.200-1.
7
It is now generally recognised that poverty is related to
inequalities of wealth and income. Even if a country experiences high
growth rates, poverty can persist or even worsen if the income or benefits
derived from growth are skewed towards the upper crust of society. This
phenomenon, common to most Third World countries, can be seen in the
South-east Asian region. Table 1 shows the income distribution situation
in the Asian countries. It can be seen that a highly unequal distribution
pattern exists in each country, with the top 10% of households obtaining
the lion’s share (34 to 40 percent of total income) while the lowest
20% of households getting a pittance (3 to 7 percent). Indeed, in all
the countries, the top 10% of households obtained a far higher share of
income than the bottom 60% combined. In the worst case, Malaysia, the
richest 10% of households had 40% of the total income while the bottom
60% combined managed only 24% of the total income.
The great inequalities within Third World countries are a
of
structural and deep-seated factors, such as :
result
a)
the unequal distribution of land ownership;
b)
high rentals charged by landowners on tenant farmers;
c)
low wages .paid in the market sector of the economy;
d)
high unemployment and underemployment;
e)
high profits earned by corporations which enjoy near-monopoly
of the domestic market and can thus charge high prices;
f)
the modernisation process displacing traditional farmers and
fishermen from their livelihood and homes-
The imbalances in the economy are also manifested in the
relative neglect of agriculture vis—a—vis industry and commerce; and the
rapid growth of cities which drain away resources from the rural areas.
Food producing farmers have to make way for industries, roads or new
houses; traditional fishermen find their catch disappearing due to trawler
overfishing and pollution. At the same time, the high profits generated
by industry (especially transnational companies) enable the payment of
fish salaries to the professional classes. The result is wide inequalities
of income.
3.
DEPLETION AND IRRATIONAL USE OF NATURAL RESOURCES
The growth process in many Third World economies is largely
dependent on the exploitation of resources such as the tropical forest,
petroleum, minerals and motals. However many of these resources are now
approaching depletion point. By the year 2,000 most of the tropical
forests would have been chopped- In 50 to 100 years, the world’s
reserves of oil, lead, zinc and tin will be used up.
Third World countries resources are near depletion would soon
be facing problems of dislocation. Besides the loss of jobs and income,
there would also be balance-of-payments problems- The Third World
country will suffer twice: for the loss of export earnings, and for
outflow of foreign exchange to import what was once exported.
8
The depletion of resources is being fuelled by irrational
patterns of expenditure. A very large portion of these resources are
used to produce luxury and wasteful products whilst in the Third World
the majority of people have yet to fulfil basic needs. Another
Another large
large
part is used for the product4^n of armaments.
4.
GRqJTH-OPlE^gD ECXHCMIC PL.WING NEGLECTING 23ASIC NEEDS
At the heart of the problem is the fact- that our economic
planning is still being carried on in the belief that growth will solve
the problem of the day. This growth-oriented policy puts the stress on
expanding the productive capacity of existing institutions, such as
plantations, factories, small holdings, etc. through mechanisation and
modernisation. Great importance is places on maximising output and
growth in the immediate year or two. The structures of external
dependence and internal concentration of income are not fundamentally
tackled. Within this framework, the question of resource conservation
and planning is hardly raised. It is as if the problem will be looked
into only when the pinch is felt, but by then it may be too late to do
anything.
In planning and monitoring the economy, the categories used
are aggregates such as ’consumption’, ’investment’, ’exports , ’balanceof-payments', etc. In production planning, the performance and plans of
sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, mining, construction, banking,
commerce and trade are looked at. There is no real attempt made to first
determine the basic needs and requirements of the population, to measure
these against the existing natural resources, and to plan out production
of various sectors to meet these needs. Thus, although we may have a
rubber policy, oil policy, banking policy and so on, there are no Food
Demand and Supply policy, Energy policy. Water and Sanitation policy,
Housing policy and sc on. First and foremost, there is no proper Land
policy to control its deforestation, exploitation and mode of utilisation.
There is no resources policy to regulate the production, export and
use of resources or to cater these resources to meet local demands.
IV,
SOME CUI. URAL ASPECTS OF THE CRISIS
We have seen from the above analysis, the systematic creation
of Third World satellites by First World nations. The wealth and power
of the First World was thus achieved at the expense of Third World and
its societies. Resources were exploited, economies were distorted and
societies were plundered and subjugated to this end. With the cultural
uprooting of Third World peoples, the dominance and control was total
and complete. Cultural domination took many forms. We shall examine
some of them below s
Education:
With a few exceptions, the present education model in developing
countries is still a colonial legacy. As these countries became increas
ingly linked to the world economic system in the post colonial period and
became more and more dependent on the developed countries, so did their
education system. Education in the developing world was geared to
meet the needs of the expanding industrialized economy which became a mere
9
appendage of the economic system in the developed West, Like the wholesale adoption of Western economic and development models s the education
models in the developing nations also followed suit relying heavily
on Western programmes and technology, and its bias towards higher
educationo More important, education has led to the creation of an
elite who are bewitched with the West and its ways.
Mass Media:
Just as education was an offshoot of the Empire, so did the
communications system of the. colonies follow suit. These networks namely
transport, telephone,telegraph, broadcasting and the press grew out of
the imperial routes which passed through London and Paris. Communication
linkages thus followed the economic networks. Even today the telephone
and telegraph links between India and Europe, and Europe and Africa, are
the outcome of the colonial past. It is still easier to telephone or
travel from one part of Africa to another by way of London than if one were
to do so directly (Smith 1980: p.44). This goes to show the extent of
dependence of Third World media. For example, the five agencies which
control international news namely, AP, UPI, Reuters, AFP and Tass have all
emerged from the colonial period by which the colonial powers tried to
spread their news networks throughout areas where they exercised economic
and political control. Thus western journalism ’is’ according to Juan
Somaria of the Latin American Institute for Transnational Studies in Mexico,
’a vehicle for transmitting values and life-styles to Third World countries
which stimulates the type of consumption and the type of society necessary
to the transnational expansion of capital’.
Vo
ELEMENTS FOR AN ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT
If our foregoing analysis is correct, then it is the very
model of development itself which needs changing in the Third World» 1What
is urgently called for is not merely a tinkering with parts of the old
model but a bold discovery and experiment with a new model.,
The following are suggestions of some crucial components of an
alternative development strategy that can meet people’s basic needs,
generate autonomous development and be in • harmony with the natural envi
ronment .
1
REDUCTION IN EXTERNAL DEPENDENCE AND TOWARDS GREATER
SELF-RELIANCE
Third World countries should reduce their present dependence
on external trade, foreign loans and investment, and imported technology.
These cause instability during recession, and exact a high cost in terms
of trade losses, foreign exchange outflow, investment income outflows and
high payments for capital goods and technical fees. Reducing dependence
will thus cut down the balance of payments deficit and make us less reliant
on the developed countries for providing the main impetus for our economic
growth.
To achieve greater self-reliance, Third World countries
require a comprehensive strategy of import substitution in various fields»
10
of the external trade sector, and the^deyelopThis implies a contraction «
more of the
ment of the domestic sector , so that the economy produces from the
thus channelling resources
goods which areL locally used 5
Greater
l on demand for imports.
export sector, while cutting down
’’openness”
sector
would
reduce
this
extreme
development of the domestic
or trade dependence.
Among the import-substitution measures that can be taken are
the following :
Food productionl should be greatly increased,
increased. Many developing
countries are not
food
importers.
There
is much scope for food
not food importers. 1
--- -self-sufficiency and for agricultural food production to be a
major basis for self-reliant development of the domestic sector.
The demand for food can be expected to increase m line with
population growth. Moreover food will also be in greater demand
if redistributive measures are taken which increase t e poo
people’s income.
If poverty is reduced,
the effective demand of the poor for food
1, the
will increase, thus
thus providing
providing an increased market for food itemo.
With increased sales, food-producing farmers incomes will also
rise
The government
government should therefore give top priority to food
The
crop”development
in the
National Agricultural Policy.
development in
t
a)
b)
In the industrial sector, more encouragement should be given to
small-scale industries which are locally-owned, make use of local
resources, are on average 11 times more labour-intensive per-unit
of capital than large foreign firms, and which largely produce
basJc goods needed by the poorer majority of the local population
(in contrast to the higher propensity of the better-off fo
imported consumer products). These small-scale industries
produce many items such as food, household implements and fur
niture, wood and charcoal, and producer goods such as fishing
rets and basketwork. A comprehensive industrial policy
based on developing such small industries shoula be formulated,
with less stress on the large-scale production of luxury
products.
c)
2.
l appropriate technology policy is a vital
The formulation of an
of the proposals to switch to a basic needs selfcomponent c_
.
reliant development strategy, The present dependence on highcost foreign technology could be replaced with the appreciation,
development and upgrading of selected indigenous technologies
which are small in scales ecologically-sound, often fashioned
from local resources, iand
— accessible to the poor.
INCOME REDISTRIBUTION AND RATIONAL use of resources
unequal distribution of resources and the use of much of these resources
in producing luxurious products while basic needs of many people are not
vet satisfied. In order to improve this situation, the developed countries must first cut down drastically on their consumptron levels, revert
to a simpler lifestyle and thus reduce their present wastage of th
11
world’s resources. This is absolutely essential if we are to have
resources left to be used for producing basic goods for the Third
World. The export of precious Third World resources to be used for
luxury consumption in the rich countries should be curbed«
Our developing countries, on the other hand, should not think
of taking the same development path of the industrial countries. Instead,
we should adopt a type of development which is ecologically sound, and
stresses first on providing enough basic goods for the common man.
This implies that we should not emphasise the setting up of
expensive industries which manufacture luxury products. Instead, we
should encourage the production of food, cheap clothing, low-cost horsing
and the provision of health, sanitation and education facilities which
will directly improve the living standards of the lower-income groups.
But producing goods for the people is insufficient unless the
people have the means to buy the goods. Therefore, we should ensure that
the people have a secure livelihood, that they have land to plant on, that
development projects do not displace them from their homes or fields or
that suitable alternatives are found for them. We should ensure that
their jobs can earn them a sufficiently high income.
At the same time, we should discourage the consumption of
services. The
luxury products or the provision of luxury entertainment services,
imports of luxury items should be heavily taxed. In our development plans,
very low priority should be given to industries producing luxury products.
Given the fact that growth rates should be reduced to reduce
the foreign debt problem and resource depletion, there is an urgent need
to reorientate the economy towards the production and provision of basic
needs (food, health services, water, sanitation, housing, transport etc.)
and the preservation and expansion of sources of livelihood for the poorer
majority. This is necessary not only as a desirable social goal in itself
but also to prevent a substantial increase in poverty and unemployment in
the context of low growth. The objective should be lower growth while
still upgrading the living standards of the poorer majority of people.
This implies a redistribution of income towards the poor, aimed
at achieving the following : (a) a reduction in poverty^ (b) the genera
tion of greater consumer demand as the lower-income groups have a higher
marginal propensity to consume$ (c) a shift in market demand away from
sophisticated luxury products and services towards more basic goods
and services demanded by the poor; (d) providing the market basis for
a shift in production towards basic needs industries and services, as
the purchasing power and thus effective demand of the poorer sections
of society would have increased in absolute terms as well as relative
to total demand; (e) as consumer shifts towards basic products, investment
should also be channelled into the simpler capital goods required to
produce basic goods (this type of investment is also more labour-intensive
and thus generates more jobs), while the government sector can give
more emphasis on infrastructural development providing for basic needs
industries and services such as water, lighting and housing. It
should be noted that without a redistribution of income, there will
14
should be phased out, discouraged and eventually stopped. Tobacco is a
very dangerous substance, yet Malaysians smoke US$600 million of cigarettes
a year. Alcohol is bad for health and gives an artificial ’kick’ which
makes us lose our senses. Infant formula milk is a poor and inferior sub
stitute for breastmilk, yet many mothers now use it to feed their babies
because of a mistaken belief that it is good. Lipstick, perfume, trendy
clothes do not make a person a better human being, they just ’package’ a
person to give a certain appearance. Sex and violence films and TV pro
grammes, various forms of gambling, and prostitution are facilities and
services which can hardly be said to enhance human existence. All such
inappropriate products and services should be phased out and replaced with
appropriate things in an alternative development strategy. Some people
may argue that it’s a matter of taste and values whether a product is bad.
Well, the same can be said for heroin. Yet, using certain criteria, we
have banned the sale and use of heroin. Using the criteria of appropriate
ness of products, we can also make a list of appropriate and inappropriate
products, although of course this is not an automatically easy thing to do.
It is easier to close an eye and let things carry on as they are, but it
is also suicidal to do so.
APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY AND THE NATURE OF WORK
Many of us in developing countries are blinded by the glamour
of modem, sophisticated technologies. Whether in the free-market or the
centrally planned countries, there is a belief that ’’modernisation” in
the western technological sense is the essence of development. This cult
of modernisation and modem technology blinds us away from considering
other forms of development which use less resources and which are more in
harmony with good human relations, and with community development.
Many development thinkers and philosophers are now denouncing
modem technology as being unsuitable for Third World conditions. They are
expensive, can be bought only by a rich minority, use up a lot of energy
and do not employ many people. Thus, developing countries should evolve
their own ’’appropriate technologies” and their own techniques in various
areas - agriculture, industry, health care, housing, water management,
transport, energy and so on. Such technologies should as far as possible
make use of local resources available to communities, they should be
labour-intensive (employ many people), relatively simple to operate with
skills which can be passed on, they should be based on sound ecological
principles and be of a small scale suitable for family or community use.
The term ’’appropriate technology” may be now but the existence
of such technologies is not. There is no better place to start looking for
this than in our own traditional technologies which have developed through
many generations and adapted to local conditions. For instance, local
traditional fishing methods rely very much on the skills and labour of
small-scale fishermen. They are ecologically sound, do not result in the
gross overfishing of which the big trawler boats are guilty, and they in
volve the participation of the community. Thus, traditional fishing tech
nology is consistent with our principles of harmony with nature, good human
relations and the fulfilment of the individual through the pride in using
his own skills and controlling his own trade.
15
In the area of housing, a study by Lim Joo Yuan has shown
that the traditional Malay house is superior to the modem brick houses in
the housing estate. The Malay house has been constructed through the gene
rations in a very skilful way to provide proper ventilation and flow of air,
protection from the heat of the Malaysian sun, to give proper lighting, to
make maximum use of space. The Malay house is also cheap, can be constructed
by family labour with the help of the community, and belnds in very harmo
niously with the natural surroundings. In contrast, the much glamourised
modem housing-estate units are very hot, have poor ventilation, are very
expensive and do not blend with nature in any way. The brick house was
built for English climatic conditions. Yet because of the invasion of
western values, people think highly of the brick house and look down with
contempt on the beautiful Malay house. In the architecture courses in our
universities, our students are never taught about the Malay house. In our
Housing Ministry, which plans the construction of all the thousands of new
houses, it is doubtful whether any planner or official has ever thought of
the Malay house as a worthwhile model to study.
Serious studies are also now being made into the various
systems of traditional medicine and health care in Malaysia, No less an
authority than the World Health Organisation has recommended that tradi
tional health systems be integrated with modern medicine to form an appro
priate health strategy in developing countries. In Malaysia, where we have
traditional Malay, Chinese, Indian and Orang Asli medicines and health
practices, there is an extremely rich source to tap in formulating the
right mix in an appropriate health system. For instance, the pre-natal
and post-natal care for mother and baby provided by the bidan or Malay
traditional midwife is valuable skill not available in modern medicine.
Similarly we have acupuncture, ayurvedic medicine, bone-setting and massage
practices in Chinese and Indian traditional medicine. Of course, not all
traditional medicine practices are necessarily good, but the valuable
aspects should be identified and promoted to complement the positive aspects
of modem medicine. (It should be recognised that modem medicine also
has its negative aspects.)
There are many other traditional industries and practices
which can be promoted, improved on and form the basis on which development
is built. These technologies are also dependent on the individual skills
and craftsmanship of the villager or worker, whose pride and fulfilment in
work is far higher than the worker in a factory who is controlled by the
machine. Modem technology and factory work often reduces man to a mere
servant of the machine. The machine controls man rather than man talcing
charge of the production process, and this leads to the dehumanisation of
the worker. On the other hand, traditional technology is smaller in scale
and allows the worker to develop his craft and to take pride in his work.
This creative aspect of work can be seen in the traditional fisherman,
boat-builder, house carpenter and furniture-maker. To enjoy work, to deve
lop one’s creative powers in making and shaping things, to control the work
process**--this is another important aspect of a genuine development strategy.
16
APPROPRIATE HABITAT
In a world with scarce energy and other resources, the present
trend of living in cities may have to be reversed as transportation becomes
more and more expensive. It is also getting impossible for the city
authorities to provide the housing, water, electricity and other facilities
for the exploding population in towns.
The highly centralised big factories may also have to break
down into smaller units, while the distance travelling between home and
the work-place should be reduced, The trend may therefore revert to living
and working in small communities.
This pattern of habitat and settlement fits in with the
principles of harmony with nature, community involvement and resource con
servation, Living and working in small communities will also reduce the
sense of alienation, loneliness and individualism which are ever present
in the big city which sometimes leads to mental problems and great stress.
The small community and small economy way of life is more appropriate to
man’s harmonious relations with nature and with his fellow men.
VALUES AND APPROPRIATE LIFESTYLES
What we have suggested in terms of appropriate products,
basic needs, rational use of resources and habitat cannot work unless
we change our values, our motivations in life and our lifestyles. Obviously
the simple type of development painted above can come about only if we
give up the high-level way of life and the type of values which focus on
possessing more and more things.
Instead, we have to adopt a simple way of life, in which we
have the basic necessities to enable a reasonable standard of living but
not the desire to chase after more and more luxury products for the sake
of status. Indeed, if we do away with all the unnecessary gadgets of
urban living, we will have more ime and inclination to concentrate on
human relationships and on meaningful leisure activities that bring us
closer to human and s iritual fulfilment. Free from the pressures of compe
tition and the dictates of fashion, people will have the freedom to
develop the things which really matter in life - friendship, human rela
tions, religion, reading books, the enjoyment of nature, music, the arts.
When we decide, to cut down on buying more products, we are not so tied down
to taking care of our new gadgets. There will be less pressures to work
more or earn more, Human values based on the simple lifestyle can take
priority.
This simple way of life is by no means unrealistic or overidealistic, but can be achieved if we change our perceptions and our values.
It is also a lifestyle which we must adopt if we are to conserve resources
and avoid the catastrophe of the world running out of resources. The simple
lifestyle, in my opinion, will bring us more happiness and more fulfilment
than the high-pressure world of the rat race. It is an essential component
of an alternative development strategy.
4
17
VI.
CCNCLUSIOnS
In this paper I have presented what I feel constitutes the develop
ment crisis of our times. Today, the countries of the Third World are
still being controlled economically and culturally by institutions o
the industrial countries.
In order to have genuine development, we have firstly to loosen
and break that grip - by becoming less dependent and more self-reliant.
At the same time, ILi-l
Third World countries have to put their own
Reforms
have
to be carried out so that productive assets
house in order. L----- -—
and incomes are redistributed, This is the only possible approach to take
in the context of slow growth and uncertain world economic conditions.
We should also dispel the myth that modem technology is; the
key to development in the Third World. Because resources are running out,
the high style of living is no longer possible, Building skyscrappers,
big buildings and modem gadgets cannot by
I , . themselves bring about development of people and fulfilment of the individual, For a genuine type of
■elopment, we
—y---^eed
development,
we need
need to
to put
put tne
the stress
stress uu
on people, not rproducts.
develop
the
human
being
and
to
promote
good
human
relations,
not
the
to c
consumer culture based on fashion and competition.
Many people whoo are blinded by modem technology and the
that the views and suggestions presented here
consumer culture may think
t.
are unrealistic, romantic or even an advocacy to return to primitive
times.
But I believe we are facing a crisis of development not only
in the Third World but also in the First World, It is a crisis of
under-development for the large majority of the poor, iprincipally in
the Third World, and a crisis of overdevelopment among the elite of both
the First and Third Worlds.
They, the elite, have to out their consumption, so that the
poorer majority will have enough resources to survive, to develop.
It is up to those who realise the crisis to make others
conscious of it, so that this Crisis can be converted into Development
in the genuine sense of the word Development. It is a hard struggle,
sometimes even a dangerous struggle but we have to carry out this struggle.
It is our responsibility, not our pleasure, to do so. And we should
not give up, we cannot give up, because we have no right to give up
this struggle for genuine Development.
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THE WORK OF SAM IN MALAYSIA
by P.C. Mohan
In 1972, the United Nations Conference on the
Environment held in Stockholm focussed attention on
the mistaken notion that the Earth could infinitely
absorb the punishment that was being meted out to it
by its most influential body of citizens humankind.
will be remembered that, at the time, the representat i ves of the Third World countries at the Conference
viewed this sudden preoccupation with the envi ronment
as something of a "rich man's disease". Their own
primary concern, they said, was to feed their peoples:
conservation would have to come later.
Barely a decade later, however, many of these
countries had set up Ministries or Departments of the
Environment to deal with problems arising from develop
ment strategies and their impact on the environment.
More often than not, political considerations have
been tending to override environmental ones and Govern
ments, while acknowledging, for example, that uncontrol
led deforestation could effectively destroy the environ
mental equilibrium of an area, were in fact allowing
it to happen, as timber merchants, constitute a power
ful lobby.
It is for this reason that an increasing number
of non-governmental organizations in the Third World
have felt it important to concentrate their efforts
on creating a greater public awareness of environ
mental issues among their fellow citizens.
educating citizens on
emlronmenl
J issues:
HBMWMuannHMH
THE WORK OF SAM IN MALAYSIA
MH
by P.C. Mohan
Particularly in regions like South-East Asia,
non-governmental organizations have had a certain suc
cess in calling attention to such issues as the pol
lution of soil and water, erosion and d e f o r e s t a t i on . ”1)
One of the most active is the Sahabat Alam Malaysia
(SAM), which forms part of the "Friends of the Earth"
network round the world, and which has been working
for six years now to alert Malaysians to certain
environmental hazards, many of which have been brought
about by national and regional development strategies.
How was SAM born?
In Malaysia, a sense of community and harmony
with the environment has always characterized the
kampungs or villages that grew up either close to
1) See also IDEAS AND ACTION No. 127: "The need for
an ecologically-based development in Asia: what
NGOs can do".
deforestation
As has been mentioned earlier, serious ecological
problems are resulting from the extensive cutting down
of Malaysia’s forests. It has been calculated that in
1981 the deforestation was taking place at the rate
of a quarter of a hectare a minute! And the process
o f replanting and reafforestation is lagging far be
hind: only 47.700 hectares have been regenerated over
the ten years between 1971 and 1980, as opposed to
the 364.500 hectares being removed annually!
fisheries
SAM are concerned with the disruptions in the
lives of small fisherfolk that have been brought about
by the practices of large trawlers. Apart from fishing
indiscriminately, they have been destroying the crucial
feeding and spawring areas. The fishing industry has
reached a stage which is beyond what the experts refer
to as the level of Maximum Sustainable Yield - apart
from having to face the pollution problems referred
to earlier.
If present trends continue, by 1990 there is
likely to be a shortage of fresh fish of between
100.000 and 175.000 metric tons. This is serious for
a country where fish represents three-quarters of all
the protein consumed and where the fishing industry
sustains 90.000 fisherfolk.
other issues
Among the other subjects of SAM’s campaigns is
the need for a better use of land. The absence of
rational planning has led to a dramatic drop in pro
ductivity - for example through an increasing number
of flash floods. The group are also concerned by the
difficulties in obtaining clean water, especially in
rural areas, as well as the indiscriminate killing
of various forms of wild-life, such as elephants,
rhinos and tigers. Another theme they have taken up
is safety on the job, for example, the problems cre
ated by high decibel Levels for workers in industry.
What has SAM achieved so far?
An organization is naturally judged by the tan
gible signs of success that it can demonstrate as a
result of its campaign, whatever the cause may be.
Although it is still a relatively young organization,
SAM already have a number of noteworthy achievements
to their credit. This is all the more remarkable i n
that many of the issues with which they deal go
against powerful vested interests.
As part of its general objective to promote a
more just, equitable and harmonious development, SAM
keep an eye on the activities of the various industries that could compound environmental problems.
They also closely monitor the work of the official
agencies who are responsible for regulating environ
mental issues. Whenever they feel that an office is
trying to downplay some problem of environmental
importance, SAM publicize it and get the public in
volved. They may take up, for example, the threat to
the environment posed by the high lead content in
petrol, or the indiscriminate disposal of sewage and
industrial affluents, or pollution caused by quarry
ing and mining.
One of their outstanding achievements has been
the saving of the Taman Negara National Park from
being destroyed to accommodate a hydro-electric power
project. The campaign included the sending of thou
sands of postcards to the Prime Minister and the sell
ing of T-shirts with a design of high-tension wires
running over an inundated forest and the slogan ’’Ta
man Negara Bukara Taman Tenaga!” (The National Park
is not an Energy Park!).
Community participation
It is perhaps in the field of community participation that SAM have been most successful. How do they
achieved this?
The first step is of course to collect the necessary information, They have now put together dossiers
on more than one hundred subjects related to environ-
ment and development, This documentation is used for
the preparation of memoranda to the Government and
brief press releases to draw attention to a particular
issue. After this, more detailed coverage is provided
through features and editorials in their different
publications.
All the while SAM's field staff are actively work
ing with the various communities that have been neg
atively affected by some development plan. SAM's doc
umentation is indeed based on this first-hand know
ledge of local situations: at any one time field
workers will be talking to people to try and find ways
to mitigate the problems resulting from the pollution
of water sources from industries and oil-palm mills,
or the damage to land and crops resulting from uncon
trolled waste discharge from factories or the depletion
of fish resources.
After a thorough investigation into a particular
problem, SAM then help villagers to write out peti
tions to the Government, arrange for them to meet the
officials who are responsible and issue press releases
for the media. They extend their audience by making
slide-shows and preparing materials for publication.
What are the consequences of such actions? Some
times they have real effect: the sources of pollution
are controlled and compensation given for the damages
caused. In other cases, unfortunately, the community
affected has to near its suffering patiently, in the
hope that some day its cause will be heard. However,
the very existence of an organization Like SAM encour
ages poor villagers to continue their battle for a
more dignified existence.
Activities with schools and universities
SAM collaborates with the Consumer Association
of Penang (CAP) in education programmes and training
services for students at all Levels - schools, col
leges, universities - as well as for youth and
women's organizations and residents' associations.
Workers' groups and trade unions have also been ex
posed to information on environment and development
issues through programmes run by SAM in various
states of Malaysia. Questions such as occupational
health and safety naturally figure prominently in
these programmes, which highlight the hazards in
people's working and living environment. It is
estimated by SAM that in peninsular Malaysia 653
people are killed at work each year and approximately
62.000 suffer injuries of some kind.
Statistics like these help to mould public opin
ion, especially when they are part of a well coordi
nated press campaign. Over the years the group have
been urging trade union representatives to insist
that health and safety committees and full workers'
participation must be integral parts of any collective
agreement with management.
Teachers and lecturers are also encouraged to
envi ronmenta I issues into the regular
incorporate environmental
curriculum. As a result, many schools now include
such issues iinn geography, science. Languages and
health courses. There has also been a gradual spread
of environmental education in colleges and universities.
For there is Little doubt that the fundamental social
anomalies related to the environment can only betackled
by'those who have some general understanding of the
problems: a generation made aware of them during their
formative years could well prove the critical mass
leading to positive change.
_
Periodicals: essential
information tools
SAM produce several important periodicals - apart
from comprehensive studies on the Malaysian environ
ment, such as the Report first mentioned on page 11
(the third in the series). Suara SAM is the name of
its quarterly newsletter carrying current information
on environmental problems in Malaysia and SAM's ef
forts to seek solutions through research projects
involving the local communities. The Env i ronmentaI
News Di gest is a bi-monthly publication with environ
mental news briefs which provide a constant updating
of the environmental scene in the world as a whole.
Problems such as air,
water and soil pollution,
rural/urban migration,
the growth of slums, the
disappearance of tradi
tional lifestyles com
patible with the environ
ment: these issues are
common to many countries
in Asia and another SAM
publication,Asian-Pacific,
Envi ronment, a quarterly
newsletter, serves as an
information Link between
groups and individuals
in various parts of the
region.
w
The serious break-down in traditional communi t i es
The way in which Malaysia’ traditional communi
ties have been affected by development strategies
(however good the intentions): this is a constant
theme underlying all SAM’s work. A good example is
quoted in their 1983 Report: it concerns deforesta
tion. Almost three-quarters of Sarawak’s land area is
covered by fores’t whose valuable timber constitutes
a major source of revenue for the Government. As in
many other Third World countries, this wealth, instead
of serving the Local population, as well as the nation
as a whole, has only helped to widen the gap between
the rich and the poor in the area. For the indigenous
peoples of Sarawak, the forest has been a source of
many things that are vital to their daily existence:
timber for their houses and boats, wild fruits and
crops to supplement, even to substitute - in bad
years - their rice yields, cane and rattan to make
baskets and mats, both for their personal use and for
sale. They are also used to going into the forests to
look for the herbs and plants which they use to heal
t hemselves.
As their forests disappear, so too does the iden
tity of the people. They become, for example, paid
labourers in the timber industry, forced into help
ing to destroy their own habitats. As more and more
of them are thrust into the 'mainstream* of the
'development* process their traditional culture dies
away and is replaced by the rules that govern cash
economies all over the world. Once independent com
munities, having literally lost their roots, they now
depend for their living on the logging industry and what will happen to them when all the trees are
cut down? Along with all species of birds, insects,
animals and plants that have been destroyed, this
'progress’ has resulted in the virtual disappearance
of the concept of self-reliance.
Traditional tribal communities in Sarawak once
lived according to a moral and religious code called,
the det, which specified the rights and obligations
of both individuals and groups in the community. This
web of reciprocity is now seriously eroded, as people
are too preoccupied with their own precarious exis
tence to give much thought to their neighbours. The
old values that held the village and community to
gether and that were based on mututal sharing and
cooperation have fallen victims to ’development’ as
even the trees.
For its part, SAM has been active in taking up
the matter with the State Government to force the
timber companies to reafforest the denuded areas, It
has been pressing for the discontinuation of new t i mber licences and the non-renewal of the present con
cessions. It is their opinion that all existing tim
ber contracts should be scrutinized from an Environ
mental Impact Assessment viewpoint to get a better
understanding of the effects of the logging, both on
the tribal communities and on the environment.
A difficult but vital struggle
EnvironmentaI awareness and community participa
tion are the twin planks on which to base action
against short-term, short-sighted development strat-
PUBLICATIONS PRICE LIST
egies which lead to environmental deterioration and
the further marginalization of people who are already
greatly exploited. This has been the policy of SAM
since the beginning and it is clearly proving to be
effective.
Of course not all their efforts have been crowned
by success. They organized a campaign for a compre
hensive law to cover national parks and wildlife
conservation and so far this has not met with much
positive response. Nor have their continued represen
tations, together with the Consumer Association of
Penang and the fisherfolk communities. Led to any
serious attempt to tackle the present crisis in fish
ing. An organization like SAM, however. Looks at setbacks as learning experiences: a sign that they, i n
collaboration with the affected people, should re
mould their plan of action to ensure better results
next time.
There is a tendency on the part of governments
and business corporations to regard non-governmental
organizations as being composed of woolly-headed,
starry-eyed romantics who act without a full unders
tanding of the issues involved. Reality, however, sug
gests that, in the long run, the interests of indi
viduals, nations and indeed the entire world can be
safeguarded only if the complex issues linking environ
mental and development strategies are taken up by
large numbers of people NOW. The activities of non
profit, citizens' groups Like Sahabat Alam Malaysia,
working with meagre resources but great conviction,
should be seen as an essential step in this direction,
towards a world where the environment is not a source
of profit for the few, but a precious heritage nurtured and protected for all humankind.
. -Directory
a useful
uc\e^
1
recently
- ’- - t
c
-PacHi c Regi°n
SAM has
inlor
Environmental
a ct’''
< the <>ri0US
first of itsSOnSp;obeLebmes 3^ proposal^o^
Qrder
and prop10SalS„ be ordered
contact per
lt
can
be
Sahabat
achievements, n 16 counties.
fro(n
ban
,untri es.
I organizations
■
lading
10.00 or
37 Lorong
a 37 Lorong “J________________ _________
ALam Malaysi
No
Title/Price*
LOCAL PRICE
(inclusive of
Postage & Bank
Commission)
(MS)
_________ (MS)___________________
1.
OVERSEAS
PRICE
(inclusive of
AIR MAIL
Postage & Bank
Commission)
(USS)
OVERSEAS
PRICE FOR
SURFACE
MAIL (inclusive
of Bank
Commission)
(USS)
State of the Malaysian
Environment — Development
Without Destruction 1980/81
(Bahasa Malaysia/English)..31.00
$ 1.40
S 3.00
S 1.50
State of the Malaysian
Environment - Deteriorating
Quality of Life 1981/82
(Bahasa Malaysia/English) ..32.50
S 2.90
S 6.50
S 3.50
State of the Malaysian Environ
ment — Towards Greater Envi
ronmental Awareness 1983/84
(Bahasa Malaysia/English). .34.00
S 4.40
3 9.50
3 5.50
Pesticide Problems in a
Developing Country — A Case
Study of Malaysia (Bahasa
Malaysia/English). .$3.00
3 3.40
3 6.00
3 3.50
5.
SUARA SAM (6 issues a year
in Bahasa Malaysia and
English) . . 34.50
3 4.50
(for 1 year)
312.00
(for 1 year)
3 4.00
(for 1 year)
6.
Environmental News Digest
(6 issues a year in English)
. . 330.00
330.00
(for 1 year)
330.00
(for 1 year)
325.00
(for 1 year)
Directory of Environrqental
NGOs in the Asia-Pacific
Region . . 310.00
310.40
315.00
3 8.00
3 1.15
3 1.45
3 1.30
3 0.65
3 0.95
3 0.80
3 2.30
3 5.00
3 2.50
State of the Malaysian
Environment 1984 (Dossier)
(Bahasa Malaysia/English)..35.00
3 5.80
311.00
3 6.00
Asia-Pacific Environment
Newsletter (English —
4 issues a year) .. 36.00
3 6.00
310.00
3 6.00
Buku Panduan Alam Sekitar
(Bahasa Malaysia). . 33.00
3 3.30
2.
3.
4.
8.
9.
Poster: Towards Greater
Environmental Awareness (in
colour — in English - 31.00)
(Size: 18 by 24 inches —
in Bahasa Malaysia —
30.50
Environmental Crisis
in Asia-Pacific
(English) . .32.00
10.
11.
12.
*Note: AH prices of books outside of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei will be in US$
currency.
rivers or on cultivable land, The environment that
sustained the people of these kampungs was seen
as common property, to be cared for so that it. i n
turn, could look after the inhabitants by providing
them with food, water and other necessities. Socially,
psychologically and economically the people of a traditionaI Ma I aysian vi11age tended to function as a
single collective unit for the mutual benefit of all.
Over the past two decades, high-visibiIity devel
opment plans, based Largely on short-term, profitmotivated growth models, have shattered this equilib
rium. Among the more negative aspects of the introduc
tion of progress in Malaysia, as in many Third World
countries, have been the exponential depletion of
local populations and, on the other, articulate them
clearly and press for their consideration by the agen
cies or Government departments concerned.
The Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM) aim at fulfilling
this very function. While fully recognizing the need
for development, they base their work on the assumption
that development cannot be at the expense of the envi
ronment and to the detriment of the poorer people who
depend on it for their sustenance. In this, they share
similar aims and often work with another organization
which has already been operating for some fifteen^
years, the Consumers Association of Penang (CAP).
^4 LA'* $'*
natural resources, the pollution of rivers, seas, coast
lines and beaches, the unregulated use of dangerous
chemicals guaranteed to grow more food quicker, and
the accumulation of disease-breeding waste and sewage.
These uncomfortable realities are not, moreover, even
ly distributed over the population as a whole: invari
ably it is the poorest communities who have to bear
the brunt, causing tremendous social and economic
upheavals among them.
The voices of these people are all too ea s i I y
lost in the noisy fanfare that accompanies "national
development plans", which seem impervious to the needs
and wishes of the people Living in the vi I Lages. Hence
the need for intermediaries who can, on the one hand,
try and understand the fundamental concerns of the
What
the ma in problems?
It is the belief of SAM that all the environ
ment a I /deve lopmenta I problems faced by Malaysia to-day
should be viewed in the context of the rapid processes
of industrialization and urbanization. These twin
phenomena have led to the widening of the gap between
the two main divisions in that society: between the
urban and rural areas, and between the rich and poor
urban populations.
2) See also IDEAS AND ACTION BULLETIN No. 123
"Changing society for the better by starting from
the simple basics".
More specifically, research by SAM's staff indi
cates that, for example, while the land area devoted
to growing vegetables and fruits has been steadily
declining every year due to unchecked 'developmental'
pressures, Malaysia paid some three billion dollars
(US) for food imports in 1982. Another example: 42
major rivers in peninsular Malaysia have been pro
nounced 'dead' by the Government. This is official
recognition of the fact that the polluted water can
no longer sustain shellfish, shrimps and crabs and
is unfit for human consumption oorr use.
Again, an extrapolation of the present trend
according to which 400.000 hectares of forest are be
ing cleared each year, indicates that, by 1990, the
country will be totally devoid of high-quality timber.
These statistics give some idea Of the fundamental
and complex socio-economic issues that have to be
resolved in the interest of the Malaysian people as
a whole.
The Report on the State of the Malaysian Environ
ment, which was published in 1983 by SAM 3) emphasizes
the need for greater environmental awareness and for
a better understanding of the possible effects of
humankind's activities on the environment. The Report
also outlines the areas with which SAM is particularly
concerned:
food and agricultural production
Like many other Third World countries, Malaysia
has been trying, since independence, to increase food
and agricultural production and to better the living
standards of its agricultural workers. While great
progress has been made in certain areas, SAM is con
cerned that food production is not keeping pace with
population growth and huge food import bills are being
run up. While governmental programmes have certainly
registered successes in earning higher profits from
3) Obtainable for SUS 5 (excluding postage) from Sahabat
Alam Malaysia, 37 Lorong Birch, Penang, Malaysia.
rubber, oil palm and certain other cash crops. Largescale modernization programmes have tended to benefit
the large Landowners, leaving hujje numbers of margin
al landowners virtually unaffected in term of benefits.
A case study of one of the projects considered to be
more successful than many others - the Muda irrigation
scheme - leads inevitably to the conclusion that it
is a more equitable distribution of Land that will be
the determining factor exorcising poverty, not the
provision of more governmental inputs. Given the fact
that only 6.9 million of Malaysia's 13.8 million hec
tares have been reserved for agriculture, SAM feels
that this land should be judiciously divided between
food crops and cash crops so that long-term benefits
are gi ven priority.
pesticides
Apart from being of immediate danger to people
handling them, some pesticides have noxious long-term
effects on the environment: this is the theme of
another campaign taken up by SAM. A survey that they
carried out in 1980 in the areas of Penang and Province
Wellesley revealed that over half the fa rmers and
plantation workers complained of some illness or other
after they had been spraying. Moreover, a Lmost* th reequa rt ers of them had virtually no idea of the dangers
of using pesticides without taking due precautions.
The emergence of pesticide-resistant pests has
created further problems. A FAO report stated that the
number of such resistant species doubled from 182 in
1965 to 364 in 1977. In Malaysia, even the heavy use
of pesticides failed to destroy the brown plant hopper
that decimated the rice yields at Tanjung Karang in
Selangor in 1977 and 1979.
SAM's campaign against the over-use of pesticides
and the distribution and easy availability of highly
toxic varieties has not, unfortunately, yet made much
of an impact on the policies of the pesticide companies
concerned.
Corn 1.1,
COMMUNITY HEALTH CELL
326; V Main, I Clock
Koramcrg^la
Banga'ore-560034
India
The Third World Network
Presents a
THIRD WORLD PRESS MEET
at the State Youth Centre
Nrupatunga Road,
on
April
13th
and
Bangalore
14th
1986
t
Karnataka Union of Working Journalists
Bangalore Reporters Guild
Press Club of Bangalore
The Printers (Mysore) Ltd
Karnataka Press Academy
OBJECTIVES
Thirty five years after political independence, news reporting and
analysis of third world developments still remain dominated by the
advanced countries and their news agencies. This has been a major
sore point in the North-South debate, and has led to legitimate
demands concerning a New International Information Order, and many
third.world initiatives to remedy the situation. The Namedia Foundation
is one such effort. There are others. A number of new magazines
and journals have sprung up including, SOUTH, INQUIRY, AFRICAN
AND ASIAN EVENTS, INSIDE ASIA, etc.
These must be encouraged and further stimulated.
The Third World Network has decided to help this process of media
emancipation by enabling cross exchanges of journalists and scholars
between third world countries themselves.
A beginning is being made in India, where reporting on other third
world countries, with a few exceptions/ still comes via TIME or
NEWSWEEK, or re-runs of articles published originally in papers from
London or New York.
The purpose of these press meetings being planned by the Network in
India is to enable journalists and scholars from countries like Nicaragua,
the Philippines, Malaysia and elsewhere to directly discuss develop
ments in their countries with Indian editors, journalists and scholars.
In exchange, such people as may visit India, will get a unique
opportunity to deepen their understanding of India's development via
conversations with Indian editors. The exchange is intended to be
self-critical.
The meetings are also expected to focus on the continuing dependence
of third world intellectual life, via books and academia, on the advanced
countries and their knowledge industries.
Each meeting will have an important component : an exhibition of
literature from the countries participating.
The exhibition would
include books and periodicals published in those countries, details of
their publishing houses, book catalogues. We are also attempting to
provide a comprehensive sampling of leading newspapers published in
the countries concerned. Hopefully, this might enable participants to
explore avenues for participating realistically in each other's media
situations.
*
BRIEF mr-ORMATIOIf ON THE FOREIGN DELEGATES
fhe Philippines : Randolf S David is Director of the University of
the Philippines (UP) Third World Studies Center, and professor at the
UP Department of Sociology. At the moment he is also Southeast
Asian Regional Coordinator of the United Nations University Asian
Perspectives Project. He is also editor of KASARlNLAN, the Philippine
Journal of Third World Studies.
Brazil:
Robertq Bissio, born in Montevideo, 1951, is a journalist in
Uruguay. Editor of "Third World" magazine ('Spanish Edition) and
also Editor of "Third World Guide", with a circulation of over
100',000. Circulated in Latin America and Africa. Correspondent for
different alternative media in Brazil [ has been in Peru, Mexico and
Central America before ].
4
I
Africa : Mohamed Iqbal Asaria, orginally from India, later, Uganda,
is now editor of INQUIRY magazine. Also an economist and journalist.
licaragua :
Abdul Sirker Urroz, Senior Editor, DIARIO BARRICADA,
Managua, Nicaragua.
Malaysia : Khor Kok Peng, is Research Director of the Consumers'
Association of Penang, editor of KONSUMER UTUSAN, and author
of RECESSION AND THE MALAYSIAN ECONOMY, THE MALAYSIAN
ECONOMY-STRUCTURES AND DEPENDENCE.
<
Malaysia : Mohamed Idris J. P. is President of the Consumers’
Association of Penang, President of Sahabat Alem Malaysia [Friends of
The Earth Malaysia] and. Coordinator of the Third World Network
Secretariat in Penang.
1
(3
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i. m
qo^Mu,-,-ITY Health c£u
—v Main, I Block
Koramfengn/a
fiangaiore.560034
India
The Third World Network
Presents a
THIRD WORLD PRESS MEET
at the State Youth Centre
Nrupatunga Road,
on
April
13th
and
Bangalore
1986
14th
Karnataka Union of Working Journalists
Bangalore Reporters Guild
Press Club of Bangalore
The Printers (Mysore) Ltd
Karnataka Press Academy
<4
OBJECTIVES
Thirty five years after political independence, news reporting and
analysis of - third world developments still remain dominated by the
advanced countries and their news agencies. This has been a major
sore point in the North-South debate, and has led to legitimate
demands concerning a New International Information Order, and many
third world initiatives to remedy the situation. The Namedia Foundation
is one such effort. There are others. A number of new magazines
and journals have sprung up including, SOUTH, INQUIRY, AFRICAN
AND ASIAN EVENTS, INSIDE ASIA, etc.
These must be encouraged and further stimulated.
The Third World Network has decided to help this process of media
emancipation by enabling cross exchanges of journalists and scholars
between third world countries themselves.
A beginning is being made in India, where reporting on other third
world countries, with a few exceptions, still comes via TIME or
NEWSWEEK, or re-runs of articles published originally in papers from
London or New York.
The purpose of these press meetings being planned by the Network in
India is to enable journalists and scholars from countries like Nicaragua,
the Philippines, Malaysia and elsewhere to directly discuss develop
ments in their countries with Indian editors, journalists and scholars.
In exchange, such people as may visit India, will get a unique
opportunity to deepen their understanding of India's development via
conversations with Indian editors. The exchange is intended to be
self-critical.
5 :
The meetings are also expected to focus on the continuing dependenc
of third world intellectual life, via books and academia, on the advanced
countries and their knowledge industries.
Each meeting will have an important component : an exhibition of
literature from the countries participating.
The exhibition would
include books and periodicals published in those countries, details of
their publishing houses, book catalogues. We are also attempting to
provide a comprehensive sampling of leading newspapers published in
the countries concerned. Hopefully, this might enable participants to
explore avenues for participating realistically in each other's media
situations.
94
BRIEF INFORMATION ON THE FOREIGN DELEGATES
.e Philippines : Randolf S David is Director of the University of
the Philippines (UP) Third World Studies Center, and professor at the
UP Department of Sociology'. At the .moment he is also Southeast
Asian Regional Coordinator of the United Nations University Asian
Perspectives Project. He is also editor of KASARINLAN, the Philippine
Journal of Third World Studies.
Brazil: Roberto Bissio, born in Montevideo, 1951, is a journalist in
Uruguay. Editor of "Third World" magazine ('Spanish Edition) and
also Editor of "Third World Guide", with a circulation of over
100,000. Circulated in Latin America and Africa. Correspondent for
different alternative media in Brazil [ has been in Peru, Mexico and
Central America before ].
Africa : Mohamed Iqbal Asaria, orginally from India, later, Uganda,
is now editor of INQUIRY magazine. Also an economist and journalist.
caragua :
Abdul Sirker Urroz, Senior Editor, DIARIO BARRICADA,
i. anagua, Nicaragua.
Malaysia : Khor Kok Peng, is Research Director ol the Consumers'
Association of Penang, editor of KONSUMER UTUSAN, and author
of RECESSION AND THE MALAYSIAN ECONOMY, THE MALAYSIAN
ECONOMY-STRUCTURES AND DEPENDENCE.
Malaysia : Mohamed Idris J. P. is President of the Consumers'
Association of Penang, President of Sahabat Alam Malaysia [Friends of
The Earth Malaysia] and Coordinator of the Third World Network
Secretariat in Penang.
*
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REACHING
$ r
THROUGH
ENTERTAINMENT
A Population Reports Supplement
OUNG PEOPLE love mass-media entertain
ment—radio, television, music, videos, film,
comic books, and more. The entertainment
media love young people, too; much of mass
media entertainment is aimed at young adults, who, even
in many developing countries, often spend substantial
amounts on entertainment. Love, romance^ and sex are
favorite topics of this entertainment (465), and many
young people say that this is where they learn about sex.
What young people see and hear about sex in popular
entertainment is often misleading, incomplete, or distorted.
Casual or impetuous sex is depicted as acceptable and
often as without risks or adverse consequences such as
unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases.
From most mass-media entertainment, young people
learn behavior that puts their health at risk.
Efforts are underway, however, to use the mass media
to help young people adopt more healthful behavior.
These range from comic books that tell young people
how to avoid HIV/AIDS (404) to large-scale campaigns
such as the Philippine Multi Media Campaign for Young
People, which, through television, radio, music videos,
and a telephone hotline linked to youth assistance agen
cies, encouraged young people
to postpone sex (414, 523).
The following two
pages display images
from enter-educate
productions around
the world. Details
about these materials
appear on the back
page.
Using the entertainment
media for health messages
has many advantages. This
“enter-educate’’ approach is:
• Pervasive: The broadcast
media reach people all over
the world.
• Popular: People seek out
entertainment and pay
attention to it.
• Personal: Entertainment
can depict personal situa
tions and relationships
meaningful to the audience.
• Passionate: Entertainment
can generate intense feel
ings, which enhance learning.
• Persuasive: When the audi
ence identifies with stars or
characters, they seek to
behave like these role models.
• Practical: Skilled profes
sionals and the communi
cation infrastructure are
already available.
• Profitable: The mass media
are cost-effective, and good
entertainment attracts
commercial support.
• Proven effective: Surveys
show that messages in
songs, dramas, and variety
shows can influence knowl
edge, attitudes, and behavior
(532, 531, 530).
Supplement to Population Reports, Meeting the Needs of Young Adults, J-41, Vol. XXIII, No. 3, October 1995.
See pages 39-43 for bibliographic references. Published with support from the United States Agency for International
Development. More copies of this Population Reports special supplement can be obtained from the Population
Information Program, Johns Hopkins Center for Communication Programs, 111 Market Place, Suite 310, Baltimore,
MD 21202-4012, USA; fax (410) 659-6266; e-mail PopRepts@welchlink.welch.jhu.edu.
-■
REACHING
THROUGH MEDIA
WORLDWIDE
A
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Entertainment can inform young people about reproductive
health in media they enjoy. Entertainment may be the only way
to approach hard-to-reach young people such as street kids.
7
BRAZIL:
Vida de Rua
0
PEN LINE
7
fl
MANILA’S
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HOTTEST
NEW
RADIO
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TALK
SHOW
STARTS
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APRIL 3
PHILIPPINES
SIAL i,.
“tf-ggi vo””
3
Hotlines can link young
adults
to services.
For people who want
Telephone counselors
to talk honestly about
can offer advice on
LOVE,
such problems as peer
COURTSHIP,
MARRIAGE,...
pressure, dating, and
\
AVI relationships. They can
fl make referrals to
■A fl aPPr0PriaTe care.
jr
0 KAZAKSTAN Poster
A^^ilFAA^^
MONDAY TO SATURDAY
TOO PM-9:00 PM
j
i
1
©
L^l
bi
MONDAI FRIDAY
10:00- 11:00 P.M.
RADIO DZEC 1062AM
.
>&d Boouvbo
CALL 985-737
984-793
I
<•
981-237
992-317
<
0
“X°
Dramas can
encourage
responsible
sexual behav
ior by showing
young viewers
how charac
ters weigh
options and
make choices
that affect
reproductive
health.
J1 K ■ ■
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Ir
11'
Cartoons
allow more
flexibility
when
depicting
sensitive
subject
*
Im
/a' -S1
MEXICO^
Best Wishes
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'
I Popular mu
r ,l reach vast s
of young, pe
4
.
1
hopes and fears. Media can help advocate education for girls.
No One
Ever
Told Me...
A Film by Lena Hellman
Communicating with Youth?
Ask the Media/Materials Clearinghouse
review, information about ordering the materials, and any
The Media/Materials Clearinghouse (M/MC) at the Johns
other relevant information. A bibliography also can be
Hopkins Center for Communication Programs welcomes
supplied on request.
requests for examples of communication materials for
What’s New, a periodic newsletter highlighting materi
young people. The M/MC offers access to a continually
als recently received in the M/MC, is distributed free to
growing collection of pamphlets, posters, videos, audio
qualified requesters.
tapes, films, and novelty items produced worldwide to pro
The M/MC also distributes The PCS Packet Series (pub
mote reproductive health and family planning. The
lished 1983-1994), a series of 17 packets containing actual
25,000-item collection contains over 1,700 materials pro
sample materials along with materials development guide
duced specifically for young people, including over 300
lines. Packets particularly relevant to
videos, 1,100 pamphlets, and 280
work with young people include:
posters from 75 countries.
Health communication specialists
• No. 5 — Reaching Young People
can use materials from the M/MC to
• No. 12 — Photonovels and Comic
develop new materials and to support
Books for Family Planning
their advocacy and training programs.
• No. 15 — Songs for Family Planning
The M/MC provides a single copy or
M E D I A / M AT E R I A L S CLEARINGHOUSE
reproduction of any item free of charge,
When requesting, please specify English,
to be used for educational purposes, to
French, or Spanish.
health care professionals working in developing countries.
Send inquiries and requests to: Manager, Media/
In your request to the M/MC, please state the desired
Materials Clearinghouse, Johns Hopkins Population
medium, intended audience, specific subject, and lan
Information Program, 111 Market Place, Suite 310,
guage (for example, “posters for teenagers about absti
Baltimore, Maryland 21202-4012, USA; fax 410/659-6266;
nence, in French”). M/MC staff will conduct a search of
or e-mail mmc@jhu.edu.
the collection and provide single copies of materials for
ENTER-EDUCATE MATERIALS — Key to Photos on Pages 2 and 3
Vida de Rua — AIDS-prevention comic book
for Brazilian street children. Produced by
Federal University of Minais Gerais with tech
nical assistance from the Johns Hopkins School
of Public Health and the Johns Hopkins Center
for Communications Programs (JHU/PCS) with
support from the US National Institutes of
Health, 1992.
Karate Kids — AIDS prevention comic book
and video for street children. Produced by
Street Kids International in association with
the National Film Board of Canada and
Kinderpostzegels Nederland with technical
assistance from the World Health Organization
Global Program on AIDS, 1990.
Poster advertising More Time — motion pic
ture about adolescent love in Zimbabwe and its
problems—unwanted pregnancy, STDs, and
AIDS. Produced by Development through SelfReliance, Inc., John and Louise Riber, and Media
for Development Trust Productions, 1992.
My Way — animated video for older youth
in Thailand about the sexual decisions of four
young women. Produced by the United Nations
Population Fund, Thailand Ministry of Public
Health, Japanese Organization for International
Cooperation in Family Planning (JOICFP), and
International Planned Parenthood Federation
(IPPF), 1993.
e
The Blue Pigeon — animated video for mid
dle-school students in Mexico that explains the
process of puberty. Produced by Fundacion
■Mexicana para la Planeacion Familiar, A.C.
(MEXFAM) and JOICFP, 1989.
That Situation and I Still Believe — songs and
music videos by Filipina singer Lea Salonga and
international music group Menudo, encourag
ing abstinence among Philippine youth; part of
the Multi Media Campaign for Young People.
Produced by the Population Center Foundation
with assistance from JHU/PCS with support
from the US Agency for International
Development (USAID), 1987-90.
o
Detente and Cuando Estemos Juntos — songs
and music video by Tatiana and Johnny,
encouraging abstinence; distributed in Latin
America. Produced by Fuentes y Fomento
Intercontinentales with assistance from JHU/
PCS with support from USAID, 1986-88.
@ Best Wishes — animated video about a
young Mexican couple’s differing expectations
as they begin married life. Produced by MEX
FAM and JOICFP, 1992.
Flyer for Open Line — radio call-in show in
the Philippines. Produped by the Philippine
Family Planning Program and Eagle
Broadcasting Company with initial technical
assistance from Johns Hopkins Center for
Communication Programs (JHU/CCP) with
support from USAID, 1994-present.
O Flyer for Dial-A-Friend — telephone hotline
in the Philippines, part of the Multi Media
Campaign for Young People. Produced by the
Population Center Foundation with assistance
from JHU/PCS with support from USAID,
1987-present.
Poster urging young couples in Kazakstan
to consider using modern contraceptives. Pro-
duced for the Human Reproductive Health
Center of Almaty with assistance from J HU/
PCS with support from USAID, 1994.
Alang-Alang — dramatic television mini
series in Indonesia about a young girl’s struggle
to better her life and find tolerance and sup
port within her family. Produced by Teater
Popular, Intej- Ksatriya Film with technical
assistance from JHU/PCS with support from
USAID; sponsored by the Indonesian Ministry
for Population/BKKBN, 1994-95.
© No One Ever Told Me — documentary film
about very young mothers who continue their
education at a special school in Tanzania.
Produced for the Family Planning Association
of Tanzania and the Swedish Institute for
Development Assistance, 1994.
Poster for youth hotline in Hong Kong.
Produced by the Family Planning Association
of Hong Kong, 1977.
© And the Nile Flows On — Egyptian television
serial drama that addresses early marriage, son
preference, and misperceptions about family
planning. Produced by State Information
Service I EC Center with technical assistance
from JHU/CCP and support from USAID, 1992.
Rakhee and Mausee — animated video pro
moting education and economic opportunities
for girls in India. Produced by JOICFP in co
operation with the Family Planning Association of
India, UNFPA, IPPF, and Raikhik Films, 1994.
r r:
CorY) U'b
Dr. Anant R. PHADKE
50, LIC Quarters, University Road
Pune 411 016
LIBRARY
i documentation J> £r-
SELF-PRESENTATION
1.RURAL HEALTH CONSCIENTIZATION
INTRODUCTION.
For the last 15 years, I have been involved through VCDA in
the . health-conscientization programme undertaken in three taluks
near Pune city. Today, about 70 village health workers, trained by
me,
are providing elementary health-care and along with it are
doing health-conscientization. This health-conscientization is a
combination of technical, medical type of health education and a
social-cultural-political orientation about health issues.
The main aim of our work is not to provide health services as
such. This is not only because we lack adequate resources but also
because we feel that the State, which collects so much of taxes
from the people, should be pressurised to do its job
job..
Secondly,
over a period, some sort of modern health care are now reaching
the rural areas. But these services are generally substandard,
exploitative and sometimes even hazardous, But there is hardly any
critical health education being done to expose their nature.
H e a 11 h - edu c a t i on/con sc i en t i zat i on is very much needed to put
pressure on the rural doctors to reduce modern quackery and exploitation .
Initially, we tried to do only health education without
providing any medicines through our village health workers (VHW).
But experience taught us that nobody listens to the lady VHW
unless she establishes her credibility as a knowledgeable health
person. It is only when medicines given by the VHW give relief to
sick persons, that the villagers start believing that she "knows■
something”. Then only do village people start at least listening;
to her advice.
I therefore trained the VHWs the elementary treatment of some :
common simple diseases like diarrhoea, simple fever, worms, scabies,
conjectivitis, etc. The ability of our VHWs to treat these
diseases established their credibility as health workers, Secondly, as of today, health care for even these simple ailments is
either absent in the village (especially the remote ones) or when
it is available, it is generally irrational,
exploitative and
hence costly. Rational, low-cost treatment for even simple ailmerits is an unmet felt need of the people.
FOUR ASPECTS
Af ter enunciating briefly our strategy of comb in ing health
education with provision for elementary health services,
let me
briefly dwell upon four aspects of our work with reference to the
issues addressed by this meeting.
1
1 Ways and Means.
,
,
n
n •
Our health communication is mainly individual and oral,
VHWs give health-educational messages, either technical or socio
political, mainly at individual level. This is supplemented by
book-size line-drawings which explain whys and hows of certain
common health-eductional messages. For the last 3-4 years we have
_itE> the
k.iav. excellent
v,—pictorial booklets prepared by the NGu
been using
for
this
supplementation. The VHWs show and explaini these
-NIROG, 1
a meeting.
in
booklets
to
the
village
people
sometimes
pictorial
they talk to individual patients.
But generally
i
the
The overall1 approach is to cater to the felt-need of
use
and
medical aid (say treatment of diarrhoea)
person seeking i~
abou-t
c----this . opportunity of interaction to give health education
the
broader
that particular health problem (say diarrhoea) and
social aspects of this health problem, This broader consc ient ization can be a discussion about how some doctors cheat people
through overcharging, unnecessary use of injections and of intravenous saline ; or can be a discussion about lack of hygienic
water supply or of latrines in the village.
Once VHWs have established their credibilityr through cur ative/symptomatic medical care,, 1village women seek, their advice on
all kinds of health
1---- issues from their doubts about diseases like
say tuberculosis or cancer etc. or a childless woman may share her
sorrow and seek advice about her infertility. Thus elementary
curative/symptomatic care through VHWs provides a medium for
dialogue with the villagers on health issues.
For the.last two years we have used the medium of the Arogya
’ . In
Yatra (Health March) to take our health messages to the people,
this 5 day .programme during the agriculturally off-season, a tt e am
of about 15 health educators carry health-educational material in
a jeep to five centrally located villages in an area, camping in
each of these villages for a day in the village school, During the
day-long programme in the school, we display
c „ . human organs kept in
glass jars and the VHWs explain the structure and function of
these organs along with the important diseases afflicting these
organs. This helps a great deal to remove many misunderstand ings
and superstitions about health issues, Also on display are pictorial poster exhibitions on issues like misuse of injections and
intravenous saline, on
on women
women s reproductive health, AIDS, anaemia,
VHWs
explain
these posters. Next morning this team
jaundice etc. 1
the
next
centrally
located village in that area to repeat
moves to
this programme.
reproductive^ health .
woman
Wej have a good slide show in woman'fe
Some of
c our VHWs are now adept enough to explain this slide show
to a group of women, either during the Arogya Yatra or during
special meetings.
2.
2.Rationale of this form of communicatiQD.As explained above, this form of health communication caters
to the felt-need of the villagers, and helps to establish the
credibility of VHWs as health professionals. Secondly, a health
2
r'
ANO
I
oOCUMeNTA-
educational advice about say diarrhoea makes more impact, when the
patient is suffering from diarrhoea, With low literacy and absence
of a ttradition in the village of health-educational activities at
pub 1ic level, this low-cost individualised health education at a
t ime when the villager is interested to know about a particular
health problem she/he is facing, seems an appropriate one .
3.Soc i al Relations.
Health work through VHWs establishes three types
relations.
’of
social
a) Economic : In an embryonic form, it establishes alternative healthy economic relations through its low-cost, non-exploitative elementary health care activity.
b) Social
: Availability of easily accessible, friendly
health professional based in the village itself sets up in a
rudimentary form, social relations of health-care.compared to) the
existing dominant health-care relations dominated by iphysically
,
and socially alien doctors.
■c) CuItural-ideological
: Health education through VHWs
fosters alternative socio-cultural relations through the demyst ification of medical- science. When ordinary village women grasp
elements of modern medicine and provide elementary health-care,
this activity undermines the dominant ideology that health-care
can be provided only by college educated, elite doctors.
doctors,
Second
ly, our stress on health education also undermines the dominant
inj ections,
ideology of equating health-care to pills, injections,
high-tech
interventions. Thirdly, our stress on social and not merely tech
nical aspects of health-care fosters awareness that health is
dependent on broader socio-economic forces ; that today’s health
care is urban-oriented, is exploitative and that there can be an
appropriate, village-based, low-cost alternative to it.
4.Transformation effected.
The extent of change in social relations through this healthconsclentization is very difficult to measure. We have not assessed such a change in a systematic, objective manner. But our
impression is that increased health awareness has meant a kind of
public pressure on the private and government doctors to perform
better. Secondly, it has meant seeking of medical advice in time,
of decrease in some of the misconceptions and superstitions on
health issues like -starving a patient of diarrhoea, branding the
abdomen with hot iron for respiratory distress, untouchability
during menstruation, blaming the wife for infertility or for not
begetting a male child etc; etc.
Overall, one can say
say that though VHWs have their limitations,
they can be very effective, appropriate agents for fostering in a
rudimentary form, alternative sets of social relations, especially
at cultural-social-ideological level.
i;;
3
2-CLINICAL MEDICAL PRACTICE
INTRODUCTION
Lok Vidnyan Sanghatna (LVS).is the People's Science Movement
in Maharashtra.
It has been working for the last fifteen years
with the twin objectives of
i) fostering scientific attitude -amongst the people
relevant techno-scientific education and
• through
ii)
fostering pro-people attitudes amongst
scientists
through debates and lobbying on techno-scientific issues of direct
social relevance.
For the last five years, we have formed the Health-Committee
of the LVS. It consists mostly of like-minded doctors in private
practice, who are trying to practice rational;
ethical medicine
and are interested in public education towards that end. Described
very briefly below is the communication process and its implica
tions as experimented in the work of this Health-Committee.
1/COMMUNICATION AMONGST DOCTORS
j-Mode of communication
The first three years we concentrated on trying to establish
communication amongst like-minded doctors. We meet regularly for
the last five years on the last Tuesday of every month at night.
Meeting at night on a working-day is the only convenient time f or
private practitioners. A socially relevant topic is selected for
discussion. For example topics like : what instructions need to be
given to patients for.collection of sample for laboratory investithe role and limitations of Electro Cardiography in the
gations;
diagnosis of Ischaemic Heart Disease; use and misuse of new antibiotics, etc. Though members of the Health-Committee are rational
practitioners, a lot of discussions is required for all to reach
a consensus on rational and ethical position on a particular
clinical intervention.
Attempt is made to share the consensus amongst sensitive
sections of doctors, in the form of a mimeo-paper or by sending
the consensus-paper for publication to a magazine devoted to
rational therapeutics like "Drug Disease Doctor" or "Bodhi".
In the wake of inclusion of doctors under the Consumer Protect ion Act, such a consensus building has acquired special significance. The law expects doctors to provide average "reasonable"
care. If doctors' organisations prepare guidelines about what is
"reasonable care" under local conditions, judiciary would respect
these guidelines. Doctors following these guidelines would be
legally safe in the event of any mishap. With this view, by way of
example, we prepared guidelines for minimum laboratory investigation before undertaking "peripheral" surgery (so called minor
surgery) for appendicitis, tonsilitis, piles, hernia, etc. It took
4
LIBRARY
C
.J
and
i
several meetings of experts to come to a consensus on this .issue.
This consensus has been adopted by the local doctors' organisation
- Association of Hospitals of Pune (AHP).
i i - Rat i1 e ' f
m ic
orumen i . at i .-r.
The doctors' community suffers from professional rivalry due
to intense competition, irrational and unethical practices,
lack
of social orientation and paucity of health-educational efforts,
etc . Doctors who want to overcome these defects and foster rational f ethical practice and public education towards that end, are in
minority. Moreover, there is no socially oriented platform avail
able for such doctors. They therefore tend to get frustrated and
join the mainstream. The Health-Committee of the LVS provides such
a platform and peer-group support for such doctors. Discussion on
rational, ethical medical practice brings about clarity and mutual
understanding. The consensus developed through such discussions
carries more social weight than views of individual experts.
Such a consensus is especially needed in the context of the
inclusion of doctors in the Consumer Protection Act. This activity
of consensus building on rational, ethical medical care is a small
step towards building a pressure group armed with concrete posi
tions oh some major issues in clinical practice. Such a group can
provide an impetus or pressure for the mainstream of medical
community to increase the rationality and ethicality in medical
practice.
-11-The change efree ted
This is difficult to measure. One can only say that the
Health-Committee has earned a good reputation amongst the sens itive section of doctors in Pune.
Though the Health-Committee has no formal place
in the
doctors' circles,
as mentioned above, its guidelines for preoperative laboratory investigations have been adopted by the
Association of Hospitals of Pune. A printed form to be filled in
by the patient, giving relevant 'history' (health information)
required by the anaesthetist before giving anaesthesia. has been
prepared by the Health-Committee. It is being used by many hospitals . This is one step towards encouraging minimum standards f or
health care. (Generally, in small private hospitals, anaesthetists
do not visit the patients to take such a history), These forms
document and provide such a history, which is in the interest of
both the patient and the anaesthetist.
Like-minded doctors in other States have shown interest
duplicating this activity in their own town.
in
2/COMMUNICATION WITH PATIENTS
j-Mode of communication
The
Health-Committee has prepared in the
5
regional
language
on about 25 common diseases
standard health-educational brochures
diabetes,
and surgeries like diarrhoea,, fever, anaemia, jaundice, removal of
operations like
high blood pressure, heart-disease;
1.^—
etc. These pamphlets are short,
tonsils,
uterus,
piles,
appendix,
ut 1500 words and are in the form of questions and
measure about
particular topic. They would be sold to willing
answers on that
a
nominal
cost-price of Rs 1/- per lea.let
It is
doctors at
patient, It
expected that doctors would give these to the relevant
a
written
is thus an individual level communication in
form to
is thus an
the
doctor
and
the
patient.
supplement the oral dialogue between i-- ---ii-Rationale of this choice
Doctors have been occasionally writing health educational
But
articles for the lay press on
on these diseases and surgeries. may
w’..j individual views of the doctor and
such articles reflect the
interest.
A literature prepared byr a group
also reflect doctors -----of doctors of the Health-Committee is free of these individualities .
Secondly, a person who develops say high blood pressure? this
year, may have read about an article on this subject ■ in a magazine
i
two years back and hence does not remember its contents, Keeping
press-cuttings of newspapers on health-educational articles is
hardly done. There is therefore a need to supply some healtheducational material when the person needs it. Hence this attempt
to provide such leaflets through doctors. Once the
the concept
concept of
‘ ; . will
standard health-educational brochures takes roots,
Today,
given
the
lack of
go to book-shops to buy these pamphlets,
U11 and Javailability of such material, and given the low
tradition
health-awareness,
such pamphlets will have to be chane
level of ----Used mainly through doctors.
Thirdly, patients many a times do not fully understand the
explanation given by the doctor; the patient may have other dlf
culties (financial, social, etc.) nagging him/her and hence can
not listen to the doctor with adequate attention. Even it the
patient understands the doctor's explanations, she/he tends natu
rally to forget part of it. Moreover, the family members should
also know a few things about the disease and its treatment.
And lastly, majority of doctors neither have the time nor
to explain things to the patient in a simple,
inclination
the
Given
all these factors, written explanations and
friendly manner,
in
the
form
of a pamphlet offers the best; mode of
cf
instructions
oral
dialogue
initiated
during
the
to supplement the i-----communication
visit of'the doctor.
iii-Social relations
These health-educational leaflets are from a People's Science
Organisation which is trying to build a bridge between the people
and the scientific community. This activity therefore is a concrete step to change the prevalent pattern of non-communication
and mystification of health-science. These pamphlets are based on
?/
i
v
(
ANO
O0CUMHNTAT.ON
I r )
■ J.
uM*i| > *y
a consensus amongst doctors with a rational, ethical perspect ive,
about how much and what to tell patients about different diseases
and their treatment. This helps to foster scientific, ethical
perspective on treatment of various diseases and counteracts views,
based on ignorance or individual likes, dislikes or vested inter
ests.
Thus for example when the pamphlet on removal of uterus
explains say five reasons for which the uterus may be removed
surgically,
it means there is no other rational reason to remove
the uterus. This knowledge would expose the proposal toi remove the
uterus for dubious reasons like swelling of the cervix or a
'tumor'- (whatever its nature or size) of the uterus, These pamphlets would thus foster rational, ethical relations in medical
practice.
~‘ ; and risks of
These pamphlets give the important benefits
This
would
enable
the
patient to give
different common surgeries.
----a
very
prevalent
]practice
an informed consent. This again is not
in India as of today.
-Change effected
Though the pamphlets are now ready after about 20 meetings
ut), they ar,e currently
c------ - -in the press. They are
( one for each subject)
publicity. Soon
being serialized in a popular weekly for wider
the
‘ ;
to
systematic effort would be made to sell these pamphlets
The
State
.
sensitive section of doctors all over Maharashtra .— of years
this activity would be known only a couple
impact of this
the
sale
of these pamphlets.
af ter
7
Go^n \\ if.
FOCUS ON WEST BENGAL
Extension of Democracy and Freedom of Press
BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARYYA
1
The years preceding the massive electoral triumph toral process itself had been stifled. The present
of the Left Front in West Bengal in 1977 had Government set about organising elections to the
been marked by a process of brutal trampelling panchayats and urban local bodies — something
underfoot of democratic norms and practices in this the Congress Government had not even considered
State as elsewhere in the country. And thus, the to be worth implementing. It is the Left Front
sweeping mandate for the Left Front at the polls was Government that had guaranteed voting rights to
also a popular indictment against this ruthless sup those of 18 years of age and above, thus extending
the franchise to the youth of the State. And this
pression that had marked the “Emergency years”
The first important task before the newly-elected is something quite unique in the entire country. The
Government was the all-round restoration of working at the grassroots level of more than 62,000
democracy. And to this task the Left Front winning candidates in the three-tier panchayat polls
Government devoted itself with a pro-people is a demonstrative exercise of democracy in its real.
pro-people form. In the some vein, the extension
outlook.
.
The series of Black Acts of the Emergency period, of these democratic principles to the level of the
including the Maintenance of Internal Security Act various statutory bodies as well as in the school,
(MISA), were quickly dispensed with. Political college, and university Governing Bodies generated
prisoners of all shades and creed were released immense popular enthusiasm. Full autonomy was
forthwith. Freedom was guaranteed to all political quickly returned to the various self-governing
parties and trade union organisations. And ipso institutions.
The unfortunate tragedy of the big press is the
facto, the Opposition was assured of full freedom,
something these worthies had proved obstinately fact that it had never been able to digest and live
unwilling to concede when they had clung to office. with the reality of a Left Front Government in
This was, of course, to be expected of a regime that office. And the feeling has not abated over the last
had thrived on autocratic policies and had made the decade. It is quite the contrary, in fact. Here, we
Information Department of the State Government a have to confess, the Left Front Government’s conti
nuance has contributed in no small measure to this
Department of Censorship.
In the national plane of late, one is constrained to state of affairs. For, its very presence has set about
point out, the hydra-headed menace of authoritaria hardening of the polarisation of classes in a marked,
nism has raised its ugly head. The signs are ominous if expected, manner. The Calcutta-based big press,
enough in their implications. Counter-democratic in particular, has remained wrathful about State
ploys°are being put to practice against democratic Government, and has been sniping at it in a fairly
institutions; Opposition parties and non-Congress-I regular fashion. Let us clarify the State Government’s
State Government are being threatened with gestures stance to this by stating in unambiguous terms that
that are more than menacing; Black Acts like the one we feel that the press is at its full liberty to stick to
on Disturbed areas are being cavalierly enacted; para facts and to editorialise in all kinds of manner in an
military forces are being put to use in a frighteningly attempt to let off broadsides against the State
frequent manner; the judiciary is sought to be Government’s policies and the supposed implications
browbeaten; the press is being subjected to relentless thereof. We firmly believe in the maintenance of
a free and unfettered press.
pressure; and the Doordarshan and the Aakashvam
But what we do find reprehensible is the way in
have been transformed into brazen mouthpieces of
the Congress-I party and Government. The signs, as which a section of the press would spread a series of
we said, are patently ominous and the 59th Amend canards on the basis of what can be described with
ment of the Constitution, ostensibly aimed at the fair accuracy as little more than half-truths and
Punjab, has ramifications embracing much larger untruths. This, we firmly hold, is something that
contexts. All this has doubtless contributed to the stands far from the democratic norms about which
gradual but inexorable crumbling of democratic our friends of the press are so much concerned here
in West Bengal.
We humbly submit that the Left Front Govern
Right after its assumption of office did the Left
Front Government set the process of democracy ment (being a Left Front Government) has never
moving. During the previous regime, the elec- resorted to any form of pressure tactics to dissuade
the big press from the onerous path they have un
The author is Minister for Information and
fortunately chosen to cling -to, by getting hold of
the wrong end of the stick. There has never been a
Culture, West Bengal.
MAINSTREAM June 25, 1988
43
departure made from the norms of our policy of form and a sounding board for lively and frienlyd
releasing of advertisements to the press. Only in exchanges of a myriad of ideas and opinions regardtwo isolated instances exceptions had to be made — ing constant evaluation of the unfolding role of the
and in both cases the issue concerned blatant media, and debating the future perspective for years
communal propaganda. The matter was referred to to come. No matter whatever attitude is put on display
the Press Council which fully upheld the State by a section of the press vis-a-vis this institution, the
Government’s stance. Problems, however, remain in Left Front Government shall never compromise,
that on the eve of polls in the State, be it for the even in the slightest possible measure, its considered
assembly, the panchayats, or the urban local bodies, and firm stand on upholding the democratic feedom
a section of the press tries in a desperate manner to of the press, something that we cherish as sacrosanct
appear as prophets of doom in protending dire as an integrated part of the process of democracy.
consequence for the Left Front at the elections. That We harbour no rancour against the press for their
their wishful thinking inevitably ends up much short "crusade’ of counter-factual fusillades against us, for
of the reality never seems to dissuade them from we are confident, in our deep respect for the people’s
verdict—and to repeat a well-worn cliche, which
showing praiseworthy perseverence, though.
Perhaps the readers might pardon a slight diversion nonetheless does need reiteration from time to time,
to allow" me to draw their attention to the sordid
— that it is the people who have the final word.
state of affairs in the Congress-I-run States, as
indeed, in the capital itself. There, those brave
journalists and correspondents who dare expose
Year
the dark misdeeds of the Government run the
terrible risk of getting beaten up, chased about and,
in very many instances, ending up quite dead. A look
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“Decoy” has been the word used by these worthies
to describe the Centre — such xenophobia! What
makes one particularly sad is that these inuendoes
and inane apprehensions are being nurled at an insti
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44
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' W ' T / X'
'■ "XiX 2
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WHY THIS BOOK IS SO POLITICAL
When 17 years ago, I (David Werner) first began working for improvements in
health with villagers in western Mexico, I did not look far beyond the immediate
causes of ill health As I saw it, worms and diarrhea were caused by poor hygiene
and contaminated water. Malnutrition was mainly caused by scarcity of food in
remote mountainous area where drought, floods, and vi^ent -nds ma e armmg
difficult and harvests uncertain. The high death rate in children (34/»^e™
from the combination of infection, poor nutrition, and the long distance to the
0.
closest health centers.
In short, I saw people's needs in physical terms, as determined by their
physical surroundings. This short-sightedness on my part was understandable,
my training had been in life sciences. I had little social or political awareness.
I
I might have remained that way, as do many health workers except that I
came so close to the mountain people. I knew from the first that they had
strengths skills, and endurance that I lacked. And so I was able to let them teac
me about the human-and inhuman-side of their needs and their Hves They did
not sit down and spell things out for me; rather they shared with me• the'r b°mes’
their hardships and their dreams. Many times I have struggled with a family,
X. X to prevent the !oss o< a child. a cornfield, or hope. Sometime, we
I
won; sometimes we lost.
I
Little by little, I became aware that many of their losses-of children, of land,
I
or indirect result of human greed.
a ‘,aSS worked, each7 year more 0< his harvest »em to pay wharhe «d
to the landholder. Each year he had to borrow more, and pay back 3 times
much. Eventually, the family had to sell their few
even the beans they had grown on the steep mountain slop ,
Y
corn
to survive.
With no eggs or beans to eat, the mother became increasingly ^aJn^r!shed- Her
breasts failed to produce milk for her baby. So she fed h.m the only food they
had—cornmeal and water. In time the child died.
I
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Front-8
Part of the problem may also have been that the father occasionally drinks with
the other men. When he gets drunk, he loses his judgement and sometimes, to buy
rounds of drinks, sells a part of the family's precious supply of corn.
This is sad. But look at the father's life. The hard work he does only to go
deeper into debt. The death of a child he loved and whom he feels he failed. The
apparent hopelessness of his situation. And frequently his own hunger-not only
for food, but for a fair chance to benefit from his own hard work. We cannot
blame him if he occasionally drinks too much!
Perhaps no one is really to blame. Or perhaps we all are-all of us, at least, who
live with more than we need while others hunger. In any case, it is not right, it is
not kind, it is not human, to remain silent in a world that permits some persons
to grow fat from the hard work of others who go hungry.
The child in the photograph who died is not alone. In the mountain villages I
know, there are hundreds of similar children-some dead and some waiting. In the
world there are millions. One fourth of the world's children are undernourished,
most for reasons similar to those I have just described. Their problems will not be
solved by medicines or latrines or nutrition centers or birth control (although all
of these, if approached decently, may help). What their families need is a fair
chance to live from their own labor, a fair share of what the earth provides.
Do I make myself clear? Let me tell you about Chelo and his family, whom I
have become close to over the years. Chelo has advanced tuberculosis. Before the
villager-run health center was started in his village, he received no treatment. He
knew he had tuberculosis. He wanted treatment. But he could not afford the
medicines. (Basic tuberculosis medicines are not expensive to produce. But in
Mexican pharmacies, they are sold at up to ten times their generic price in the
United States and other developed countries.) Although the government's
tuberculosis control program does give free medication, it requires that patients
go often to one of its city health centers for tests and medication. For Chelo,
this would have meant 250 kilometers of travel every two weeks. He simply
could not afford it.
For years, Chelo had worked for the richest landholder in the village. The
landholder is an unhappy, overweight man who, apart from his enormous
landholdings, owns thousands of cattle. When Chelo began to grow weak from
his illness and could not work as nard as before, the landholder fired him, and
told him to move out of the house he had been lending him.
Chelo, his wife, Soledad, and his stepson, Raul,* built a mud-brick hut and
moved into it. By that time Chelo was coughing blood.
Around the same time, the community-based health program was getting
started in the area, but as yet no health worker had been trained in Chelo's
village. So a visiting health worker taught Chelo's 11 -year-old stepson, Raul, to
inject him with streptomycin. Raul also learned to keep records to be sure Chelo
took his other medicines correctly. The boy did a good job, and scon was
injecting and doing follow-up on several persons with tuberculosis in tne village.
By age 13, Raul had become one of the central team of health workers in the
area. At the same time, he was still attending school.
•These are real persons, but I have changed their names.
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Front-9
Meanwhile, Chelo's family had cleaned up a small weed patch and garbage area
at the lower edge of town. With much hard work they had constructed a simple
irrigation system using ditches and grooved logs. At last they had a successful
vegetable plot, which brought in a small income. Chelo's health had improved,
but he would never be strong. Treatment had begun too late.
Economically, Chelo had one setback after another. Just when he was
beginning to get out of debt to the storekeepers and landholders, he fell ill with
appendicitis. He needed hospital surgery, so health workers and neighbors carried
him 23 kilometers on a stretcher to the road, and from there took him to the
city by truck. The surgery (in spite of the fact that the doctor lowered his fee)
cost as much as the average farmworker earns in a year. The family was reduced
to begging.
The only valuable possession the family had was a donkey. When Chelo
returned from the hospital, his donkey had disappeared. Two months later, a
neighbor spotted it in the grazing area of one of the wealthier families. A new
brand—still fresh—had been put right on top of Chelo's old one.
Chelo went to the village authorities, who investigated. They decided in favor
of the wealthy thief, and fined Chelo. To me, the most disturbing thing about
this is that when he told me about it, Chelo did not even seem angry-just sad.
He laughed weakly and shrugged, as if to say, "That's life. Nothing can be done."
His stepson, Raul, however, took all these abuses very hard. He had been a
gentle and caring child, but stubborn, with an enormous need for love. As he got
older, he seemed to grow angrier. His anger was often not directed at anything
in particular.
An incident with the school was the last straw. Raul had worked very hard to
complete secondary school in a neighboring town. Shortly before he was to
graduate, the headmaster told him in front of the class that he could not be given
a certificate since he was an illegitimate child—unless his parents got married.
(This happened at a time when the national government had decided to improve
its statistics. The president's wife had launched a campaign to have all unwed
couples with children get married. The headmaster's refusal to give graduation
certificates to children of unwed parents was one of the pressures used.) Chelo
and his wife did get married—which cost more money—and Raul did get his
certificate. But the damage to his pride remains.
Young Raul began to drink. When he was sober, he could usually control
himself. But he had a hard time working with the local health team because he
took even the friendliest criticism as a personal attack. When he was drunk, his
anger often exploded. He managed to get hold of a high-powered pistol, which he
would shoot into the air when he was drinking. One night he got so drunk that
he fell down unconscious on the street. Some of the young toughs in town, who
also had been drinking, took his pistol and his pants, cut off his hair, and left ■
him naked in the street. Chelo heard about it and carried Raul home.
Arter this, Raul hid in shame for two weeks. For a while he did not even visit
his mends at the health post. He was afraid they would laugh. They did not. But
Raul had sworn revenge—he was never quite sure against whom. A few months
later, when drunk, he snot and killed a young man who had just arrived rrom
another village. The two had never seen each other before.
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3
This, to me, is a tragedy because Raul was fighting forces bigger than himself.
As a boy of 12, he had taken on the responsibilities of a man. He had shown care
and concern for other people. He had always had a quick temper, but he was a
good person. And, I happen to know, he still is.
I
I
Who, then, is to blame? Again, perhaps no one. Or perhaps all of us. Something
needs to be changed.
I
After the shooting, Raul fled. That night, the State Police came looking for
him. They burst into Chelo's home and demanded to know where Raul was.
Chelo said Raul had gone. He didn't know where. The police dragged Chelo into
a field outside town and beat him with their pistols and rifles. Later, his wife
found him still lying on the ground, coughing blood and struggling to breathe.
It was more than a year before Chelo recovered enough to work much in his
garden. His tuberculosis had started up again after the beating by the police.
Raul was gone and could not help with the work. The family was so poor that,
again, they had to go begging. Often they went hungry.
After a few months, Chelo's wife, Soledad, also developed signs of tuberculosis
and started treatment at the village health post. The local health workers did not
charge for her treatment or Chelo's, even though the health post had economic
difficulties of its own. However, Chelo's wife helped out when she could by
washing the health post linens at the river. (This work may not have been the best
thing for her TB, but it did wonders for her dignity. She felt good about giving
something in return.)
About 4 years have passed since these last incidents. Chelo and his wife are
now somewhat healthier, but are still so poor that life is a struggle.
Then, about a year ago, a new problem arose. The landholder for whom Chelo
had worked before he became ill decided to take away the small plot of land
where Chelo grew his vegetables. When the land had been a useless weed patch
and garbage dump, Chelo had been granted the rights to it by the village
authorities. Now that the parcel had been developed into a fertile and irrigated
vegetable plot, the landholder wanted it for himself. He applied to the village
authorities, who wrote a document granting the rights to him. Of course, this
was unlawful because the rights had already been given to Chelo.
Chelo took the matter over the heads of the village authorities to the Municipal
Presidency, located in a neighboring town. He did not manage to see the President,
but the President's spokesman told Chelo, in no uncertain terms, that he should
stop trying to cause trouble. Chelo returned to his village in despair.
Chelo would have lost his land, which was his one means of survival, if the
village health team had not then taken action. The health workers had struggled
too many times—often at the cost of their own earnings—to pull Chelo through
and keep him alive. They knew what the loss of his land would mean to him.
i
At an all-village meeting, the health workers explained to the people about the
threat to Chelo's land, and what losing it would mean to his health. They produced
proof that the town authorities had given the land rights to Chelo first, and they
asked tor justice. Although the poor farm people usually remain silent in village
meetings, and never vote against the wishes of the village authorities, this time
they spoke up and decided in Chelo's favor.
oil
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Front-11
The village authorities were furious, and so was the landholder.
The health team had taken what could be called political action. But the health
workers did not think of themselves as 'political'. Nor did they consider themselves
capitalists, communists, or even socialists. (Such terms have little meaning for
them.) They simply thought of themselves as village health workers—but in the
larger sense. They saw the health, and indeed the life, of a helpless person
threatened by the unfairness of those in positions of power. And they had the
courage to speak out, to take action in his defense.
Through this and many similar experiences, the village health team has come
to realize that the health of the poor often depends on questions of social justice.
They have found that the changes that are most needed are not likely to come
from those who hold more than their share of land, wealth, or authority. Instead,
they will come through cooperative effort by those who earn their bread by the
sweat of their brows. From themselves!
More and more, the village team in Ajoya has looked for ways to get their
fellow villagers thinking and talking about their situation, and taking group
action to deal with some of the underlying causes of poor health.
Some of the methocs they have developed and community actions they have
led are described in several parts of this book. For example, three of the village
theater skits described in Chapter 27 show ways in which the health team has
helped the poor look at their needs and organize to meet them.
These 3 skits are:
SMALL FARMERS JOIN TOGETHER TO OVERCOME EXPLOITATION
(page 27-27),
USELESS MEDICINES THAT SOMETIMES KILL (page 27-14), and
THE WOMEN JOIN TOGETHER TO OVERCOME DRUNKENNESS (page
27-19).
These popular theater skits had, and are still having, a marked social influence.
Villagers participate with new pride in the cooperative maize bank set up to
overcome high interest on loans. Women have organized to orevent the opening
of a public bar. And storekeepers no longer carry some of the expensive and
dangerous medicines that they sold before. In general, people seem more alert
about things they had simply accepted.
On the other hand, new difficulties have arisen. Some of the health workers
have been thrown out of their rented homes. Others have oeen arrested on raise
charges. Threats have been made to close down the villager-run program.
But in spite of the obstacles, the health team and the people have stood their
ground. The village team knows the road ahead will not be easy. They also know
that they must be careful and alert. Yet they have chosen to stand by their
people, by the poor and the powerless.
i hey have had the courage to lock the whole problem in the eye—and to look
for a whole answer
I®
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The story of Chelo and his family is true, though I have not told the half of it.
It is typical, in some ways, of most poor families. Persons in several parts of the
world who are poor or know the poor, on reading Chelo's story have commented,
"It could have been written here!
I have told you Chelo's story so that you might understand the events that
have moved us to include in this book ideas and methods that might be called
'political'.
What I have tried to say here has been said even better by a group of
peasant school boys from Barbiana, Italy. These boys were flunked out of
public school and were helped, by a remarkable priest, to learn how to
teach each other.*
The Italian peasant boys write:
Whoever is fond of the comfortable and the fortunate stays out of politics.
He does not want anything to change.
But these school boys also realize that:
I
> 1
■
j
To get to know the children of the poor and to love
politics are one and the same thing. You cannot love
human beings who were marked by unjust laws and not
work for other laws.
I
* Letter to a Teacher, by the school boys of Serbians. For more ideas of these school boys, see p. 16-16.
♦
f
r
FIFTIETH WORLD HEALTH ASSEMBLY
Agenda item 17.1
WHA50.27
13 May 1997
Strengthening health systems ;
in developing countries
The Fiftieth World Health Assembly,
Mindful of the principles of, and obvious need fcr, technical cooperation among developing countries
(TCDC) and of the interest shown by the Health Assembly by virtue of its resolutions WHA31.41, WH A31.51,
WHA32.27, WHA35.24, WHA36.3<t. WHA37.15, WHA37.16, WHA38.23, WHA39.23,| WHA40.17 and
WHA40.3Q, in strengthening this type of cooperation with a view to improving the health situation in the
developing countries;
Reaffirming resolutions WHA42.37, WHA43.9, and WHA46.17 with regard to the importance of technical
cooperation among developing countries ss a fundamental element of health development;
Recognizing the equality of all people and the need to promote sustained economic and social
development as a means of eradicating poverty and reducing the increasing numbers of mar zinnlized people:
Underlining the purposes and principles of rhe United Nations, as set out in the United Nations Charter,
including the sovereign equality of States, and die purposes of developing friendly relations among nations based
on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of people;
Expressing particular concern for the health of people living under exceptional concjitions, especially
during natural disasters cr azru-d c-afhwi and under foreign occupation;
Noting with satisfaction the decisions taken by the non-aligned and other developing countries concerning
the adoption of principles related to health development of their people and particularly thos : related io health
sector reform as is currently under way in many countries;
Welcoming in this regard the recommendations made at the Technical Consultation Meeting on Health
Sector Reform, held in Cartagena, Colombia on 19-21 February 1997;
Proclaiming that health sector reforms should facilitate the provision of health care to meet human needs, I
and that these must be governed by respect for human dignity, equity, solidarity and ethics;!
*
Recognizing that health sector reforms, while intended co rectify failures of the hea|lh system, car. be
adversely affected by forces and conJtrairits outside the puiview of the health sector, such as High indebtedness,
fiscal stringencies, structural adjustments and undue restrictions;
j
WHA50.27
Recognizing the importance of TCDC as an effective vehicle for health development and realizing that
cooperation among the non-aligned and other developing countries is not an option, but an imperative, and that
only the nurturing of a spirit of collective self-reliance and adoption of joint strategies will allow effective
implementation of people-centred socioeconomic development,
I.
WELCOMES the continuing political commitment of the non-aligned and other developing countries to
facilitating the enjoyment of good health by all their people without hindrance, and to providing access to proper
health care for all;
REMFNDS Member States that everyone has the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard
2.
of social ’A'e’l-bcii|g and physical and mental health;
3.
CALLS UP DN Member States:
(1) to promote the improvement of the health conditions of their people by strengthenin^Tffe health
sector withi i the context of comprehensive and sustained economic and social development;
(2) to identify appropriate policies and programmes for the promotion of health for all in accordance
with the spt cific needs of each country;
(3) to strengthen the advocacy and negotiating capabilities of the health sector in order to ensure greater
resources for health development;
(4) to strengthen the leadership ide of ministries of health in reducing inequity, performing regulatory
functions, monitoring health financing mechar.isms, reallocating financial and human resources and
coordinatin ’ internal and external cooperation for health in order to prevent fragmentation and dysfunction
of health piogrammes;
(5)
to fo: ter the reorientation of human resources in the light of the needs of each health care system;
(6) to support activities oriented towards harmonizing the multiple actors - public and private - to make
them consi stent with national health policies;
i
to accord the highest priority to health development;
i
(8) to fo >ter the identification of critical factois impeding health development and the systematization,
documentation and dissemination of experiences with health sector reforms within an international
network ol cooperation;
(7)
!
)
(9) to promote and support TCDC actions, activities and programmes for reforms in the health sector
among Member countries and their institutions;
4.
CALLS U ■’ON the developed countries:
(1) to facilitate the transfer of materials, equipment, technology and resources to developing countries
for health levelopment programmes that correspond to the priority needs of those countries, and further
to support the application of the principles of TCDC;
(2) to provide WHO with the necessary financial resources to implement agreed priority programmes
which support effectively the efforts of developing countries in accelerating the attainment of health for
all through primary health care;
2
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WHA50.27
5.
REQUESTS the international and multilateral insti tutions and agencies:
G) to provide, within the,r mandate, greater support and resources to facilitate health
in developing countries that
sector reforms
IS designed to achieve equity in access to health care
for th sir populations,
(2) to identify obstacles to health for al:
a
all and to support and uphold the self-reliance of th,
esc countries
in charting their own path to health and human de
------ - -evelopment;
(3) jo
t implement
• •
the relevant conclusions of the summits and conferences of organizations of the
United Nations syst<
„ .tern that address health problems and make recommendations in thiJ Held;
6.
REQUESTS the Director-General:
( )
o provide full support to all countries, especially the non-aligned and other developing
j countries,
r-------the
M/utaiul
to pursue their own health sector reform efforts, and to i...
improve
quality of health for all their people,
with the firm understanding that such efforts should respond to the specific needs
of eacF
-----—J country, arrrKn
seek extrabudgetary resourcesin addition to the regular budget resources already assigned for such efforts;
(2) to provide an analytical capability to distil th; different experiences of health sec or reform based
on firm evidence;
(3) to promote and support countries, especially in the context of TCDC, in the area of health sector
reform by establishing a network of relevant institutions to identify critical factors mpcding health
development and the systematization, documentation, and dissemination of healti sector reform
approaches and to enable countries to exchange experiences on a continuing basis;
(4) to ensure that activities supporting health sector reform are closely linked tc those aimed at
renewing the health-for-all strategy;
(5) to promote measures for joint action, in agreement with the United Nations ard other relevant
international agencies, in order to accelerate health development in the developing, and e< pecially the least
developed countries;
(6)
to report on the progress achieved to the Fifiy-first World Health Assembly.
Ninth plenary meeting, 13 May 1997
A50/VR/9
f
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Personnel Decisions International: What Makes a Good Boss? Americans Say It's
Communication and Interpersonal Relationship Skills.
Author/s:
Issue: Oct 12, 1999
MINNEAPOLIS, Oct. 12 /PRNewswire/ -- Organizations judge bosses primarily by their
ability to deliver financial results. Employees, however, use a different measuring stick.
More than one-third (37 percent) of people surveyed identified "communication skills or
interpersonal relationship skills" as most important in a good boss, according to a national
survey commissioned by Personnel Decisions International (PDI), a global management and
human resources consulting firm.
The next most popular response was a boss' ability to understand employees' needs and
help them develop their skills (19 percent), and 18 percent said a boss’ ability to make good
day-to-day decisions is what counts most. Forty-two percent said "poor communication
skills or interpersonal relationship skills" is what makes their bosses least effective.
"If a manager doesn't have these skills, he or she won't be able to lead effectively and will
eventually be unable to deliver results," said Gordy Curphy, vice president and general
manager for the Denver office of PDI. "High turnover, low employee morale and lack of trust
within the organization often stem from management's inability to communicate and relate
well with employees. Those are big concerns in a tight labor market."
How can bosses improve?
Improving communication or interpersonal relationship skills is trickier than it might appear.
"These behaviors are built up over many years, so most bosses see these skills as a given,
and they believe they're already good at them," says Curphy. "It requires some type of
intervention -- through a performance appraisal, an outside expert or a 360-degree
performance feedback tool in which peers, subordinates and supervisors provide feedback
http://www.findarticles.com/cf_dls/m4PR.../article.jhtml?term=interpersonal-Frelationship-Fski 11 3 12/03
What Makes a Good Boss? Americans Say It's Communication and Interpersonal RelationPage 2 of2
performance feedback tool in which peers, subordinates and supervisors provide feedback
to help them see how they stack up."
But the message alone won't change the behavior. Bosses need an action plan and a
supervisor who will hold their feet to the fire. "Ready-made, one-day communication
seminars don't produce long-term results," said Curphy. "Executive coaching needs to be a
part of the solution, and you need to build a good on-the-job action plan for improvement,
with the boss' supervisor checking in and providing ongoing feedback."
How to identify and prevent the problem
Upper management plays a key role in identifying a boss who has poor communication or
interpersonal relationship skills. "If upper management is doing its job, it should be
obvious," said Curphy. "They'll see the signs in areas such as turnover and low morale. The
boss' boss needs to have his or her fingers on the pulse of the organization and take action
when necessary. Employees may not feel comfortable addressing the issue with their boss."
An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. Organizations should not only look for, but
also test for, these skills when hiring managers. "People can be very smooth and polished in
an interview and later exhibit poor interpersonal skills or dark-side personality traits," said
Curphy. "A management assessment is a good indicator of one's true behavior."
continued ...
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Continued from page 1
Management, however, is too often reluctant to include assessment in the hiring process.
"Organizations are often focused on getting bodies in the door quickly, especially in a tight
labor market," said Curphy. "But taking the time to conduct a more rigorous assessment of
skills when hiring can save the organization months of trying to fix a problem later."
You think you have a bad boss on your hands?
Hopefully you're lucky enough to work for a good boss, but if not, keep in mind it could be
worse: 33 percent of people surveyed identified Ebeneezer Scrooge from Charles Dickens' A
Christmas Carol as the boss they would like least to work for.
Other bosses who would most likely cause employees to start mailing out their resumes
include Rebecca Howe (Kirstie Alley) from the television show "Cheers" (11 percent),
Amanda Woodward (Heather Locklear) from the television show "Melrose Place" (10.4
percent), and Franklin Hart (Dabney Coleman), the boss from the movie "9 to 5" (10.2
percent).
Founded in 1967, Personnel Decisions International (PDI) is a global consulting firm based
in organizational psychology that specializes in assessment-based selection and
development of managers and organizations. Headquartered in Minneapolis, it serves clients
worldwide with domestic operating offices in Atlanta, Austin, Boston, Chicago, Dallas,
Denver, Detroit, Houston, Minneapolis/St. Paul, New York, San Francisco and Washington,
D.C., arid international offices in Brussels, Geneva, Hong Kong, London, Paris, Royal
Leamington Spa (UK), Singapore, Stockholm and Tokyo. Visit PDTs Web site at
http://www.personneldecisions.com
COPYRIGHT 1999 PR Newswire Association, Inc.
COPYRIGHT 2000 Gale Group
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Co rv\
COMllUNICz^TION FOxR VOLUNTARY ORGANISATION
Temple Bay, Mahabalipuram
Sept. 1
4, 1988
FORMATION OF A FORUM: CONCERNS AND CONSIDERATIONS
Dr L S Gandhi Doss
Reader in Social Work
Bangalore University.
This.brief paper attempts to present certain aspects that
requires attention while creating a Forum of a more
’’Communicative Voluntary Organisations” - It is, essential
to state some basic assumptions underlying in such exercise.
In the era of ever exploding communication technology,
voluntary organisations, particularly, working in the
development arena appear to feel that they live in a world
of isolation, especially neglected by the media world.
Todays society being greatly influenced and manipulated
by the media. The media either controls or regulates
the flow of message to people. Therefore the dictum came
to stay "Media is Message”.
Therefore, ffor people working at the grassroot level. the
question in relation to media seem to be
a) Whether the present media reflects the
true picture of the large section of
population of the society
or
b) Do NGO seek a greater participation in
the media
c) Can people and media be organised for their
common participation, or else
d) What are we looking for?
The purpose of NGOs looking towards the media aspect arises
out of a conviction that support from media would greatly
enhance the development process and their'cause oriented
action. NGOs must be conscious of the fact that media can
never be a substitute to the direct work with people.
Drawing inspirations from various action movements, let me
state certain concerns for consideration before we go to
create a 'Forum'.
*
2
In order to exploit the media what is necessary is
identification of probiem/issues and some vision towards
the.direction this aimed at. We have to create a powerful
belief system in anything we work with.
Very often NGO may agree to a particular belief system
but disagree on the 'content'. Normally, there is basic
agreement in relation to concept but disagreement exist
over strategy, tactics, tselection
"
of proper agents of
social change and immediate goal,,
The more we are conscious
to this problem, the better is our work.
Any curious communicator would ask, <as toz what is happening
at the moment between NGOs and media.. One has to review
the existing relationship or use of media between NGOs viza
viz media inorder to define a new relationship in the context
of Socio Economic political process
NGOs in development work normally, hesitant to be in the
midst of media attention.
Most of the coverages were either informative or documentary
in nature and therefore insufficient to enthuse the reader
or viewer for any support.
The distinction between using media- to find a place in the
news and to use the media to further your cause must be
understood.
The Networks We must be clear in our work that the mass
media may be a source of information but they are not a key
source of influence.
______ Indirect evidence attesting to the
essential role of communications network is found in diffusion
theory, which emphasise the importance of personal interaction
rather than impersonal media communication in the spread of
the idea. In other words, any information desimination must
be followed by some followup work. It was found in various
movements that mass communication alone is probably
insufficient without a network of communication specifically
linking those interested in the matter. If an action or
development or a movement is to grow rapidly it can't rely
upon its own network of communication but must capitalise
on networks already in existence.
To sustain any effort one must have linkages of people who
matter in thework.
It was found 'People act in terms of
past experience in knowledge'. People who have had similar
perception of a situation and to mutually reinforce those
perceptions and subsequent interpretations. Hence, in this
type of co-optable network whose members have had common
experience, predisposes their receptiveness to action. How
ever such network must exert less control over the co-optable
members.
Action movements do not occur. It must be organised. So
also, to have rightful place in the media both people and
voluntary agencies must be organised. NGOs must only enable
people to articulate or to find their rightful place in the
medium most suitable and conducive to them. It must be noted
that voluntary organisation must create a work culture or
organisational culture to withstand the various time tested
3
strategies of the media worldo
All communications is always to keep the process of work
alive to the needed situation, Hence NGOs must work towards
time targetai approach in order to realise this objective in
the fast changing society, ‘ It is essential to keep in our
mind that "Let us shine by virtues. of“ our work than by media
attention".
An Introduction to Group Media
Today we are living in an information age. People are
constantly exposed to thousands of information every day
through Radio, Cinema, Newspapers, Television and a
Number of audio visuals means of communication.
This has introduced a ‘new culture1 among the people to be
known as ‘audio visual culture1 making communication
process more sensorial than before.
In order to reach out to people today with the messages of
love, harmony, peace, respect for life and brotherhood, we
need to communicate to them in an audio visual way.
Mass media attract, influence and persuade people very
powerfully and even alter their behaviour.
However, the communication through mass media is one way
and indirect.
There is no direct relationship between the sender and the
receiver during the process of communication.
We read the text in newspapers! We see the images in films
and Television! We hear music, songs and news over the
radio! But we do not see the persons in real during the
process of communication !
There is no interaction between the sender and the receiver.
Nor is there a planned and focused discussion among the
receivers on the message received.
On the contrary, Group media facilitates two way and direct
communication.
Group media are those communication activities where the
process involves a live presentation and experience in which
people directly participate.
Any medium used in a group, be it electronic or non
electronic could be called a group medium.
QA '
^<23
The list of Group media includes even films projected during
a training programme, radio plays which are available on
discs or cassettes analysed in groups, theatre which deals
with life problems and invites the audience to collaborate in
solution seeking, songs which deal with a vision of life and
which stimulate discussion and exchange.
While group media do not reach a large audience, they
guarantee a deeper formation, help illustrate and explain
values with all its consequences, and make possible a free
and conscious decision for change.
Group media are directed to groups.
Group media are not meant for a heterogeneous mass
audience. They are meant for groups. Generally groups
have a limited number of participants so that each individual
can make a personal contribution to the topic.
Group media provokes dialogue
The purpose of communication here is to favor exchange of
ideas and experiences within the group. The main emphasis
lies in the active participation of the members, who are
supposed to develop from passive listeners to active
constructors of their own lives.
Group media tries to give a thorough treatment of the
theme:
On the one hand, the presenter presents the problem. On the
other, the receivers are invited to develop and deepen the
theme in the follow-up discussion.
Group media are inexpensive
We can produce group media with available resources using
our own creativity and imagination. Group media such as
posters, puppets, flash cards, flannelgraphs require very less
expense only.
Group media favor the building up of personality:
Mass media support the massification trend in society which
leads to uniformity of thought, of values and of behaviour,
and inclines the individual to leave the decision to others.
But, group media promotes personality orientation, which
leads to a conscious and responsible role of the individual
and of the individual as a member of community.
Group media productions present a challenge
Group media presents an important discussion topic, a
problem which is in some way vital for the group,
challenging the participants to explore the problems in a
deeper level and to find out solutions.
Group media are usually open ended
Group media presentations offer more scope for analysis and
discussion by the group rather than giving already finalized
solutions to the issues dealt.
Group media are easily put into circulation
Financially and technically group media are within the range
of acquisition by development and health activists and
communities.
Group media are usually short
Group media productions are usually short and allow time for
a follow up discussion. The discussion time itself can be
kept flexible according to the possibilities of the participants.
The facilitator has an important role to play
The facilitator has an important mediator function. His or her
task is to give leadership to the group and to enable the
participants to get the maximum value from the programme.
Today we have a number of group media amidst us for use.
Flashcards
Flannelgraphs
Puppets
Posters
Cailoons
Dramas
Role plays
Black boards
Case studies
Charts
Diagrams
Models
Demonstrations
Simulation games
Audio cassettes
Video cassettes
Folk dance
Recorded radio programmes
Flip charts
Stories
CONFLICT QUESTIONNAIRRE
1.
Soft words win hard hearts
2.
Come now! Let us reason out together!
3.
The words of the strongest has more weight!
4.
You scratch my back! I will scratch your back!
5.
The best way to solve a problem is to avoid them!
6.
If some one hits with a stone, hit him with a piece of cotton!
7.
It is by knowledge and not by numbers we can arrive at a right decision!
8.
If you can not make others do as you think, make them think as you do!
9.
It’s better to have half loaf of bread than having no bread at all!
10.
If some one is ready to quarrel with you, it’s not worth knowing him at all!
11.
Soft words make soft ways!
12.
Dig and dig, the truth may come out!
13.
One who fights and runs away, will run again another day!
14.
Fair exchange brings no quarrel!
15.
There is nothing in this world for which we need to fight for!
16.
Kill your enemy with your soft heart!
17.
Seek till you find, your labor will never go waste!
18.
Might overcomes the right!
19.
Tit for tat is fair to play!
20.
Avoid quarrelsome people! They will make your life miserable!
How to play this exercise?
The participants must be asked to read each statements carefully and apply marks based
on their behaviour.
5 Marks- Typical way of my behaviour in conflicting situation
4 Marks - Frequently
3 Marks- sometimes
2 Marks- Occasionally
1 Mark - Never
Once they finish ranking, the marks have to be written on the following table:
5
3
1
4
2
10
8
6
9
7
15
13
11
14
12
20
18
16
19
17
The participants have to place their marks next to the respective statement number given
above.
The total mark of each column will indicate how strong are they in each of the following
behaviour.
First column: Submissive- inferiority complex
Second column: Superiority complex- aggressive personality
Third column: good in establishing relationships but poor achiever
Fourth column: Assertive personality- good team member- a very healthy personality
Fifth column: Analyser- Assertive- good team member and leader- achiever
The facilitator makes individual analysis based on the scorings.The scoring sheet should
be given separately without comments or instructions.
Magimai pragasam
CfVYVt- I Dqrrg
1 rs'F A1
A
A.
IVIdlll lUCIILILV
roornima n rxamaKnsnna <poornima(d)mahiii.org.>
"ooornima” <poornima@mahiti.org>
Monday, August I"!, 9003 12-37 PM
prcgramfilos.zip
worKsnop on inrormanon Communicaiions Technologies (iCTs) forueveiopmeni in Bangaiore
rrom:
To:
C»<c»rst"
Attach:
auDjeci:
----- Original Message-----rrcm: Poornima N Ramakrishna
To: poornima
Sent: Monday, August 11, 2003 2 02 PM
Subject: Fw:
Dfisr FriA.nd
Onevvona South Msia is conducting a four-day worKsnop on information Communications Tecnnoiogies
(ICTs) for Development in Banoalore from Auqust 18-21, 2003.
We have ouvut 230 partneis in South Asia ano have been conducting training programmes for NGOs on
ouiioing Knowieage management skills ano using rne internet for communications tnrougn email,
discussion forums and websites. The attached sheet dives the programme schedule.
v"vc wuuiu iirsc yuu iw nominate One pci sui i iui i! ic iraii iii iy course that »i luuid rnatci i the following criteria.
- Do reasonably senior in ths organizational hierarchy (proja;
manager or above)
• understand English
* Be reasonably preficien- with computers.
Kindlv fill in the nomination form and send it back to us.
We are charging a nominal amount of Rs 1500 (inoian) as regisiraiion fees for the workshop. We wiii
provide accommodation but the nominee win nave to pay for his/her own travel ana local expenses.
i
Yours sincerely,
sd/(Ni l YA JACOB)
Regional coordinator
OneWorld South Asia
01/22 Safdarjung Development Area
New Delhi-11001G.
Training venue:
iviamti
314/1. 2nd floor. Viiay Kiran Building.
7th cross Domlur I ayout Airport Road
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TIMES FOUNDATION
The Times Group is the largest and most professionally managed media conglomerate in India.
Starting with its flagship publication, The Times of India, 164 years ago, the Group today is a
leader in the publishing business and an emerging leader in the electronic media.
As an associate of Times Foundation opportunities are provided to synergise social
investments and share knowledge with the global majors focussing on India and to integrate
with stakeholders. We work towards effective intervention towards stimulating growth in the
development industry.
Times Foundation invites your organisation to associate and be a part of the platform we
are creating of stakeholders in the development industry for which an association form is
herewith attached.
c/>
c/>
The Times Foundation is looking forward to closely working in the programs of Corporate
Social Responsibility (CSR), Monitoring and evaluation, Capacity building, Grading and
effectiveness analysis and many other focussed programs.
Associates of Times Foundation would benefit:
Access to information on funding initiatives of Times Foundation and funders
Print and Electronic media outreach initiatives
Focussed and effective information dissemination
Online scalable collaborations and resource sharing
Partner initiatives for needs assessment and documentation
Access to publication and reports on a wide range of subjects
Volunteer engagement programs
Showcasing Success Stories
Free and Preferential rates for capacity building initiatives
Collective co initiated fund raising initiatives
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Direct Funding opportunities through timesfoundation.org in turn saving costs for
setting up a payment gateway and enabling receipts of funds online.
Associate services desk is operational to provide information and handle the various aspects of
associations and post association communications. You can send your requests for
information, communications, queries etc to mail: timesfoundation@timesgroup.com or
alternatively the following:
Sunit Bezbaroowa: 011-23302115
Sushmitha Paidi: Oil- 23302552
Angela Devi : 011-23302864
Anuradha Phadke: 022-56354398
Laxmi Parmar: 022 - 5635 4321
Associate Service Desk: 011-23302103/01123302193
Mumbai : The Times of India Bldg., Dr. D. N. Road, Mumbai 400 001, INDIA Tel: (022) 2353535 / 2731793. Fax : (022) 2731787.
New Delhi : 7, Bahadurshah Zafar Marg, New Delhi 110 002, INDIA Tel : (011) 2371 6788 / 2330 2103- Fax : (Oil) 2331 9764.
email: timesfoundation@timesgroup.com URL : http://www.timesfoundation.indiatimes.com
TIMES
FOUNDATION
Associate Organisation Form
Name of the organisation:
Category (Trust, Society, NGO, Other):
(Kindly attach the relevant registration documents.)
Name and contact details of the head of the organisation:
Contact person for communication:
Telephone:
Fax:
Address of the organisation
Brief write-up on the organisation (main objectives, background, areas of expertise,
achievements, future plans).
c/>
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E-mail ID for communication:
(Kindly note that all communication will be primarily on e-mail)
Details ofyour Demand Draft/ Cheque. This would be payable to Times Foundation)
Amount:
DD/ Cheque number :
DD/ Cheque dated :
Bank :
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(Please note that the annual fee is Rs 5,000per organization)
Area(s) where your organisation has expertise in (check only those that are applicable)
Health and sanitation
O Women's welfare
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O Youth welfare
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O Other (please specify)
O Artisans' welfare
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P/eOt
mail the tear-off registration form to:
Director, Training
mcas - murray culshaw advisory services
2nd Floor Vijay Kiran Building
314/1 7th Cross Domlur Layout
serves the voluntary sector in India. We offer training in
public communication and fundraising, undertake research
on issues pertaining to the voluntary sector, publish books
and maintain a database of about 8,000 organisations in
India. For an update on our activities, subscribe to our
monthly e-newsletter, Fundraising India, by emailing us at
training@fundraising-india.org.
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Communication plays a vital role in linking voluntary sector
help voluntary organisations communicate in a simple
initiatives with society. However, most voluntary organisations
manner and build a constituency of support. All courses are
seldom communicate their work. At mcas, we believe that
very practical and are led by mcas faculty with support from
voluntary organisations must communicate with, seek support
experienced voluntary sector and media professionals.
from and be accountable to the general public. Over the past
Each participant will get a bound copy of our comprehensive
bridge this gap.
course material comprising presentations, handouts,
exercises and ^elementary idling material. This will
courses have been designed to
Brochures &
Media
Basics of public
Editing
reports
newsletters
relations
fundraising
skills
23 - 25 April
25 - 27 June
27 - 29 August
15-17 October
3 - 5 December
Produce Annual
Peports that people
will actually read
Produce brochures
and newsletters that
win friends for your
organisation
Learn to use the
media effectively to
support your
fundraising strategy
Establish a public
communications and
fundraising (C & F)
programme
Learn to write and
creative brief and
concepts
production outline
design principles
writing and editing
content
printing options
e-newsletters
ORGANISATION
ADDRESS
serve as a referme manual fonollow-up.
Annual
what your Annual
Report can do
for you
building your
database
content guidelines
organising content
communication
elements
appeals and thank
you letters
financial frameworks
and charts
PLEASE USE BLOCK LETTERS
NAME
three years, our short and long-term workshops have helped
Our 'communicate, fundraise
Please use a separate (photocopied) form for each participant.
The fees include course materials, vegetarian lunch and
refreshments. If you require accommodation, please inform us at
least two weeks in advance, specifying your budget, and we will
do our best. Note: Accommodation is not part of the fees below.
how media works
types of coverage
making friends with
the media
developing a press
kit and release
writing and
distributing your
press releases
planning a media
campaign
organising press
conferences
TV, radio and the
Internet
building a
constituency
importance of C & F
income analysis and
target setting
communication
^^nents
donor relations
methods of C & F
ethical issues
maintaining media
relations
role of your Board
your C & F Plan for
a year
edit effectively
copy editing and
proofreading
developing a style
guide
common problems
in spelling,
grammar and
punctuation
headlines, captions
and vocabulary of
printing
factchecking and
queries
consistency
tight copy
Who should attend: Persons handling communication in their organisation and/ or actively involved in fundraising.
Register by phone 080-535 2003,5115 0580 or email us at training@fundraising-india.org. followed by
confirmation through post with a DD favouring ‘Murray Culshaw Advisory Services,’ payable at Bangalore.
If you wish to cancel your registration, we will retain 20% of the fees.
CITY
PIN
TEL (with code)
EMAIL
Yes, I want to register for the
workshops ticked below
Workshop
Fee (Rs)
Annual reports
1,500
Brochures
& newsletters
1,500
Media relations
1,500
Basics of public
fundraising
1,500
Editing skills
1,500
Total
I enclose a demand draft no.
dated
forpayable
the amount
to of
"Murray Culshaw Advisory Services", Bangalore.
Date and seal
Signature
What readers had to say
about PROFILE 300
“ We found PROFILE 300 very helpWn
making contact with some intereOg
organisations doing good work, which
we do not know about.”
Selected
Voluntary
Organisations
in
2nd Edition 2003
Mr Naidu , Programme Secretary
Capart, Delhi
“It is a very informative book and we hope
that many companies will make use of it
to identify NGOs that they can support in
their good work.”
Jayant Bhuyan, Senior Director
Confederation of Indian Industry, Maharashtra
“On a consultancy assignmq^to
Karnataka for DFID, I needed to make
contact with some rural NGOs . I was able
to do this thanks to the information in
PROFILE 300.”
Dr Mann, Development Consultant
United Kingdom
mcas
encourages public communication
and fundraising for good causes
Size: 18 cm x 24 cm
Pages:361
Just released 1
mcas takes you on a guided tour
of tho Indian voluntary sector.
I
ORDER YOUR COPY NOW!
PROFILE 500, the follow-up edition to
PROFILE 300, presents comprehensive
profiles of selected Indian voluntary
organisations working on a wide range of
social and development programmes.
Name
The main categories featured include:
Designation
Please complete this form in BLOCK LETTERS
Organisation
Rural Development and Support
Arts and Culture
□ Children
"
Education
Ecology and Environment
Health and Disability
Special Communities
Women
Support Services
Address
Pincode
Country
Tel
email
Yes, I wish to order PROFILE 500
PROFILE 500 is an invaluable resource for
staff in voluntary organisations, corporates,
mediapersons, students and all those who
would like to access, find out more about and
support the vibrant Indian voluntary sector.
Price
Rs 425
Quantity
Rs
Postage and Packing
Rs
(Rs 50 + Rs 25 per additional copy)
Total
The people behind PROFILE 500
Payment Details
mcas - murray culshaw advisory service^^
WFclose a cheque/ DD No.
is a Bangalore-based organisation that
provides support to the voluntary sector in
the areas of public communication and
fundraising.
Compiled by: The mcas research team
Published by: Centre for Advancement of
Philanthropy, Mumbai
Supported by: Ford Foundation, New Delhi
Rs
dated
for Rs
payable to “Murray Culshaw Advisory Services", Bangalore.
I
I
ki
i
Please mail the completed order form to:
Research Team
mcas ■ murray culshaw advisory services
2nd Floor Vijay Kiran Building
314/1 7th Cross Domlur Layout
Bangalore 560 071
Or email it to research@fundraising-india.org
(Please note that in case of orders sent by email, the book will be couriered
only after receipt of the cheque/ DD)
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